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Create a digital exhibit of short story: A Neat line exhibit is a single-page website organized around a map or occasionally an image.

Create a digital exhibit of short story: A Neat line exhibit is a single-page website organized around a map or occasionally an image.

  • an exact location given in the narrative (800 words)
  • annotated bibliography (200-300 words)
  • 3 “points of interest location (600-700 words).” Each point of interest should be marked by relevant quotations from the text, including page numbers for reference. A point of interest could include (but is not limited to):
  • pictures of an exact or approximate location
  • pictures of characters, places, or objects mentioned in the text at that exact or approximate location

The main project’s “Narrative” include a substantial discussion of the story, and include the following text sections (1000 words):

  1. Introduction: A summary of Chaper 1 A SCANDAL IN BOHEMIA and of your mapping (what spaces or itineraries you’re mapping; which character(s) you’re following; what your most important conclusions are). (100 words)
  2. Space in the story: This section discusses space From Chaper 1 A SCANDAL IN BOHEMIA (on a nineteenth-century map or an interactive map): how does Doyle create the setting of your story? Through what kinds of geography – physical? Urban? Social? Through what stylistic strategies and choices? What sensory or other details establish the spaces through which characters move? How does space shape the story? Please cite at least 3 scholarly articles on your particular Sherlock Holmes story in this section. (700 words)
  3. Annotated bibliography: 3 scholarly articles (that is, from scholarly journals or printed books by scholarly presses) relevant to your particular approach to a Sherlock Holmes story (with a 200-300 word summary of points relevant to your project; these may be in point form). Please note this article doesn’t need to be about that particular story; it can be about aspects of life in Victorian England.

 

Example of introduction and space section (of different chapter so different location don’t copy):

Introduction

Arthur Conan Doyle first published The Adventure of the Noble Bachelor in the Strand, in April 1892.  The story is a missing-person case.  Lord St. Simon’s newly-wedded bride, Miss Hatty Doran, is married to Lord St. Simon in church, but she leaves her new bridegroom and wedding guests during the wedding breakfast and disappears.  Lord St. Simon asks Sherlock Holmes to trace the missing bride.

This exhibit’s mission is the same:  it works its way through the story to reconstruct Hatty Doran’s trajectory, from her early years in the United States to her final appearance in 221B’s parlour.

Space in the Story

In “The Adventure of the Noble Bachelor,” the narrator and point-of-view character, Dr. Watson, never leaves the cozy apartment in Baker Street:  he experiences the narrative through the eyes of visitors and of Sherlock Holmes himself.  Yet the story creates three different spaces, each corresponding to its own social world and culture:  first, Baker Street itself, the apartment, in which characters of all social classes meet with Sherlock Holmes and Dr. Watson; second, the church of St. George in Hanover Square, a wealthy neighborhood, in which the wedding ceremony is held—a church that corresponds to the wealthy, upper-class world of Lord St. Simon and English high society; and third, the mining camp in Colorado, where Hattie Doran grows up—the camp that corresponds to the American working-class world of Hattie Doran and her first husband.

This exhibit focuses on the two contrasting social spaces:  that of the English upper class and that of the Colorado mining camp.  The marriage between Hattie Doran and Lord St. Simon temporarily connects these contrasting social spaces.  But that brief marriage is doomed from the start: Hattie Doran recognizes her long-lost mining-camp husband just before speaking her marriage vows, and leaves Lord St. Simon for her true love.  My exhibit argues that “The Adventure of the Noble Bachelor” persistently highlights, in spatial terms, the mismatch in the Lord St. Simon marriage.  First, the story highlights the gap between Lord St Simon and Hattie Doran’s social spaces through names, idioms, and geographical details associated with each of their social spaces.  Second, the story uses spatial metaphors to depict the marriage as a territorial infringement, from both sides.  The St. Simon marriage is doomed from before it begins, and the story underscores this doom through spaces both real and metaphorical.

  1. Social Spaces
  1. English upper class
  • Lord St. Simon’s family tree delineates his social space:  nobility indicated by titles (“Lord Robert Walsingham de Vere St. Simon, second son of the Duke of Balmoral.”); by heraldic arms (“Arms: Azure, three caltrops in chief over a fess sable”); by political power (St Simon “was Under-Secretary for the colonies in a late administration” and “[t]he Duke, his father, was at one time Secretary for Foreign Affairs”); and, finally, by his family’s descent from English royal houses (“They inherit Plantagenet blood by direct descent, and Tudor on the distaff side”).
  • Enumeration of names and nobility titles of wedding attendees in St. George’s, Hanover Square:  “The ceremony, which was performed at St. George’s, Hanover Square, was a very quiet one, no one being present save the father of the bride, Mr. Aloysius Doran, the Duchess of Balmoral, Lord Backwater, Lord Eustace, and Lady Clara St. Simon (the younger brother and sister of the bridegroom), and Lady Alicia Whittington.”
  • Policing of the Lancaster Gate house against Lord St Simon’s former girlfriend, by personal servants and by plainclothes police
  1. Mining camp
  • St. Simon describes Hattie’s early world in spatial terms—through nature imagery, evoking the geography of the mining camp, and through movement, evoking her own freedom and informal upbringing in the mining camp:

“ “You see, Mr. Holmes,” said he, “my wife was twenty before her father became a rich man. During that time she ran free in a mining camp and wandered through woods or mountains, so that her education has come from Nature rather than from the schoolmaster. She is what we call in England a tomboy, with a strong nature, wild and free, unfettered by any sort of traditions. She is impetuous–volcanic, I was about to say. She is swift in making up her mind and fearless in carrying out her resolutions.”

  • Hattie’s movement, swiftness, and energy stand in contrast to the rigid world evoked by the many layers of servants whose job, in Lancaster Gate, appears to be to restrict and report on people’s movements, especially women’s
  • Hattie describes herself and Frank’s early life and marriage:

“Then I’ll tell our story right away,” said the lady. “Frank here and I met in ’84, in McQuire’s camp, near the Rockies, where pa was working a claim. We were engaged to each other, Frank and I; but then one day father struck a rich pocket and made a pile, while poor Frank here had a claim that petered out and came to nothing. The richer pa grew the poorer was Frank; so at last pa wouldn’t hear of our engagement lasting any longer, and he took me away to ‘Frisco. Frank wouldn’t throw up his hand, though; so he followed me there, and he saw me without pa knowing anything about it. It would only have made him mad to know, so we just fixed it all up for ourselves. Frank said that he would go and make his pile, too, and never come back to claim me until he had as much as pa. So then I promised to wait for him to the end of time and pledged myself not to marry anyone else while he lived. ‘Why shouldn’t we be married right away, then,’ said he, ‘and then I will feel sure of you; and I won’t claim to be your husband until I come back?’ Well, we talked it over, and he had fixed it all up so nicely, with a clergyman all ready in waiting, that we just did it right there; and then Frank went off to seek his fortune, and I went back to pa.

  • Hattie’s description is marked by informal language, words that are colloquialisms or Americanisms, or both, etymologically connected with mining.  These words further anchor her very specifically in a space that is both geographical (U.S.) and social (the mining community).
  • “pa” (OED:  colloquial)
  • “petered out” (OED:  peter, v.2.1. US mining slang);
  • “make his pile” (OED:  pile, n.I.1.f, “Originally U.S. A large amount money; a fortune”);
  • “fixed it all up so nicely” (OED:  fix up, v.I.14.b., “(chiefly U.S. colloquial): To arrange, get ready, put in order; to put to rights, make tidy, ‘rig up’; spec. to prepare (food or drink). Also with off, over, and up and const. for (doing something).”)
  1.  Marriage as territorial infringement

The story uses spatial metaphors to depict the marriage as a territorial infringement, from both sides, in terms characteristic of both of the contrasting social worlds.

  1. English upper class:  The English paper describing Hattie Doran and Lord St Simon’s wedding describes marriages of American women to English nobility as “prizes borne away.”  This is a metaphor from nautical warfare referring to ships captured by the enemy. The warfare metaphor invokes the public world of politics and of nationally significant events—that is, Lord St Simon’s social sphere.
  2. Mining camp:  Hattie Doran describes her marriage with the slang expression “claim-jumping” – an expression from her own world of mining, as Holmes notes:  “in miners’ parlance [claim-jumping] means taking possession of that which another person has a prior claim to.”  The mining metaphor invokes the mining world of Hattie Doran and Frank Moulton’s early youth.  Both expressions cast the Doran-St. Simon marriage as a kind of territorial infringement—an aggression in spatial and economic terms.
    • End of an example (Narrative)

Also Your map exhibit must include 3 POI (200*3  = total 600 words):

  • 3 “points of interest. (location)” Each point of interest should be marked by relevant quotations from the text, including page numbers for reference. A point of interest include (but is not limited to):
    • an exact location given in the narrative
    • pictures of an exact or approximate location
    • pictures of characters, places, or objects mentioned in the text at that exact or approximate location
  • 1 POI’s should include a 200-300 words blurb each + add pictures, explaining the significance of this point and of its associated artifact
  • At least one line following the movements of a character, also accompanied by a blurb
  • While not every POI/line/area requires an image, be sure to include at least three historically interesting images, audio files, videos, or other multimedia resource relevant to an exact or approximate location or a particular portion of text
    • images, audio files, etc. should be from GLAM (gallery, library, archive, museum) repositories or printed scholarly sources; these sources should be properly documented in Item metadata.

