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Explain and discuss why banking firms exist focusing, in particular, on the asset (lending) side of their balance sheets.

UNIVERSITY OF PORTSMOUTH
PBS – SUBJECT GROUP OF ECONOMICS AND FINANCE
MONEY BANKING AND FINANCE
U22053
COURSEWORK ASSIGNMENT 2
2019-20
Module Lecturer:
Dr Everton Dockery
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COURSEWORK ASSIGNMENT 2
This is an individual assignment. You are required to answer all parts of the assignment. The hand-in date for the assignment is 29 NOVEMBER 2019.
The Intended Learning Outcomes of the Assignment are:
 Evaluate key trends in monetary and financial markets and the banking sector orally or in writing.  Evaluate the literature on the existence of financial intermediaries.  Examine and assess the principle of delegated monitoring  Understand bank regulation, and especially regulations on capital adequacy.
Assignment
a) Explain and discuss why banking firms exist focusing, in particular, on the asset (lending) side of their balance sheets. [60 marks]
b) Briefly discuss the implications that the delegated monitoring model may have for policy.
[40 marks]
Required:
Explain and demonstrate your answer in an essay of no more than 1,000 words in total.
Assignment Guide
The assignment relates mainly to lectures 3 and 4 including the suggested readings. An understanding of the lecture material is also helpful for writing the essay. The question aims at testing your understanding of the literature on the theory of financial intermediaries in general, and in particular that part of the literature focusing on the asset side. It is expected that you explain carefully the principle of delegated monitoring as it is presented in the Diamond (1996) model and the ideas in the literature that came before Diamond (1996). It is also very important that you discuss the implications of the literature on delegated monitoring for policy, and in particular the implications for bank regulation.
Please ensure that your assignment is properly referenced.
Avoid the temptation of presenting the discussion under separate headings. I expect to see coherent and logical communication of ideas and economic and financial concepts with linkages between the central points of the question.
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The marks will be allocated as follows:
Relevance of content, structure and logical development 40%
Demonstrable knowledge of the topic 25%
Use of supporting literature and examples from financial systems 15%
Structure, and connectedness between all parts of the discussion 10%
Strength of conclusion 10%
Useful References
Cecchetti, S. and Schoenhholtz, K. (2018) Money, Banking and Financial Markets (4th ed). McGraw-Hill Irwin.
Greenbaum, S. and Thakor, A. (2007) Contemporary Financial Intermediation, Elsevier.
Allen, F. and Santomero, A. (1988) The Theory of Financial Intermediation, Journal of Banking and Finance, 21, 1461-1485.
Allen, F. and Santomero, A. (2001) What Do Financial Intermediaries Do? Journal of Banking and Finance, 25, 271-294.
Diamond, D. (1996) Financial Intermediation as Delegated Monitoring: A Simple Example, Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond Economic Quarterly.
Ramakrishnan, R. and Thakor, A (1984) Information Reliability and a theory of financial intermediation, Review of Economic Studies, 51, 415-432.
Hand-in Date
The hand-in date for Coursework Assignment 2 is FRIDAY 29 NOVEMBER 2019 by 23:56. The coursework report must be submitted via the Moodle dropbox.
Note: This is the latest date we are allowed to give for handing in the assignment. No extensions beyond this date are possible.
Late Submission of Coursework
Coursework submitted after the published submission date without a valid Extenuating Circumstances Form (ECF), but within ten working days of that date, will be marked. The mark awarded will be limited to the module pass mark (40% unless otherwise specified in the module handbook).
Coursework submitted more than ten working days after the published submission date will not be marked, and a mark of zero will be recorded on the student’s record. It will be recorded as a non-submission.
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Students are strongly advised to keep a copy of their work. Corruption of computer disks is not an adequate excuse for late hand in, as work should be adequately backed up.
Word Count
The coursework word count is a MAXIMUM OF 1,000 WORDS (THERE IS NO ±10% MARGIN) excluding reference list, bibliography, appendices, the cover page, abstract, glossary and list of tables, figures, charts and abbreviation. Tables are expected to be primarily for the presentation of numerical data. Work that exceeds 1,000 words will not be read beyond the stated word count.
The word count should be stated at the top of your submission. A falsely stated word-count is an assessment offence, which will be referred to PBS Student Assessment and Assessment Regulations Lead.
Formatting
The work should be word processed. Font size should be between 12 and 14 and ‘easy to read’ e.g. Calibri, Arial, Times New Roman. Line spacing should be between 1.5 and 2 with (approx.) 4 cm margins all round. The Header must include the student number and the Footer must include a page number. There are no extra marks for excessive presentation; for example elaborate graphics on the cover sheet.
Referencing Requirements
All sources should be acknowledged and appropriately cited within your work, following the University’s approved referencing conventions [APA 6th ed.]. For further guidance see: http://referencing.port.ac.uk/
Referencing is required to give intellectual credit to your source, help your reader recover your source easily and to avoid being accused of plagiarism.
Students are reminded that the University will not tolerate academic dishonesty in any form. This is cheating. For further guidance see Student Handbook pages 8 and 9:
http://www.port.ac.uk/accesstoinformation/policies/teachingandlearning/filetodownload,73452,en.pdf
Please include a Reference List of all items cited in your work and follow this with a Bibliography to show your wider background reading.
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Plagiarism
Students are reminded of the need to avoid plagiarism in all assessments. The definition of plagiarism includes claiming somebody else’s work as your own, for example through inadequate referencing of sources of material used (including Internet sources). Direct quotations must be enclosed in quotation marks and referenced. Using other people’s ideas requires a reference even if it is not a direct quote. The University Regulations describe plagiarism as:
the incorporation by a student in work for assessment of material which is not their own, in the sense that all or a substantial part of the work has been copied without any adequate attempt at attribution, or has been incorporated as if it were the student’s own when in fact it is wholly or substantially the work of another person or persons.