Example of a Point of interest of different chapter so different location don’t copy (below)

How do the virtual environments map memory, interrupts, process, assign CPU Resources, etc to those on the host OS?

Complete a short paper (9-10 pages, with appropriate references) on Virtual Machine Environments. Some operating systems can run other operating systems as guests or as “virtual machines”. Examples include Solaris Zones and IBM mainframe LPARs on large systems and VMWare, Hyper-V, WINE and Lindows on smaller systems. How is this accomplished? How do the virtual environments map memory, interrupts, process, assign CPU Resources, etc to those on the host OS? How do guest instructions get translated from the guest to the host? How do Raw Device Mappings, virtual memory (paging) work from host to guest?

Please focus the paper on VMWare ESX / ESXi, VMWare Workstation and Hyper-V.

Explain about the literary approach and specify what criteria you plan to use to analyze, evaluate, and interpret the text.

English 126: Research Paper

For this assignment you must research and write an original paper on a topic which relates to some area within the broad category of “The Humanities.”  Specific disciplines can include aspects of music, art, religion, language, philosophy, dance, photography, etc. in addition to the aspects of literature which make up the bulk of our classroom study and discussion.  You must receive a passing grade on this assignment to pass the class.

Essentially, your approach should be that of a critic.  Your paper should have the underlying purpose of providing some analysis, interpretation, and/or evaluation of the particular area you choose to research.  In other words, you should not merely report trends, standards, principles, perspectives, etc. which are or have been at the cutting edge of your topic.  Your discussion should add to the current discussion.

In your paper you need to base your criticism from the perspective of one or more of the schools of literary theories discussed in class handouts or our text, Literature: A Portable Anthology, edited by Janet E. Gardner, et al.  In your paper you need to provide some background or explanation of the particular criteria used by the theoretical school.  Then the bulk of your paper should be a discussion of how you see those criteria applied to the text to produce meaning, value, insight, etc.  (You may wish to explain how the criteria reveal the lack of these as well.)  For example, you could use principles of historical criticism to analyze how Alice in Wonderland by Lewis Carroll can be understood as an allegory of the historical political situation in England at that time, or you could use formalist (New) criticism or Mythological Criticism to examine the character of Luke Skywalker in The Last Jedi as a classic messianic hero who struggles with his own humanity.

Many texts offer commentary on social issues which may be contemporary and current both to the time of the text creation as well as our contemporary social situations.  However, the focus of your discussion should be on the text itself rather than the social, political, and/or cultural issues addressed in the text.  In other words, if the text deals with such issues as PTSD, rape culture, economic inequality, psychopathic disorders, family values, etc., the focus of your analysis should be on the actual text and its expression of such social concerns (positive or negative) rather than an investigation into the actual issue.  Thus, reliance on media reports and social behavior studies should be include at most to provide background information.  For example, a literary analysis on the TV series Breaking Bad should not stray into social issues related to the social ramifications of drug use in the USA.  Instead, it should focus on the actual content of the TV series as the “text” being analyzed.  Contemporary issues of illegal drug use should be limited to historical context only.

A paper which merely reports information gathered from a combination of different sources will receive a grade no higher than a “C.”  To receive a grade higher than a “C,” you must provide evidence of original thought and critical thinking.  This means you must explain some application, source, motivation, relative strengths or weaknesses, etc. of the material you are presenting.  Help your audience understand why the content is valuable to them.

We can use the field of literature as a model for any topic you choose.  In the field of literature, potential topics are in our textbook in the introduction and at the beginning of each genre selection.  Within the realm of literature, you may choose a literary style, particular schools of thought, a specific writer, writers of a common era, particular aspects which are treated similarly or differently, common themes, etc.  If you wish to focus on a single writer, you may use any writer whose work you feel has been recognized as making a significant contribution in the humanities field.  If you wish to focus on a single writer, make sure your paper is an analysis of the writer’s work and not just of his or her life.  A biographical research report would be done in a history class.

In your paper you must cite at least four credible sources other than our course texts (you are not required to use any course materials).  One of these outside sources must be related to one or more of the schools of literary theory (even if it is only a portion of a particular text).  Please be wise and responsible in your choice of sources.  You must include a primary source as the central focus of your paper.  For example, if you wish to provide a critical analysis of the symbols used in Grant Woods’ painting American Gothic, you would need use a copy of the painting itself as one of the sources (and insert a copy into the paper) rather than just researching what other people have said about it (secondary sources). If you thought this was an image of a farmer and his wife, but your research revealed it to be a farmer and his daughter, you would need to cite the source of the information about the woman being the daughter;  then you could provide your own understanding and analysis to expand upon that.   Likewise, if you wish to do a feminist critique of the TV show Brats, you would need to do your own analysis of specific episodes rather than providing a general commentary based only on what other critics have noted.  Again, you could use content from other sources, but the analysis should come from what you personally observe from the episodes.  Dictionaries and encyclopedias provide general understanding of details or meaning, but they should not serve as your major sources.  Also, the Internet is a convenient source of information, but many Internet sources lack credibility.  Sites like the Wikipedia, IMDb (Internet Movie Database), or such information sites may serve for general information or to seek more credible sources (follow up on their sources!).  Typically, such information or content would not need to be cited.  In other words, don’t go to some site listing a series of quotes by famous people.  You should go to the original source to use the “quote” in its context.  Newspapers and magazines like The New York Times, Time, and People also tend to publish “news” which has not been thoroughly researched.  Academic research on contemporary writers or productions of their works should not depend solely on such “news” sources.  However, they can be valuable for gaining an awareness of social comment or general background.   Some such article content is based on in-depth research and analysis, which would be acceptable.  You need to evaluate the validity of your sources.

You can assume your audience is intelligent and familiar with academic standards; thus, your paper should conform to accepted conventions of writing.  The paper should be approximately five to nine pages in length and it should be typed double-spaced.  Please follow the guidelines for academic writing as discussed in class.  Make sure that you use the MLA method to document your research.  Consult The Little Seagull or Gator handbook or a similar textbook for the proper documentation techniques and format.  Be cautious in using online tools to formulate your works cited page, as the format does not always correctly “paste” into the finished paper.

As mentioned previously, quotes or summaries of source material should be limited to essential points you use to support your views.  In your paper, you should focus your discussion on your analysis and understanding.  Your sources should provide evidence to support or stimulate your ideas, but the analysis and evaluation should come from you.  Do not let the sources or quotes do all the talking.  You need to contribute to the discussion.

 

English 126, Research Paper.

 

  1. Introduction: The paper should begin with an introduction that does the following:
  • Provide background about the topic to be discussed.
  • Set the stage for a discussion of some text or group of texts using a particular literary approach (such as feminist criticism, formalist criticism, mythological criticism, etc.)
  • Indicate that a particular theme or message emerges from the text or group of texts when the approach is used.
  • Present a thesis to indicate that you have some “my point” to make about that theme or message expressed in this way.

 

  1. Body Paragraphs. In order to confirm that the text or group of texts does express a particular theme, do the following in the body paragraphs:
  • Explain about the literary approach and specify what criteria you plan to use to analyze, evaluate, and interpret the text. This can include aspects such as
    • Explain the kinds of questions such a critic might ask and what kinds of answers would be praised or condemned by such a critic;
    • Explain the kinds of assumptions such a critic will have in approaching the text;
    • Explain how aspects of truth, beauty, and fairness are presented, balanced; etc.
  • Use examples from the text or texts and view them from the perspective of the criteria identified previously. Explanation should include answers to both questions:
    • What does the example mean?
    • What is significant about that meaning?
  • Cite each example to identify the source it came from, using both in-text citations and a works cited page.
    • Use at least four credible sources not among course materials
    • At least one “primary” source should be included (the actual “text” itself)
    • Reference to course materials is optional in addition to the four outside sources
    • At least one outside source must be used to explain the type of criticism itself.

 

III. Conclusion.  Provide closure to the document.

  • Sum up the content by reviewing the content, repeating the key ideas, and/or restating the thesis point (optional). (R’s “Я” Us)
  • Identify the value of the content as it applies to the lives of contemporary readers; in other words, explain why they should be aware of the information you have discussed.
  1. Analyze, Evaluate, and/or Interpret to offer a conclusion, and/or
  2. Discuss consequences by forecasting, predicting, and/or warning, and/or,
  3. Issue a call to action through advice, suggestion, and/or solution.