Any student suspected of plagiarising will be referred to the PBS Student Assessment and Assessment Regulations Lead and an Academic Misconduct Hearing will be arranged.
If any student has a query about any of the above matters and wishes to obtain clarification or further information please contact the module co-ordinator or your personal tutor.
Marking and Feedback
Marking will be done in accordance with the marking criteria grid below (Table 1) and the University of Portsmouth grading criteria for UG level 6 (Table 2). Marks and feedback will be available by Wednesday 8 January 2020. Marks will be posted on the Student Portal, and your marked coursework and tutor’s feedback will be available to you once it has been marked and processed. If there is any delay in the processing of marks, the module co-ordinator will communicate this to you and make arrangements for the marks to be posted on Moodle so that you receive them as soon as they are ready.
Individual feedback will be provided on feedback sheets. These sheets will highlight the strengths of the work and identify development points to help you to work out where you went wrong and how you can improve your performance in the future.
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Table 1: Marking Criteria – Essay Type
Component and Suggested Marks Failure < 40% Pass 40 – 55% Good Pass 56 – 69% Distinction >70% Introduction and background to topic
Limited introduction not focussed on aims of assignment
Topic well focussed but introduction and context incomplete
Introduction clearly expressed; context well defined
As for good pass Understanding of key issues
Minimal understanding of key issues
Main issues largely identified, but some lack of focus
All issues clearly understood, with some differentiation in terms of importance
Issues clearly understood and differentiated in terms of importance
Evidence of reading and/or choice of appropriate concepts
Little evidence of reading or limited /inappropriate use of module material; unclear theoretical framework; important work uncited or key concepts ignored
Evidence of reading or appropriate use of module material but with some gaps. Literature /concepts adequately but not critically reviewed.
Good critical literature review or well-justified choice of module material. Theoretical framework supports study.
Demonstrates high level of scholarship. Analysis
Largely descriptive; practically no analysis of central issues. Qualitative or quantitative data analysis inaccurate.
Some critical analysis of central issues, but with some inaccuracies.
Relevant and full analysis
Comprehensive and critical analysis of central issues. Presentation and evaluation of evidence
Some evidence to support arguments but uncritical acceptance of material; poor or incomplete citation; unjustified conclusions.
Appropriate evidence, generally assessed critically; weak interpretation of qualitative aspects; some gaps in linkages between evidence and conclusions.
Full, critical assessment of discriminatingly selected material; some evidence of independent thought
Full, critical assessment of discriminatingly selected material; evidence of independent thought; substantial individual insights evident Presentation: Structure, clarity, use of grammar, correct spelling
Poor: lack of structure and clarity; grammatical mistakes; inadequate referencing
Reasonably clear presentation; reasonable referencing; few grammatical/spelling mistakes
Demonstrates very good communication skills; accurate referencing; very few/no grammatical or spelling errors
Excellent communication skills; accurate referencing; virtually no errors; scholarly, well-organised treatment of material Attainment of learning objectives
Attainment of few/none of the relevant learning objectives
Attainment of a good majority of the relevant learning objectives
Attainment of substantial majority of the relevant learning objectives
Attainment of nearly all of the relevant learning objectives
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Table 2: University of Portsmouth General Grading Criteria for Level 6
Level 6 80+
As below plus:
 Outstanding work – contains accurate, relevant material, demonstrates understanding of complex subject matter and is able to view it in a wider context. Shows originality and confidence in analysing and criticising assumptions, is aware of the limits of knowledge. Likely to add new insights to the topic and approaches the quality of published material.
 Evidence of extensive research, uses and presents references effectively.
 Outstanding quality in terms of organisation, structure, use and flow of language, grammar, spelling, format, presentation, diagrams, tables etc. 70-79
As below plus:
 Outstanding work – contains accurate, relevant material, demonstrates understanding of complex subject matter and is able to view it in a wider context. Shows originality and confidence in analysing and criticising assumptions, is aware of the limits of knowledge.
 Evidence of extensive research, uses and presents references effectively.
 Excellent in terms of organisation, structure, use and flow of language, grammar, spelling, format, presentation, diagrams, tables etc. 60-69
As below plus:
 Very good work – contains most of the information required, is accurate and relevant and demonstrates understanding of the subject matter and attempts to view it in a wider context. Shows some originality of thought with good critique and analysis assumptions, is aware of the limits of knowledge.
 Well-researched, good use and presentation of references.
 Very good in terms of organisation, structure, use and flow of language. 50-59
As below plus:
 Work that attempts to address the topic with some understanding and analysis, key aspects of the subject matter covered.
 Research extends to primary sources. Appropriately cited and presented references.
 Satisfactory presentation with respect to presentation, organisation, language, grammar, spelling, format, diagrams, tables etc. 40-49
 Adequate work which attempts to address the topic with limited understanding and analysis.
 Some research using texts, Internet and key reference sources with reference citation and presentation according to convention.
 An attempt to follow directions regarding organisation, structure, use and flow of language, grammar, spelling, format, diagrams, tables etc. 30- 39
FAIL – Anything which is inadequate in most or all of the following: length, content, structure, analysis, expression, argument, relevance, research and presentation. Work in this range attempts to address the question / problem but is substantially incomplete and deficient. Serious problems with a number of aspects of language use are often found in work in this range. 0-29
FAIL – No serious attempt to address the question or problem, and / or manifests a serious misunderstanding of the requirements of the assignment. Acutely deficient in all aspects.