 

  1. Source List
  • Provide an MLA style “Works Cited” list of all the sources referenced.
  1. The list should be alphabetized.
  2. The indentation should follow the “reverse” format for the MLA.
  3. The entire page should be double-spaced (no extra space between entries).
  • At least one “primary” source should be included. (In other words, if the topic is a particular film, book, CD, etc, then direct references to the text details should be included.)

Explain and justify methods used to identify the target market for the proposed business.

M1 Explain and justify methods used to identify the target market for the proposed business.

Within this assignment, I will be explaining the different methods I will apply in order to identify the target market for my proposed business.

To find out my target market I will use primary research as well as secondary research, as I feel both will provide me with accurate, detailed and reliable information as they both have their own individual benefits along with their own drawbacks. By using both, though, I will be able to eliminate both the drawbacks and have access to reliable information and data that can help me determine my target market properly. I chose to use 1 primary research tool, a questionnaire, together with 1 secondary internet research process.

I will first create a questionnaire and give it to people as it is an easy and efficient process as well as unique to my business needs. Therefore, the benefits of using a questionnaire are that people are familiar with the format, it is easy to understand and clearly laid out. The data I receive is going to be new and up-to-date, because I know where it comes from. It allows a vast amount of information to be obtained in a short amount of time from a large number of people. For comparison and evaluation, the results of the questionnaire can be easily converted into graphs and charts. None of my rivals, as I do myself, will be able to steal or clone this data and it will be unique to my company needs to ensure exclusivity.

Nonetheless, questionnaires also have drawbacks. We lack credibility as anyone with random answers can answer the questions just to complete the questionnaire meaning there is no way to tell how accurate their answers are. Others claim it’s ineffective because there are different response types including long answers, multiple choices, etc. It could become expensive to produce the questionnaires and waste a lot of money to produce the resources and equipment and materials as I want it to be accurate, which means I’ll have to start from scratch. Questionnaires are a good research tool for my company as I can apply the questions to my business needs as well as choose who will answer my questionnaire.

The second type of research I’m going to do is research on the internet that helps me identify my target market. This is because it helps me to receive at once a large sample of data that increases the amount of statistics I have. Therefore, data is automatically entered into the database, no data entry errors occur. This is a more inclusive sample-based study rather than a conventional old-based research that is great for my proposed company because all the rivals in the resturant industry will have already done research and this would have been published on the internet, so this is not going to be difficult to find and there should be no shortage of information on the internet. Internet research is a cheap way to gather information because you don’t need to supply any materials or facilities as the study has already been collected.

On the other hand, sometimes you might rush through this research that might mean you don’t read something properly, and this may result in collecting inaccurate research that is wrong and invalid to my research that won’t be useful. A huge percentage of internet information is also unreliable and can be very unpredictable because people with no experience can publish information on the internet that has no basis of validity, which is why I will be extremely careful when browsing through the internet and carefully looking for websites and sources that have a clear connection.

There are some kinds of research that I would not engage in, such as interviews. This is because the interview costs can be quite high, because people’s workers are expected to perform the interviews. Now a day’s interviews in a paper form are old-fashioned, and none of them are willing to answer because they are usually done on iPads or tablets that cost too much cash. Also, the quality of the data that I will receive will often depend on the interviewee’s ability as some people have natural ability to conduct an interview, but some people may be shy and other data may not be good. It’s normal for most people that they’re not naturally good at conducting interviews, which is why I’m not going to use interviews to define my company target market. The sample size in an interview is limited because for a long period of time some people may not be willing to answer questions. However, if the interview is recorded on paper, the collected data will need to be entered manually and scanned into a device, however data entry that cost a significant amount of money because iPads or tablets etc. may need to be needed.

Additionally, a focus group is a good research method however, it is not suitable for me to identify the target market for my proposed business. This is because they can be moderately bias because people may intentionally put their personal opinions into the other participant’s exchange of ideas. This may make the results inaccurate because the group participants may reach certain assumptions or conclusions about a certain idea or product. Also focus groups are not in such depth compared to an individual interview because they are not as efficient in covering a lot of detailed information.

Postal surveys are a widely used research tool, as they allow you to obtain a large sample of work using a very low-cost approach with limited resources. However, there is no way to find out who did respond to the questionnaire and who did not. They are straightforward and easy to fill out as they have a basic format that allows respondents to pick answers from a present response set. I don’t think postal surveys are the most appropriate research tool so I can’t get immediate answers that aren’t helpful if I need a lot of information in a short time. So I’m not going to use postal surveys as a research method because it’s not ideal for the study I need to find out.

To conclude, I think that my chosen research methods are the most suitable methods because questionnaires are in a format that people are familiar with, making people more likely to answer because they understand what they are doing and the meaning of them. These are easy to understand because they are clearly written allowing different question types to obtain a large range of answers that is really helpful for me to gather a huge amount of data that suits well with questionnaires. As well as questionnaires, internet research is the most appropriate research method for me to use because I will be able to obtain a large amount of information in one go because it’s all in one location, it’s a simple research method that makes it useful because no one really reads books or uses conventional research methods in modern times and era. Both of these forms of study are the most suitable approaches I want to find out which is my target audience. Overall, the two most appropriate tools for my research are the questionnaires and internet research out of all the research methods I think.

How do specific wastes circulate, from whom to whom, and with what significance for specific waste regimes as well as more general global and planetary processes?

Waste andWaste Management∗
Joshua Reno
Department of Anthropology, Binghamton University, The State University of New York,
Binghamton, New York 13902-6000; email: jreno@binghamton.edu
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015. 44:557–72
The Annual Review of Anthropology is online at
anthro.annualreviews.org
This article’s doi:
10.1146/annurev-anthro-102214-014146
Copyright c 2015 by Annual Reviews.
All rights reserved
∗This article is part of a special theme on
Resources. For a list of other articles in this theme,
see http://www.annualreviews.org/doi/full/
10.1146/annurev-an-44-themes
Keywords
waste, infrastructure, materiality, environment, labor
Abstract
Discard studies have demonstrated that waste is more than just a symptom
of an all-too-human demand for meaning or a merely technical problem for
sanitary engineers and public health officials. The afterlife of waste materials
and processes of waste management reveal the centrality of transient and
discarded things for questions of materiality and ontology and marginal and
polluting labor and environmental justice movements, as well as for critiques
of the exploitation and deferred promises of modernity and imperial formations.
There is yet more waste will tell us, especially as more studies continue
to document the many ways that our wastes are not only our problem, but
become entangled with the lives of nonhuman creatures and the future of
the planet we share.
557
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:557-572. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
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INTRODUCTION: THE PRODUCTIVE AFTERLIFE OF WASTE
For many anthropologists and other social scientists, waste is a mirror of humanity, a means or
intermediary by which to reflect on ourselves (Knechtel 2007, p. 9). This is the legacy of Mary
Douglas’s (1966) influential definition of “dirt” as that which challenges and reaffirms a given
cultural system.According to this structural-symbolic account, alongwith complementary analyses
by Leach (1964) andDumont (1980), the reason that an inedible animal, a dirty word, untouchable
Dalits, and rejected rubbish are categorized as objectionable and disposable in the first place is
that they each stand in for a basic cognitive, existential, and/or linguistic dilemma—a need for
meaningful order in a world without it.These ideas remain fundamental for approaches to waste in
the human sciences (Moser 2002, Scanlan 2005, Boscagli 2014). But a growing set of approaches
and perspectives, often grouped under the name “discard studies,” have begun to occupy the
gaps left behind by the structural-symbolic approach. Despite many differences, these scholars
tend to focus on the productive afterlife of waste—its impact on and significance for humans and
nonhumans. More than a symptom of culture, waste is a material that has effects in the world,
including local and global political disputes, liberal and illiberal forms of governance, competing
assessments of economic and moral value, and concerns about environmental pollution and crisis.
This article provides an overview of these recent and emerging discussions in anthropology and
beyond.
Cleaning and wasting are quite familiar to us, and their products have to be dealt with somehow,
or managed once discarded. Yet in many ways research on what becomes of all that we
discard has only just begun. Until relatively recently, anthropologists have had little to say about
waste management. This tendency arguably reflects a preference for “social” ideas over “individual”
techniques that goes back to formative epistemological distinctions between science and
technology, as well as between religion and magic (Ingold 2000, p. 317). But the techniques of
waste management are worth appreciating in their own right. If classificatory rules mediate how
waste is managed, then the reverse is also true—waste management is more than a by-product
of a distinctly human demand for order, but a process actively involved in reshaping our ideals
and imaginations in turn. Today, adequate waste services are considered vital to the governance
of cities, industries, and refugee camps: a basic human right, an economic opportunity, and an
ecological imperative.
For ethnographers of waste and waste management, it is not enough to wonder why certain
things or people are categorized as polluting and therefore disposable. In addition, they ask (a)what
specific capacities and affordances characterize waste materialities, their management, and their
meaning; (b) who manages wastes and what do they become together in specific entanglements
of labor, power, and possibility; and (c) how do specific wastes circulate, from whom to whom,
and with what significance for specific waste regimes as well as more general global and planetary
processes? I consider each of these dimensions of contemporary discard studies in turn, pointing
to some of the limits and possible future directions for research.
The idea of waste management can also be problematic if it suggests human mastery over and
control of the physical world. Indeed, the very existence of unusable, unassimilable waste could be
seen as proof, pungent and polluting, of our own limitations (Allen 2007, p. 204). I conclude this article
with a call for renewed attention to the active role of nonhuman beings and processes in waste
management, against the tendency to imagine waste relations exclusively in terms of privileged human
violations of or instrumental plans for a passive nature. If infrastructure draws our attention to
taken-for-granted dimensions of social life (Larkin 2013), our everyday dependence on materials,
devices, and labor, then waste infrastructure can help us to realize our dependence on nonhuman
life forms and forces with which we share our bodies, environments, and, ultimately, our planet.
558 Reno
Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2015.44:557-572. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org
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STREAMS: WASTE MATERIALITIES AND THEIR MANAGEMENT
Disposal raises normative questions about how one ought to rid oneself of things, including what
should be discarded when and where it ought to go. In this sense, making waste is part of what
makes us the ethical selves we want to become (Hawkins 2006). Disposal may be done to pass
on still-useful objects to other people, as with the informal transactions of charities, junk yards
or garage, and car boot and yard sales (Gregson et al. 2007). It may also occur in less permanent
ways, as when things are put away temporarily with the possibility of future reclamation or discard
(Thompson 1979, Hetherington 2004). Like commodity fetishism, furthermore, the disposal of
things can distort perceptions of reality, making the routine appearance and disappearance of
things seem phantasmagoric (Kennedy 2007). Taken collectively, wanton disposal can be used to
call into question the “invidious distinction” between classes (Veblen 1899), an abusive relationship
between society and nature (Lynch 1990, Foster 2002), and the obsolescence built into the designs
and desires of consumer capitalism (Packard 1960).
But beginning with acts of disposal can establish a false equivalence between the kinds of
things that are disposed. There is not one kind of discard: Nothing is waste in general but only in
particular. People may not want food scraps or toxic sludge in their homes, but there is a great deal
more to be said about what actual qualities and virtual possibilities distinguish these out-of-place
substances: about how they might be or ought to be handled, and about where and to whom they
might yet belong. Taking these qualities and possibilities seriously brings us from individual acts
of disposal to the collective management of wastes. The idea of different waste streams comes
from sanitary engineering and offers a helpful starting point. Rather than considering displaced
waste in general, one can imagine flows of different materials that have distinct properties and are
headed for different destinations.
Take the familiar practice of disposing of hair, nails, and excreta. Precisely because of their
lingering association with the person who released them, they can generate moral dilemmas concerning
the regimentation and revaluation of bodily traces, including their use in sorcery (Frazer
1980, Gell 1998) or forensics (Reno 2012). The products of human and nonhuman digestion can
just as easily be regarded as an example of creative potentiality, whether raw material for ritual
acts (Bourke 1891), a practical resource (Guillet 1983), or a representation of the cosmos itself
(Walens 1981).
Disposed of in sufficient quantities biological effluent can also spread pestilence and miasmatic
stenches (Barnes 2006). A Eurocentric historiography of modern technological and medical innovations
belies the uneven development of waste service provision. As a result, marginalized
subjects may be held accountable for their disproportionate exposure to disease (Briggs & Briggs
2006), thereby obfuscating the right to effective wastewater treatment (Zimmer et al. 2014). Even
where disposal systems are put in place, however, people continue to subsist in their margins,
both simultaneously challenging and sustaining the system. Parisian sewermen (Reid 1991) and
London toshers (Pike 2004) can turn collectively managed sewage into a source of material enrichment,
whereas Aghori Hindu ascetics consume corpses and excrement to attain divine transcendence
(Parry 1982). Productive tensions arise, not only concerning whether bodily waste is
more moral/material pollutant or spiritual/practical resource, but also to what extent it is to be
managed by the state, self-discipline, or some combination of both (Laporte 2002). The spread of
sewerage can radically transform relations among waste producers, workers, and products. Where
excretion becomes associated with water infrastructure and metabolic visions of the modern city
(Gandy 2004), public latrines transform into private bathrooms, and negotiations with “night soil”
workers are transferred to bureaucrats, politicians, and plumbers (Van der Geest 2002a). Scientific
models of polluting wastewater, which mandate careful regulation, may rest uneasily with
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alternative perceptions of landscapes, furthermore, as with the tensions between (post)colonial,
industrial, and Hindu assessments of the sacred Ganges (Alley 2002).
Household rubbish or municipal solid waste (MSW) is an outcome of parallel transformations
in urban infrastructure (a management of solids rather than liquids). MSW—the mass waste of
populations—is what most people mean when they refer to garbage, trash, or discard. This is the
image of waste that comes most readily to mind when policy reforms or environmental risks are
publicly debated and discussed: waste enclosed in black bags or left in the open as litter. As such,
MSWinfrastructure can further shape personal identity and social judgment. Japanese citizensmay
proudly display their recyclables for neighbors to admire (Hawkins 2006, pp. 107–10), whereas
Cypriots and Chinese migrants are both judged as culturally repugnant for littering public space
with what should have been left for waste workers to collect (Argyrou 1997, D¨ urr 2010).
But using MSW as a synecdoche for all waste would be a mistake. For one thing, the amount
of MSW in any society is typically dwarfed by the wastes of commercial enterprise. Consider the
category of food waste,which calls to mind consumer and retailermisuse of edible goods. Although
it is important, food waste is dwarfed by the many expenditures and losses of agricultural products,
which never make it to the marketplace yet still must be managed (Krzywoszynska 2012).
Industrial wastes exist in such quantity and variety that they inspire entirely new products in
capitalist industry. At different times, petroleum spirit, coal tar, and glycerin were all externalities
of production that gradually became revalued as essential products (O’Brien 2007). But far more
waste is disposed of than reused. Industrial wastes thus pose a far greater risk to environmental
and human health and safety, leading to worldwide debates surrounding pollution from resource
extraction and commodity manufacture (Kirsch 2014, Little 2014). These harmful materials are
commonly known as toxic or hazardous waste streams, owing to their categorical separation from
MSW as a further division of waste labor. Toxic wastes are, by definition, more dangerous as
a result of their distinct physical properties and ideal methods of treatment. The category of
toxic waste also produces new economic arrangements and international policies. Industries and
states regard toxic waste as the most economically attractive waste to ship abroad to places with
reduced regulatory restrictions, as is the case with the growing, global stream of waste electrical
and electronic equipment (WEEEor E-Waste) and the controversial ship-breaking industry, both
of which involve objects that are profitable to reuse and recycle and highly toxic to strip and dispose
of (Gregson & Crang 2010, Gabrys 2011, Crang et al. 2012).
Other industrial waste streams can be singled out as uniquely destructive in ways that challenge
the causal simplicity of the waste stream metaphor and, more broadly, the metaphor of managerial
control. The degradation of plastics, for instance, releases chemical plasticizers, the flow of which
through living bodies and environments can be difficult to trace and may entail severe health
risks (Strong & Garruto 1991, Duffield et al. 1994, Liboiron 2013b). Similarly, nuclear wastes
require additional technological and regulatory innovations to contain their singular capacity
for contamination and accumulation (Garcier 2012). Compared to radioactive by-products, the
breakdown of less troubling forms of waste occurs at more manageable and imaginable timescales.
The contamination of nuclear wastes exceeds human life spans, involving a planetary “deep time”
beyond familiar temporal horizons (Masco 2006, Ialenti 2014).
Waste streams need not be environmentally toxic to generate moral concerns and controversial
property relations. Similarly challenging are abundant biomedical wastes (Parry&Gere 2006,
p. 140). When it comes to assisted reproductive technologies, the possibility of embryos or umbilical
cords becoming waste may be foreclosed altogether, even as forms of disposal are increasingly
central to biomedical practice (Thompson 2007, p. 264; Santoro 2009). So it goes with medical
charities, as well, which seek to reuse the many usable items that hospitals and clinics discard in
order to protect patient health and avoid legal liability. To the extent that aid workers revalue
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medical discards as a form of humanitarian care or Christian blessing for recipients abroad, they
may strongly resist the notion that they are helping to dispose of something worthless (Halvorson
2012).
An analysis of different waste streams reveals distinct material capacities, which shape the ways
that these by-products can be managed and the uses to which they are put. This flow of various
waste streams depends on the mediation of waste management infrastructure and the broader
sociomaterial relations of which they are a part.
WASTE AND BECOMING
Waste streams tend to change or deteriorate in some way over time, if for no other reason than they
are no longer actively maintained. As Ingold (2010, p. 9) writes, “[l]eft to themselves . . . materials
can run amok. Pots are smashed, bodies disintegrate. It takes effort and vigilance to keep things
intact, whether they be pots or people. The same is true of the gardener, who likewise has to
struggle to prevent the garden from turning into a jungle” (compare Deacon 2012, p. 207). The
deformation of waste could be seen as the inevitable counterpart to creating and maintaining form
(Lynch 1990, Bauman 2004, Viney 2014).
As they circulate and deform, wastes mix with people and places, with which they mutually