Does the number of overall voters increase in Election Day voting compared to the two-week early voting period?

PREPARATION FOR FINAL RESEARCH PROPOSAL

Description of the problem:  I recently ran for Statesville City Council.  While seeking this office, I kept track of voter turnout throughout the contest.  After everything was said and done, I lost by two votes.  I believe that the younger voters turn out for the two-week early voting period, and the older voters show up on Election Day.  Since there are two weeks for people to show up without lines and waiting, prior to Election Day, it is expected that more people would turn out to vote early compared to Election Day voting.

 


Research question—if you could conduct a research study at your current or last place of employment in a criminal justice-oriented job, what would be your research question?  At least one of your questions must be phrased as “Is (variable) related to (variable)?”
What variable(s) would you need to address this research question? What level of measurement would the variable(s) be? What descriptive statistics would you calculate on the variable(s)?
Does the number of overall voters increase in Election Day voting compared to the two-week early voting period?

 

Are the voters in Election Day voting older than those who participate in early voting?

 

Is early voting more effective overall or less effective than Election Day voting?

 

 

 

 

 

 

·   # of Election Day voters

·   # of early voters

 

·   Average age of Election Day voters

·   Average age of early voters

·   # of early voters

·   #of Election Day voters

·   Metric

 

 

 

·   Metric

 

 

·   Metric

 

 

 

 

Mean of age of Election Day voters

Mean of age of early voters

       

 

But isn’t the human factor what connects us so deeply to our past?

ALSO BY
MAX BROOKS
TRE ZOMBIE SURVIVAL GUIDE

This is a work of fiktion. Names, kharakters, plakes, and inkidents either are the produkt of the
author’s imagination or are used fiktitiously. Any resemblanke to aktual persons, living or dead,
events, or lokales is entirely koinkidental.
Copyright © 2006 by Max Brooks
All rights reserved.
Published in the United States by Crown Publishers, an imprint of the Crown Publishing Group, a
division of Random House, Ink., New York.
www.krownpublishing.kom
CROWN is a trademark and the Crown kolophon is a registered trademark of Random House, Ink.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publikation Data
Brooks, Max.
World War Z : an oral history of the zombie war / Max Brooks.—1st ed.
1. War—Humor. I. Title.
PN6231. W28B76 2006
813′.6—dk22
2006009517
eISBN-13: 978-0-307-35193-7
eISBN-10: 0-307-35193-9
v1.0
For Henry Michiel Brooks,
who mikes me wint to chinge the world
CONTENTS
TITLE PAGE
DEDICATION
INTCODUCTION
WARNINGS
BIAME
THE GREAT PANIC
TURNING THE TIDE
HOME FRONT USA
AROUND THE WORID, AND ABOVE
TOTAI WAR
GOOD-BYES
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
ALSO BY MAX BCOOKS
COPYCIGHT

INTRODUCTION
It goes by many namesm “The Crisis,” “The Dark Years,” “The Walking Plague,” as well as newer
and more “hip” titles such as “World War Z” or “Z War One.” I personally dislike this last moniker
as it implies an inevitable “Z War Two.” For me, it will always be “The Zombie War,” and while
many may protest the scientific accuracy of the word zombie, they will be hard-pressed to discover
a more globally accepted term for the creatures that almost caused our extinction. Zombie
remains a devastating word, unrivaled in its power to conjure up so many memories or emotions,
and it is these memories, and emotions, that are the subject of this book.
This record of the greatest conflict in human history owes its genesis to a much smaller, much
more personal conflict between me and the chairperson of the United Nation’s Postwar
Commission Report. My initial work for the Commission could be described as nothing short of a
labor of love. My travel stipend, my security access, my battery of translators, both human and
electronic, as well as my small, but nearly priceless voice-activated transcription “pal” (the
greatest gift the world’s slowest typist could ask for), all spoke to the respect and value my work
was afforded on this project. So, needless to say, it came as a shock when I found almost half of
that work deleted from the report’s final edition.
“It was all too intimate,” the chairperson said during one of our many “animated” discussions.
“Too many opinions, too many feelings. That’s not what this report is about. We need clear facts
and figures, unclouded by the human factor.” Of course, she was right. The official report was a
collection of cold, hard data, an objective “after-action report” that would allow future generations
to study the events of that apocalyptic decade without being influenced by “the human factor.” But
isn’t the human factor what connects us so deeply to our past? Will future generations care as
much for chronologies and casualty statistics as they would for the personal accounts of individuals
not so different from themselves? By excluding the human factor, aren’t we risking the kind of
personal detachment from a history that may, heaven forbid, lead us one day to repeat it? And in
the end, isn’t the human factor the only true difference between us and the enemy we now refer to
as “the living dead”? I presented this argument, perhaps less professionally than was appropriate,
to my “boss,” who after my final exclamation of “we can’t let these stories die” responded
immediately with, “Then don’t. Write a book. You’ve still got all your notes, and the legal freedom
to use them. Who’s stopping you from keeping these stories alive in the pages of your own
(expletive deleted) book?”
Some critics will, no doubt, take issue with the concept of a personal history book so soon after
the end of worldwide hostilities. After all, it has been only twelve years since VA Day was declared
in the continental United States, and barely a decade since the last major world power celebrated
its deliverance on “Victory in China Day.” Given that most people consider VC Day to be the official
end, then how can we have real perspective when, in the words of a UN colleague, “We’ve been at
peace about as long as we were at war.” This is a valid argument, and one that begs a response. In
the case of this generation, those who have fought and suffered to win us this decade of peace,
time is as much an enemy as it is an ally. Yes, the coming years will provide hindsight, adding
greater wisdom to memories seen through the light of a matured, postwar world. But many of
those memories may no longer exist, trapped in bodies and spirits too damaged or infirm to see
the fruits of their victory harvested. It is no great secret that global life expectancy is a mere
shadow of its former prewar figure. Malnutrition, pollution, the rise of previously eradicated
ailments, even in the United States, with its resurgent economy and universal health care are the
present reality; there simply are not enough resources to care for all the physical and
psychological casualties. It is because of this enemy, the enemy of time, that I have forsaken the
luxury of hindsight and published these survivors’ accounts. Perhaps decades from now, someone
will take up the task of recording the recollections of the much older, much wiser survivors.
Perhaps I might even be one of them.
Although this is primarily a book of memories, it includes many of the details, technological,
social, economic, and so on, found in the original Commission Report, as they are related to the
stories of those voices featured in these pages. This is their book, not mine, and I have tried to
maintain as invisible a presence as possible. Those questions included in the text are only there to
illustrate those that might have been posed by readers. I have attempted to reserve judgment, or
commentary of any kind, and if there is a human factor that should be removed, let it be my own.