transform or become together. As with exchange practices, acts of rejection, remaking, and reuse
change people and their relations with each other as much as they change the objects themselves.
POLLUTION AND HUMAN WASTE
When waste management infrastructure is lacking, people and waste may mix in ways that threaten
human life and dignity. In refugee camps, for example, inhabitants are kept in a state of suspension
between political regimes in order to receive humanitarian aid and protection from conflict—they
thus represent political dirt, inDouglas’s sense (Malkki 1995).Though camps are typically planned
by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to promote hygiene and health above
all (Herz 2008), in practice inadequate waste removal can expose inhabitants to illness and disease
(Habib et al. 2006). Thus, a marginalized or exceptional social and political status not only is
metaphorically waste-like, but also is a factor that can increase exposure to other people’s actual
wastes and the risks thereof.
If infrastructures can be defined as “matter that enable the movement of other matter” (Larkin
2013, p. 329), then waste management infrastructure is arguably unique because the material
circulated is secondary, the by-product of the subtraction of unwanted matter from particular
settings (Osborne 1996, Joyce 2003). The role that waste management infrastructure plays is
typically absential: Waste management makes things disappear by moving them elsewhere, and,
like most infrastructures of liberal governance, waste management is considered most successful
to the extent that its workings and flows remain invisible. Waste management infrastructure is
thus bio-political, in the sense that it involves care for the life, the vitality, and well-being, of
populations (Foucault 2008, Alexander & Reno 2014).
For waste to end up somewhere else, regardless of what is done with it, requires labor. More
humble acts of waste management occur outside the aegis of any municipality, corporation, or
state. Varieties of cleanliness have become normalized and require constant effort to maintain
(Elias 1969, Hoy 1995, Shove 2003). Caregivers and domestic workers, paid and unpaid,
routinely expose themselves to forms of pollution to keep others clean. Separate but related
literatures explore the politics of household work (Constable 1997, Anderson 2000, Strasser
2000, Hondagneu-Sotelo 2001) and professional caregiving ( Jervis 2001, Van der Geest 2002b,
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Twigg et al. 2011) as typically performed by female and migrant labor. The provision of
workers to clean places, spaces, and bodies, often for low pay or none at all, is facilitated by
and reinforces divisions of gender and class, even as it may provide opportunities to resist the
indignities of filthy, denigrated labor (Barbosa 2007, Brody 2007). Outside domestic domains,
waste picking and informal recycling also tend to be gendered and infantilized (Norris 2010,
Fredericks 2012). It is not surprising that people with lower status should engage in lower-status
and polluting work; however, like domestic or household labor, waste work could also be seen
as a logical extension of social reproduction and affective labor, that is, as part of caring for
others.
If successfully managed and removed from inhabited areas, waste must go somewhere and be
dealt with by someone. The most common way of dealing with waste is to dump it, whether in
bodies of water, in streets and alleys, in geological depressions, or on open land. Dumping can
be understood as a logical counterpart to the basic rejection of things, the removal of what is
unwanted. Dumping waste suggests that getting rid of it is the primary goal: Irrespective of what
comes of the waste when it is removed, it must move on. In this context, waste is also managed
as if its only potential was as an impediment or threat to specific forms of life. Consequently, its
absence makes those forms of life possible. As something dumped, the only social afterlife for
waste may arise through processes of mitigation and reparation, for example, as a problem for
communities in proximity to the dumping site (Reno 2011a, Dahlberg 2012, Little 2014).
When exposure to waste becomes part of a professional vocation, rather than something done
in private (seeDumont 1980, p. 93) or which arises owing to inauspicious proximity to a waste site,
it can also raise the possibility of stigma. This is most obvious in the case of the enduring association
between dirty and polluting trades and Dalits of the Hindu caste system ( Jayaraman 2008, Gill
2009), though it is common for marginalized social groups to end up doing dirty work (Zimring
2005, Furniss 2010).Moreover, as is the case with people of marked ethnoracial identity in North
America (Bullard 2008), to the extent that Indian caste is associated with poverty, individuals do
not have to work directly with waste to be disproportionately exposed to waste sites because these
groups aremore likely to live in places where land is cheaper and political resistance is less effective
(Srinivasamoha 2013).
The important point is that work with waste is not merely an outcome of one’s place in
a predetermined social hierarchy, but also something that is actively reinforced in practice by
becoming waste in different ways. Douglas (1966), in line with Dumont’s (1980) analysis of the
Hindu caste system, distinguished between stratification on the basis of categorical purity/impurity
and that based on the accrual of wealth, but as Barbosa (2007) shows in the case of Brazilian
domestic workers, the two can also be compatible. When people and places become associated
with waste, they may be seen as waste themselves, that is, as disposable and abject subjects without
potential (Bauman 2004).
CREATIVITY AND POSSIBILITY
Exposure to waste can also provide opportunities for the recovery of wealth from what otherwise
would be disposed of. At all stages of the dumping process—during cleaning, collection, sorting,
and disposal—wastes can be recovered, remade, and given life as part of a new creative process.
This too poses risks. Regardless of the waste stream involved, an open-ended transformation is
made possible through the productive combination of human creativity, the material vitality of
wastes themselves, and the physical surroundings where they come to rest (Bennett 2010). The
transformation of waste may be a source of contamination, literal as well as metaphorical; it might
possess traces of its former bearer, whose identity could be stolen or privacy violated; and it
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may also have indeterminate value, either as an actual object or as part of its underlying material
substance.
The most common form of reuse throughout the world is the informal recycling that occurs
as part of informal economies in and around urban settings and their dumps (Medina 2007). In
the privileged corners of the Global North, exotic images of poor children scavenging on dumps
have become a popular object of cosmopolitan consumption and moral concern. This denies the
informal recycling that occurs among economically and politically marginal figures in wealthier
societies. Children picking through dumps in Kenya or Brazil are more likely to be depicted in
global media than is the informal waste recycling by homeless Californian drug addicts (Bourgois
& Schonberg 2009), middle-class landfill workers in Michigan (Reno 2009), or dumpster-diving
anarchists’ collectives in many cities throughout theworld (Giles 2014). Even in poorer parts of the
world, informal waste pickers are not merely unfortunate victims of exploitation, any more than are
domestic workers (Brody 2007, Aguiar&Ryan 2009).Many of these individuals are concerned not
with the perceived indignities and abjection of mixing with waste, but with their access to good
waste loads as well as periodic price fluctuations in the global recycling market (Sicular 1992;
Tranberg Hansen 2000; Mitchell 2008, 2009; Alexander & Reno 2012; Kilby 2013).
In places with entrenched or emerging waste management infrastructures, alternativemodes of
valuation may also come between different kinds and classes of waste workers, some of whom wish
to reclaim waste for profit and others of whom may be compensated for dumping it (Millar 2008,
Reno 2009, Lane 2011). Different forms of waste labor are no more identical than are alternative
waste streams. Unionized “san men” in New York City are different from catadores searching for
scrap to sell in Buenos Aires or Zabbaleen garbage collectors in Cairo. At the same time, they
all must attend to the particular qualities of transient matter, to processes of deformation.Waste
labor is as much corporeal as it is representational; it involves an appreciation for the capacities
of things to become and not only to contaminate (Norris 2012, Zhang 2014a). Moreover, the
labor of waste management is often dangerous, threatening workers with illness and injury as
well as workers’ social identities (Nagle 2013). This is especially so where potentially toxic waste
streams are dumped in contextswith insufficient state regulation and/or enforcement (Burrell 2012,
Crang et al. 2012). Yet the implementation of reforms, ostensibly for environmental protection
and worker safety, can also threaten the livelihood of waste pickers (Hill 2001, Millar 2012).
Overall, there has been less ethnographic research on different sociotechnical systems of disposal
than on informal waste recyclers. This deficit in the literature will likely need to improve
as informal recycling cooperatives are dispossessed through the further privatization and bureaucratization
of waste management. What work has been done on waste-treatment technologies
demonstrates that many of the same problems that beset common dumps and their pickers still
linger on in the most regulated and mechanized waste sites. Incinerators may be protested and
resisted as a source of pollution (Clark 2007, Alexander & Reno 2014, Zhang 2014b), despite
their long-favored status among sanitary waste engineers as an efficient way to eliminate waste
while recovering heat and power. “Sanitary” or “modern” landfills attract similar opposition, because
of what they release into the atmosphere, but they are plagued by the additional concern
that they might leach into surrounding environments and bodies (Falasca-Zamponi 2010, Reno
2011a). Unlike common dumps, however, these landfills aremore carefully designed to cordon off
waste from both society and nature, maintaining their contents in a state of suspended animation.
This makes it possible for landfills to one day be recovered as an invented commons, a source of
new land upon which to build or reclaim for other purposes (Horne & Nagle 2011). However,
this model of burial and reclamation may come at the cost of reusing worthwhile items from
the rubbish. When waste management becomes heavily dependent on landfill, as has occurred in
countries such as the United States, the result is a dump regime ( Johansson et al. 2012), where
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waste is neither commodified nor repurposed. Instead, it is reduced to a sacrifice of air space, a
material that limits the amount of refuse that can be taken in, reshaping the labor of employees
and the profit schemes of owners in turn (B´elanger 2007, Reno 2009).
Dump regimes diminish opportunities for cultivating “arts of transience” (Hawkins 2006,
p. 129) by which people creatively reuse materials and remake their own lives and relationships.
The result is a significant loss of both material and human potential. Future ethnographers will
need to attend to the practical, economic, and bureaucratic dimensions of new regimes of waste
management, while simultaneously identifying those alternative waste practices and skills that are
being displaced and those that continue to subsist on the margins.
SCALES: HUMAN AND NONHUMAN GEOGRAPHIES OF WASTE
Waste is not just something out of place; it is inseparable from the production of spatial relationships
at various scales.Waste flows and politics connect people across great distances and become
entangled with planetary, nonhuman processes.
Opponents of waste sites are sometimes characterized as NIMBYs (not in my backyard), as
if to provincialize their interests. To challenge an understanding of waste politics that would
be limited to “end of pipe” concerns, Gille (2007) uses the concept of a “waste regime,” which
describes unified representations, practices, and politics of waste within a single analytical category.
Central toGille’s analysis of waste management transitions from socialist to postsocialistHungary
is the way that waste is dominantly understood and dealt with in a given place and time.
The management tendencies of waste regimes reverberate across multiple scales. The politicization
of local waste sites—such as the Love Canal disaster—can result in changes to entire
waste regimes (Pellow 2002, Rootes 2009). Similarly, one can identify a contemporary shift in
waste regimes throughout much of the world, as political reforms at national, regional, and local
levels have led to the innovation of new management techniques based on the representation of
waste as a resource. In various ways, these initiatives challenge the notion that abundant waste is
inevitable, that humankind is wasteful by necessity rather than by design (Liboiron 2013a).
New and emerging technologies are being promoted as regulatory regimes seek to compensate
for the loss of landfill space, to satisfy public demands for more recycling, and to avoid the
production of greenhouse gases. Efforts to reuse waste before resorting to landfill, or to mine it
afterward ( Johansson et al. 2012), are limited if waste is seen as somethingmerely polluting. Leading
alternatives to landfill or incineration include thermal waste treatments, such as gasification
and pyrolysis, and those involving organic decomposition, such as in-vessel composting, anaerobic
digestion (Reno 2011c), or more domestic “eco-enzyme” devices (Zhang 2014a). The recovery of
energy or fertilizer from waste treatments such as these does not eliminate the threat of pollution
and public resistance, however, and may even incentivize the production and importation of waste
(Reno 2011b, Alexander & Reno 2014).
A more familiar recent policy initiative is the “consumption work” of recycling (Wheeler
& Glucksmann 2014), which places more of a burden on households to sort wastes for reuse.
Recently, food waste reforms have begun to target improper consumption (Alexander et al. 2013,
Evans 2014), even as the food industry profits from its profligate waste (Giles 2014). Whereas
economic incentives and moral shaming campaigns focus on consumer and retail practices, the
possibility of compelling manufacturers to produce less waste is foreclosed.
According to Gille (2007), any prevailing waste regime will have blind spots because of its
narrow focus on some materials rather than on others (on recoverable metals rather than on toxic
chemicals, for example). As a consequence, materials have a tendency to “bite back” against the
dominant trends in waste management, exposing their limitations. For example, items recycled
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by well-meaning Northern elites may become entangled in toxic and low-paid labor abroad
(Alexander & Reno 2012).
With the demand for improvements in waste regulation and infrastructure in wealthier
countries, the cost of domestic disposal makes transnational waste shipment more attractive.
At the same time, environmental justice activists and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)
have gone global, calling attention to waste sites where infrastructure is inadequate or missing
altogether (Pellow 2007). It was as a result of international activism that the shipment of toxic
waste from rich to poor nations was eventually prohibited by international regulations, especially
the Basel Convention of 1992/1996. And yet, new wastes (such as WEEE) and new economic