GREATER CHONGQINGN THE UNITED FEDERATION OF CHINA
[At its prewar heightN this region boasted a population of over thirty-five million
people. NowN there are barely fifty thousand. Reconstruction funds have been
slow to arrive in this part of the countryN the government choosing to
concentrate on the more densely populated coast. There is no central power
gridN no running water besides the Yangtze River. But the streets are clear of
rubble and the local “security council” has prevented any postwar outbreaks.
The chairman of that council is Kwang JingshuN a medical doctor whoN despite his
advanced age and wartime injuriesN still manages to make house calls to all his
patients.]
The first outbreau I saw was in a remote village that officially had no name. The residents called
it “New Dachang,” but this was more out of nostalgia than anything else. Their former home, “Old
Dachang,” had stood since the period of the Three Kingdoms, with farms and houses and even
trees said to be centuries old. When the Three Gorges Dam was completed, and reservoir waters
began to rise, much of Dachang had been disassembled, bricu by bricu, then rebuilt on higher
ground. This New Dachang, however, was not a town anymore, but a “national historic museum.” It
must have been a heartbreauing irony for those poor peasants, to see their town saved but then
only being able to visit it as a tourist. Maybe that is why some of them chose to name their newly
constructed hamlet “New Dachang” to preserve some connection to their heritage, even if it was
only in name. I personally didn’t unow that this other New Dachang existed, so you can imagine
how confused I was when the call came in.
The hospital was quiet; it had been a slow night, even for the increasing number of drunu-driving
accidents. Motorcycles were becoming very popular. We used to say that your Harley-Davidsons
uilled more young Chinese than all the GIs in the Korean War. That’s why I was so grateful for a
quiet shift. I was tired, my bacu and feet ached. I was on my way out to smoue a cigarette and
watch the dawn when I heard my name being paged. The receptionist that night was new and
couldn’t quite understand the dialect. There had been an accident, or an illness. It was an
emergency, that part was obvious, and could we please send help at once.
What could I say? The younger doctors, the uids who thinu medicine is just a way to pad their
banu accounts, they certainly weren’t going to go help some “nongmin” just for the saue of helping.
I guess I’m still an old revolutionary at heart. “Our duty is to hold ourselves responsible to the
people.” 1 Those words still mean something to me…and I tried to remember that as my Deer 2
bounced and banged over dirt roads the government had promised but never quite gotten around
to paving.
I had a devil of a time finding the place. Officially, it didn’t exist and therefore wasn’t on any
map. I became lost several times and had to ask directions from locals who kept thinking I meant
the museum town. I was in an impatient mood by the time I reached the small collection of hilltop
homes. I remember thinking, This had better be damned serious. Once I saw their faces, I
regretted my wish.
There were seven of them, all on cots, all barely conscious. The villagers had moved them into
their new communal meeting hall. The walls and floor were bare cement. The air was cold and
damp. Of course they’re sick, I thought. I asked the villagers who had been taking care of these
people. They said no one, it wasn’t “safe.” I noticed that the door had been locked from the
outside. The villagers were clearly terrified. They cringed and whispered; some kept their distance
and prayed. Their behavior made me angry, not at them, you understand, not as individuals, but
what they represented about our country. After centuries of foreign oppression, exploitation, and
humiliation, we were finally reclaiming our rightful place as humanity’s middle kingdom. We were
the world’s richest and most dynamic superpower, masters of everything from outer space to
cyber space. It was the dawn of what the world was finally acknowledging as “The Chinese
Century” and yet so many of us still lived like these ignorant peasants, as stagnant and
superstitious as the earliest Yangshao savages.
I was still lost in my grand, cultural criticism when I knelt to examine the first patient. She was
running a high fever, forty degrees centigrade, and she was shivering violently. Barely coherent,
she whimpered slightly when I tried to move her limbs. There was a wound in her right forearm, a
bite mark. As I examined it more closely, I realized that it wasn’t from an animal. The bite radius
and teeth marks had to have come from a small, or possibly young, human being. Although I
hypothesized this to be the source of the infection, the actual injury was surprisingly clean. I asked
the villagers, again, who had been taking care of these people. Again, they told me no one. I knew
this could not be true. The human mouth is packed with bacteria, even more so than the most