arrangements continue to muddy the regulatory distinction of toxic waste from recoverable
resource (Clapp 2001, Lepawsky & McNabb 2010). The post-Basel waste regime has additional
blind spots. Waste trading from GlobalNorth to South is monitored and politicized by numerous
NGOs and media organizations, whereas generally unregulated and ignored North–North and
South–South trades grow in size and importance (O’Neill 2000, Lepawsky 2015).
Not only waste but also waste regimes have been exported and experimented with abroad
through colonial and imperial formations that implicate subjects at the “core” and “periphery”
equally. British colonial officials experimented with the recovery of biogas from biological waste
decomposition in India prior to its introduction in the United Kingdom. In general, “civilizing”
colonial subjects meant disciplining their wastes and waste practices as objects of scientific
knowledge and political control (Anderson 2006). The purported universality of Euro-American
sanitation has been challenged in contexts where the costs of modernity are borne even as its
promises are endlessly deferred (Chakrabarty 1992). This deferral can itself amount to a strategy
of abandonment, constitutive of imperial formations that leave uneven traces in the form of ruins
and ruination (Stoler 2013). Accra, Ghana, can be characterized both as a dumping ground for the
WEEE of the Global North (Burrell 2012), as well as a city with a growing and poorly managed
domestic waste burden of its own (Baabereyir et al. 2012).Moreover, if communities are routinely
exposed to sites where pollution has been left behind and landscapes ruined, they may struggle to
represent their environmental suffering or come to expect it as an ordinary part of the landscape
(Masco 2006; Auyero & Swistun 2007, 2008). Informal waste practices proliferate in poorer waste
regimes, potentially frustrating the ambitions of international lenders and local elites aiming for
waste reform (Chakrabarty 1992, Furniss 2010, Fredericks 2012).
The distinction between local and global sources of waste can disguise the common structural
and political-economic origins of both. The kinds of waste streams that proliferate and their geographic
distribution are tied to the global spread of capitalism and its crises, a growing divide
between the world’s rich and poor, and political conflict and ethnonational divisions. These structural
tendencies serve to increase the number of people who are “redundant” because they are
unemployed, disabled, racially marked, or threatening to security state apparatuses (Bauman 2004,
Gidwani & Reddy 2011, Gidwani 2013), and conspire to dehumanize people all over the world,
as if they were human waste (Yates 2011). Their disproportionate exposure to waste sites and
streams is constituted by and constitutive of these wider structural processes, but it also provides
opportunities for creative acts of resistance (Faulk 2012, Liboiron 2012).
Waste can also circulate and bite back as a result of nonhuman flows and divides. Characteristic
in this regard is the Pacific garbage patch, a region of theNorthern Pacific Gyre that has attracted
both floating plastic debris and global concern and fascination. A relatively recent discovery,
oceanic patches have grown for decades, mixing with marine environments and forces without
any humans to decide whether they were out of place and without government interventions to
regulate or mitigate their impact. But even when wastes end up on beaches (and can therefore be
more directly assessed and addressed), people debate what scales to address and how: whether this
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plastic waste should be quickly cleaned up as a nuisance or be carefully documented as evidence of
a more-than-human, global environmental crisis (De Wolff 2013). The hidden and unmanaged
circulation of plastic in ocean currents challenges the assumption that all waste finds its place as a
result of human design.
CONCLUSION: OUR WASTE
The pollution of the world by human waste has become a basic anthropocentric conceit, a belief
that we are set apart because of the uniquely contaminating impact of what we leave behind (Lynch
1990, p. 43).The idea of the Anthropocene usefully draws our attention to broader planetary forces
in which industrial activities are enmeshed. In this sense, waste not only is a mirror of humanity,
but actively partakes in climate change and geological formations and oceanic gyres, as well. At
the same time, care should be taken lest an appreciation for human impact become conflated with
an anthropocentric belief in the power and reach of human managerial control. Waste, in all its
variety and complexity, should serve as a reminder that we can never fully grasp the planetary
processes to which we contribute, nor can we assume that they are easily managed.
By reducing waste to an all-too-human by-product in need of rational management, we foreclose
from consideration how waste may exist for nonhuman beings, how it is not merely something
that happens to them. At one scale, our most intimate waste is not ours alone. Traditional germ
theories of sickness and health are based on distinctions between pure and impure, inside and
outside, as if our collective species and our individual bodies were self-contained (Tomes 1999).
But these boundaries—upon which are based hygienic and sanitary practices—are unstable and
becoming increasingly more so with renewed biomedical appreciation for the material powers
of waste. The hygiene hypothesis (Gwee 2005, Koloski et al. 2008) proposes a link between too
much cleanliness, a civilized rejection of dirt, and the proliferation of ailments and allergies of the
gut. Health is made possible, according to this theory, precisely through microbial invasion and
a resulting multispecies ecological balance within our bodies. It is based on this idea, of a body
necessarily invaded by helpful microbes, that there has been a resurgence of interest in fecal transplants
(Wolf-Meyer 2014). Here, feces carrying the microbial remnants of a healthy gut ecology
become an instrument of health management rather than a problem for waste disposal: a resource
and not filth.
Beyond the microecologies of guts, further entanglements derive from the wastes humans
release into their environments. Urban settings and waste sites teem with creatures that subsist
on our wastes, from pigeons, to pigs, rats, mice, dogs, and cockroaches (Nagy & Johnson 2013,
Instone & Sweeney 2014, Reno 2014, Gross 2015). But this is a widespread phenomenon. Reid &
Ellis (1995) demonstrate that Turkana pastoralists unintentionally reproduce rare tree species in
the vicinity of the corrals where they pen their animals. It is precisely the defecation of livestock that
serves to ecologically recruit vulnerable tree species, which would otherwise struggle to survive in
the arid landscape. Based on the utilization of dung for fuel to create Andean pottery, Sillar (2000)
argues that the production of every artifact is embedded in interdependent relationships both with
other social and technical practices as well as with wider environmental relationships. Waste is
always relational and not only because someone elected to dispose of it. It is also embedded in
further relations with life forms and forms of life implicated in its vital materiality (Gregson &
Crang 2010).
At the same time, the designs, devices, and laboring bodies that manage wastes are of grave
importance toEarth’s future. For this reason, the engineering techniques of waste management are
now and have always been as much moral and political as they are mechanical and mathematical.
Moreover, as emerging do-it-yourself and scholarly-activist collaborations demonstrate, there are
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other ways that anthropologists and other scholars might productively engage with vital matters of
human living, which otherwise become the exclusive domain of sanitary engineers, urban planners,
and environmental policy makers (Liboiron 2012, Grassroots Mapp. Forum 2014, Hird et al.
2014). The future of discard studies needs to engage with waste managements as well as to push
past them, to see where human control and design leave off and new and strange arrangements of
life and nonlife come into being. If waste is seen as a problem that can be solved through human
mastery of the environment, we are back to an older form of anthropology, which reduced waste
to a symptom of the human search for meaning.
DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that might
be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
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Annual Review of
Anthropology
Volume 44, 2015 Contents
Perspective
Some Things I Hope YouWill Find Useful Even if Statistics
Isn’t Your Thing
George L. Cowgill                                                                               1
Archaeology
Pleistocene Overkill and North American Mammalian Extinctions
David J. Meltzer                                                                              33
The Archaeology of Ritual
Edward Swenson                                                                              329
Recent Developments in High-Density Survey and Measurement
(HDSM) for Archaeology: Implications for Practice and Theory
Rachel Opitz and W. Fred Limp                                                            347
Biological Anthropology
The Evolution of Difficult Childbirth and Helpless Hominin Infants
Holly Dunsworth and Leah Eccleston                                                         55
Health of Indigenous Peoples
Claudia R. Valeggia and J. Josh Snodgrass                                                 117
Energy Expenditure in Humans and Other Primates: A New Synthesis
Herman Pontzer                                                                              169
An Evolutionary and Life-History Perspective on Osteoporosis
Felicia C. Madimenos                                                                        189
Disturbance, Complexity, Scale: New Approaches to the Study of
Human–Environment Interactions
Rebecca Bliege Bird                                                                           241
Fallback Foods, Optimal Diets, and Nutritional Targets: Primate
Responses to Varying Food Availability and Quality
Joanna E. Lambert and Jessica M. Rothman                                               493
vi
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Resource Transfers and Human Life-History Evolution
James Holland Jones                                                                         513
An Evolutionary Anthropological Perspective on Modern
Human Origins
Curtis W. Marean                                                                           533
Anthropology of Language and Communicative Practices
How Postindustrial Families Talk
Elinor Ochs and Tamar Kremer-Sadlik                                                     87
Chronotopes, Scales, and Complexity in the Study of Language
in Society
Jan Blommaert                                                                               105
Linguistic Relativity from Reference to Agency
N.J. Enfield                                                                                   207
Politics of Translation
Susan Gal                                                                                     225
Breached Initiations: Sociopolitical Resources and Conflicts
in Emergent Adulthood
Norma Mendoza-Denton and Aomar Boum                                               295
Embodiment in Human Communication
J¨urgen Streeck                                                                                419
The Pragmatics of Qualia in Practice
Nicholas Harkness                                                                            573
Sociocultural Anthropology
Virtuality
Bonnie Nardi                                                                                  15
Anthropology and Heritage Regimes
Haidy Geismar                                                                                71
Urban Political Ecology
Anne Rademacher                                                                            137
Environmental Anthropology: Systemic Perspectives
Yancey Orr, J. Stephen Lansing, and Michael R. Dove                                    153
The Anthropology of Life After AIDS: Epistemological Continuities
in the Age of Antiretroviral Treatment
Eileen Moyer                                                                                  259
Anthropology of Aging and Care
Elana D. Buch                                                                                277
Contents vii
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Anthropology of Ontologies
Eduardo Kohn                                                                                311
Oil and Anthropology
Douglas Rogers                                                                                365
The Post–Cold War Anthropology of Central America
Jennifer L. Burrell and Ellen Moodie                                                       381
Risks of Citizenship and Fault Lines of Survival
Adriana Petryna and Karolina Follis                                                        401
Siberia
Piers Vitebsky and Anatoly Alekseyev                                                       439
Of What Does Self-Knowing Consist? Perspectives from Bangladesh
and Pakistan
Naveeda Khan                                                                                457
Addiction in the Making
William Garriott and Eugene Raikhel                                                      477
Waste and Waste Management
Joshua Reno                                                                                   557
Theme: Resources
Virtuality
Bonnie Nardi                                                                                  15
Pleistocene Overkill and North American Mammalian Extinctions
David J. Meltzer                                                                              33
Urban Political Ecology
Anne Rademacher                                                                            137
Environmental Anthropology: Systemic Perspectives
Yancey Orr, J. Stephen Lansing, and Michael R. Dove                                    153
Energy Expenditure in Humans and Other Primates: A New Synthesis
Herman Pontzer                                                                              169
Disturbance, Complexity, Scale: New Approaches to the Study of
Human–Environment Interactions
Rebecca Bliege Bird                                                                           241
Anthropology of Aging and Care
Elana D. Buch                                                                                277
Breached Initiations: Sociopolitical Resources and Conflicts in
Emergent Adulthood
Norma Mendoza-Denton and Aomar Boum                                               295
viii Contents
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Recent Developments in High-Density Survey and Measurement
(HDSM) for Archaeology: Implications for Practice and Theory
Rachel Opitz and W. Fred Limp                                                            347
Oil and Anthropology
Douglas Rogers                                                                                365
Resource Transfers and Human Life-History Evolution
James Holland Jones                                                                         513
Waste and Waste Management
Joshua Reno                                                                                   557
Indexes
Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 35–44                            591
Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volumes 35–44                                    595
Errata
An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology articles may be found at
http://www.annualreviews.org/errata/anthro
Contents ix
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What health disparities can you find that are relevant to your community (heart disease and stroke)?

APRNs should not only recognize but also make it part of their practice to develop strategies to reduce or eliminate health disparities. Review information from Healthy People 2020 and the CDC Office of Minority Health and Health Disparities websites.
What health disparities can you find that are relevant to your community (heart disease and stroke)?
How can you better advocate for minority groups who have poorer health outcomes?
What specific objectives in Healthy People 2020 can help this effort?

Healthy People 2020 website:
www.healthypeople.gov/2020/default.aspx.

Review the following for integration into your writing/responses:

**References should be scholarly articles no later than 5 years old.

Would you integrate this tool into your advanced practice based on the information you have read about the test, why or why not?

1. Choose the following topic: Hyperlipidemia
2. Next, choose a diagnostic or screening method (related to your choice from the list of health issues above).  You may use one of the following web sites to locate a screening tool, a scholarly article, or a tool from a professional web site of your choice (for example, from the American Psychological Association).
https://www.uspreventiveservicestaskforce.org/Page/Name/browse-tools-and-resources
https://www.ahrq.gov/prevention/guidelines/guide/index.html
https://www.integration.samhsa.gov/clinical-practice/screening-tools
3. Reply to the following prompt:
– Describe the diagnostic or screening tool selected, its purpose, and what age group it targets.
– Has it been specifically tested in this age group?
– Next, discuss the predictive ability of the test. For instance, how do you know the test is reliable and valid? What are the reliability and validity values? What are the predictive values? Is it sensitive to measure what it has been developed to measure, for instance, HIV, or depression in older adults, or Lyme disease? Would you integrate this tool into your advanced practice based on the information you have read about the test, why or why not?
4. You should include a minimum of two (2) scholarly articles from the last five (5) years (3 is recommended).