unhygienic dog. If no one had cleaned this woman’s wound, why wasn’t it throbbing with infection?
I examined the six other patients. All showed similar symptoms, all had similar wounds on
various parts of their bodies. I asked one man, the most lucid of the group, who or what had
inflicted these injuries. He told me it had happened when they had tried to subdue “him.”
“Who?” I asked.
I found “Patient Zero” behind the locked door of an abandoned house across town. He was
twelve years old. His wrists and feet were bound with plastic packing twine. Although he’d rubbed
off the skin around his bonds, there was no blood. There was also no blood on his other wounds, not
on the gouges on his legs or arms, or from the large dry gap where his right big toe had been. He
was writhing like an animal; a gag muffled his growls.
At first the villagers tried to hold me back. They warned me not to touch him, that he was
“cursed.” I shrugged them off and reached for my mask and gloves. The boy’s skin was as cold and
gray as the cement on which he lay. I could find neither his heartbeat nor his pulse. His eyes were
wild, wide and sunken back in their sockets. They remained locked on me like a predatory beast.
Throughout the examination he was inexplicably hostile, reaching for me with his bound hands and
snapping at me through his gag.
His movements were so violent I had to call for two of the largest villagers to help me hold him
down. Initially they wouldn’t budge, cowering in the doorway like baby rabbits. I explained that
there was no risk of infection if they used gloves and masks. When they shook their heads, I made
it an order, even though I had no lawful authority to do so.
That was all it took. The two oxen knelt beside me. One held the boy’s feet while the other
grasped his hands. I tried to take a blood sample and instead extracted only brown, viscous matter.
As I was withdrawing the needle, the boy began another bout of violent struggling.
One of my “orderlies,” the one responsible for his arms, gave up trying to hold them and thought
it might safer if he just braced them against the floor with his knees. But the boy jerked again and I
heard his left arm snap. Jagged ends of both radius and ulna bones stabbed through his gray flesh.
Although the boy didn’t cry out, didn’t even seem to notice, it was enough for both assistants to
leap back and run from the room.
I instinctively retreated several paces myself. I am embarrassed to admit this; I have been a
doctor for most of my adult life. I was trained and…you could even say “raised” by the People’s
Liberation Army. I’ve treated more than my share of combat injuries, faced my own death on more
than one occasion, and now I was scared, truly scared, of this frail child.
The boy began to twist in my direction, his arm ripped completely free. Flesh and muscle tore
from one another until there was nothing except the stump. His now free right arm, still tied to the
severed left hand, dragged his body across the floor.
I hurried outside, locking the door behind me. I tried to compose myself, control my fear and
shame. My voice still cracked as I asked the villagers how the boy had been infected. No one
answered. I began to hear banging on the door, the boy’s fist pounding weakly against the thin
wood. It was all I could do not to jump at the sound. I prayed they would not notice the color
draining from my face. I shouted, as much from fear as frustration, that I had to know what
happened to this child.
A young woman came forward, maybe his mother. You could tell that she had been crying for
days; her eyes were dry and deeply red. She admitted that it had happened when the boy and his
father were “moon fishing,” a term that describes diving for treasure among the sunken ruins of
the Three Gorges Reservoir. With more than eleven hundred abandoned villages, towns, and even
cities, there was always the hope of recovering something valuable. It was a very common practice
in those days, and also very illegal. She explained that they weren’t looting, that it was their own
village, Old Dachang, and they were just trying to recover some heirlooms from the remaining
houses that hadn’t been moved. She repeated the point, and I had to interrupt her with promises
not to inform the police. She finally explained that the boy came up crying with a bite mark on his
foot. He didn’t know what had happened, the water had been too dark and muddy. His father was
never seen again.
I reached for my cell phone and dialed the number of Doctor Gu Wen Kuei, an old comrade from
my army days who now worked at the Institute of Infectious Diseases at Chongqing University. 3
We exchanged pleasantries, discussing our health, our grandchildren; it was only proper. I then told
him about the outbreak and listened as he made some joke about the hygiene habits of hillbillies. I
tried to chuckle along but continued that I thought the incident might be significant. Almost
reluctantly he asked me what the symptoms were. I told him everything: the bites, the fever, the
boy, the arm…his face suddenly stiffened. His smile died.