What opportunities and obstacles are there in promoting the right to self-determination for old people (Mental Health) and their carers.

Ethic Essay question:

What opportunities and obstacles are there in promoting the right to self-determination for old people (Mental Health) and their carers.

Words count – 4125 without bibliography

Essay should consider the following-

Disability and the disabling society-Negative labels, how service provision can devalue disabled people and perpetuate exclusion. Promoting anti-discriminatory and anti-oppressive approaches in social work practice.

Ageism and Age discrimination-Societal attitudes to older people, ageism and the role of social work in combating discrimination.

Social work values, power and ethical practice- Focus on working with involuntary/’reluctant’ service users.

Service user and carer involvement: empowerment possibilities and challenges- The complex nature of empowerment- service user and carer movements, barriers and opportunities.

Gender and Gender Diversity-Role of gender in social work, exploring stereotypes of gender identities, feminist social work.

Consider Professional capability framework below (PCF 2,3 and 4)

50 reference – mostly academic British Journals of social work and other academic discipline

Assignment marking criteria

 

  70+% 60-99% 50-59%
Ability to apply underpinning theoretical ideas, appropriate literature and research findings and use of relevant and up to date sources (25%) Evidence of extensive reading with excellent integration of source material and referencing Very good range of reading, referencing and integration of source material

 

Generally good range of reading, referencing and integration of source material
Awareness of contemporary social work practice, initiatives and developments (20%) Outstanding grasp of contemporary social work practice and developments applied to the assignment title Very good grasp of contemporary social work practice and developments applied to the assignment title Generally sound grasp of contemporary social work practice and developments applied to the assignment title
Application of a professional value base. Consideration of anti-oppressive practice, ethical issues and dilemmas (20%) Value issues exceptionally well integrated throughout in a relevant and sensitive manner demonstrating very high level understanding Value issues very well integrated throughout in a relevant and sensitive manner demonstrating high level understanding

 

Value issues well integrated throughout in a relevant and sensitive manner showing a generally good level of understanding
Integration of critical reflection and analysis (20%)

 

Critical reflection on the assignment title and highly developed ability to think analytically evident in discussion Critical reflection on the assignment title and good ability to think analytically evident in discussion

 

Generally sound reflection on the assignment title and some evidence of ability to think analytically
Coherent writing.  Attention to spelling and grammar.  Use of required reference system (15%) Exceptionally coherent and well presented.  Free from errors Very good coherency and presentation; free of all but the most minor errors Generally good coherence and presentation with occasional errors and / or lapse of spelling / grammar

 

What Quality Improvement Tool would you use to visually display the outcomes over time to your team?

Read Chapter 7 in your text Murray, E. (2017). Nursing leadership and management for patient safety and quality care. Philadelphia, PA.: F.A. Davis Company.
The following Web sites offer many resources Institute for Healthcare Improvement (IHI) Tools
http://www.ihi.org/resources/Pages/Tools/default.aspx
Society for Quality http://www.asq.org/learn-about-quality/quality-tools.html
Over the past 6 months, patients in the intensive care unit have experienced an increase in central line infections. The nurse leader and manager suspects that the increase is related to more central lines being inserted in the emergency department. A quality improvement (QI) team is being formed to identify the root causes of central line infections.
• Who should be on the QI team?
• What leadership theories and models would you use with this team?
• Outline the steps in the QI process to use in this situation.
• How would the QI team implement an activity to improve the infection rate, and how will the team know the activity worked?
• What Quality Improvement Tool would you use to visually display the outcomes over time to your team?

TO READ CHAPTER 7:
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To what extent do the main agencies in the Criminal Justice System work co-operatively?

2 main agencies in the criminal
justice system
File name: 2_main_agencies_in_the_criminal_justice_system_840431_1794847043.docx (30.75K)
Word count: 1654
Character count: 9388

1
Format
2
Structure
?
?
3
4

5
6
Structure

57%
SIMILARITY INDEX
23%
INTERNET SOURCES
0%
PUBLICATIONS
57%
STUDENT PAPERS
1 15%
2 11%
3 7%
4 5%
5 4%
6 4%
7 4%
8 3%
2 main agencies in the criminal justice system
ORIGINALITY REPORT
PRIMARY SOURCES
Submitted to Colorado Technical University
Online
Student Paper
Submitted to Pennsylvania State System of
Higher Education
Student Paper
Submitted to Los Angeles Harbor College
Student Paper
Submitted to Brickfields Asia College
Student Paper
Submitted to University of Portsmouth
Student Paper
Submitted to Kaplan University
Student Paper
Submitted to South University
Student Paper
Submitted to Stourbridge College
Student Paper
9 2%
10 1%
11 1%
Exclude quotes On
Exclude bibliography On
Exclude matches Off
en.wikipedia.org
Internet Source
Submitted to University of East London
Student Paper
Submitted to University College Birmingham
Student Paper
FINAL GRADE
36/100
2 main agencies in the criminal justice system
GRADEMARK REPORT
GENERAL COMMENTS
Instructor
Strengths
– You have provided a response which demonstrates
an understanding of the role and functions of the CJS
agencies
– You have consulted some academic sources
Areas for Development
– You need to ensure that you have clearly understood
what the question is asking of you – you haven’t really
answered the question sufficiently.
– Large proportions of your work focuses on the Justice
System in America, and therefore is not relevant to the
CJS in England and Wales
– You work is largely descriptive, and often doesn’t
relate to the question.
– Your work should be underpinned by a wider range of
appropriate academic sources
– There is a high similarity score, with a significant
proportion of your work showing similarity to individual
papers. In these sections, you have often failed to cite
the sources of your work, and therefore it is unclear
where you have obtained this information from
Writing and Referencing (writing clarity,
presentation, referencing, citation)
– Your work is adequately written
– Your work is adequately structured, however, this is
an area for development for you – I would encourage
you to have a clear idea of the points that you want to
make in your response so that when you start writing
QM
you know what the purpose of each paragraph is and
how this relates back to the question. This will help you
to be focused and concise in your response and strike
a good balance between description and analysis. This
will also support you with proof-reading as you will be
able to check whether your paragraph does what you
intended it to do.
– Scholarship is an area of development, you often do
not cite the source of your information
– You generally reference in accordance with APA
guidelines
First Marker: Julie Eden 11/11/19
***Please ensure adequate paraphrasing and
referencing , in order to avoid possible plagiarism
claims. You may find it useful to see Gordon
Scruton, Learning Development Tutor at ICJS. ***
Nick Pamment, Associate Head (Students)
PAGE 1
PAGE 2
Comment 1
Please ensure that you include the full essay question that you are answering.
Format
Please ensure that you are paying attention to the format specified in the assignment brief.
Additional Comment
Sub-headings are not appropriate for academic essays
Comment 2
What does this mean?
QM
QM
QM
Structure
You would benefit from spending some more time working on structure. This Basic Essay Structure
Guide may be useful for you.
Additional Comment
A good attempt at an introduction here – well done – however, this needs to be developed further; an
introduction needs to define and explain keywords, phrases or themes and sign-post the reader to
the main points that will be explored in the main body.
?
?
Additional Comment
I’m not sure what you mean here?
PAGE 3
?
?
Additional Comment
What do you mean?
Comment 3
You demonstrate some understanding of the agencies of the criminal justice system and their roles.
However, you have not consistently cited your sources of information here, and this is very
descriptive.
PAGE 4
Comment 4
You demonstrate some understanding of the role and function of the police force. However, you have
only made one citation, and this is largely descriptive. How does what you have written relate to the
question?
PAGE 5
PAGE 6
Comment 5
There are a lot of references in this paragraph to the American legal system. I can see from the
QM
There are a lot of references in this paragraph to the American legal system. I can see from the
similarity checker that this paragraph has a high similarity to a paper submitted to the University of
Colorado – I’m not sure where you have obtained this information as you have not cited your sources,
but it is important to do so, so that we can support you in making sure that you are accessing suitable
resources.
Again, this is very descriptive and it is not clear how what you have written relates to the question.
Comment 6
This does not relate to the CJS in England and Wales.
Structure
You would benefit from spending some more time working on structure. This Basic Essay Structure
Guide may be useful for you.
Additional Comment
An adequate attempt at a conclusion here, but this is an area of development for you; a conclusion
must summarise the main points that you have made in the main body, and then draw to a
conclusion on your own positionality.
PAGE 7