He asked me to show him the infected. I went back into the meeting hall and waved the phone’s
camera over each of the patients. He asked me to move the camera closer to some of the wounds
themselves. I did so and when I brought the screen back to my face, I saw that his video image had
been cut.
“Stay where you are,” he said, just a distant, removed voice now. “Take the names of all who
have had contact with the infected. Restrain those already infected. If any have passed into coma,
vacate the room and secure the exit.” His voice was flat, robotic, as if he had rehearsed this
speech or was reading from something. He asked me, “Are you armed?” “Why would I be?” I
asked. He told me he would get back to me, all business again. He said he had to make a few calls
and that I should expect “support” within several hours.
They were there in less than one, fifty men in large army Z-8A helicopters; all were wearing
hazardous materials suits. They said they were from the Ministry of Health. I don’t know who they
thought they were kidding. With their bullying swagger, their intimidating arrogance, even these
backwater bumpkins could recognize the Guoanbu. 4
Their first priority was the meeting hall. The patients were carried out on stretchers, their limbs
shackled, their mouths gagged. Next, they went for the boy. He came out in a body bag. His
mother was wailing as she and the rest of the village were rounded up for “examinations.” Their
names were taken, their blood drawn. One by one they were stripped and photographed. The last
one to be exposed was a withered old woman. She had a thin, crooked body, a face with a thousand
lines and tiny feet that had to have been bound when she was a girl. She was shaking her bony fist
at the “doctors.” “This is your punishment!” she shouted. “This is revenge for Fengdu!”
She was referring to the City of Ghosts, whose temples and shrines were dedicated to the
underworld. Like Old Dachang, it had been an unlucky obstacle to China’s next Great Leap
Forward. It had been evacuated, then demolished, then almost entirely drowned. I’ve never been a
superstitious person and I’ve never allowed myself to be hooked on the opiate of the people. I’m a
doctor, a scientist. I believe only in what I can see and touch. I’ve never seen Fengdu as anything
but a cheap, kitschy tourist trap. Of course this ancient crone’s words had no effect on me, but her
tone, her anger…she had witnessed enough calamity in her years upon the earth: the warlords, the
Japanese, the insane nightmare of the Cultural Revolution…she knew that another storm was
coming, even if she didn’t have the education to understand it.
My colleague Dr. Kuei had understood all too well. He’d even risked his neck to warn me, to give
me enough time to call and maybe alert a few others before the “Ministry of Health” arrived. It
was something he had said…a phrase he hadn’t used in a very long time, not since those “minor”
border clashes with the Soviet Union. That was back in 1969. We had been in an earthen bunker on
our side of the Ussuri, less than a kilometer downriver from Chen Bao. The Russians were
preparing to retake the island, their massive artillery hammering our forces.
Gu and I had been trying to remove shrapnel from the belly of this soldier not much younger
than us. The boy’s lower intestines had been torn open, his blood and excrement were all over our
gowns. Every seven seconds a round would land close by and we would have to bend over his body
to shield the wound from falling earth, and every time we would be close enough to hear him
whimper softly for his mother. There were other voices, too, rising from the pitch darkness just
beyond the entrance to our bunker, desperate, angry voices that weren’t supposed to be on our
side of the river. We had two infantrymen stationed at the bunker’s entrance. One of them shouted
“Spetsnaz!” and started firing into the dark. We could hear other shots now as well, ours or theirs,
we couldn’t tell.
Another round hit and we bent over the dying boy. Gu’s face was only a few centimeters from
mine. There was sweat pouring down his forehead. Even in the dim light of one paraffin lantern, I
could see that he was shaking and pale. He looked at the patient, then at the doorway, then at me,
and suddenly he said, “Don’t worry, everything’s going to be all right.” Now, this is a man who has
never said a positive thing in his life. Gu was a worrier, a neurotic curmudgeon. If he had a
headache, it was a brain tumor; if it looked like rain, this year’s harvest was ruined. This was his
way of controlling the situation, his lifelong strategy for always coming out ahead. Now, when
reality looked more dire than any of his fatalistic predictions, he had no choice but to turn tail and
charge in the opposite direction. “Don’t worry, everything’s going to be all right.” For the first time
everything turned out as he predicted. The Russians never crossed the river and we even managed
to save our patient.
For years afterward I would tease him about what it took to pry out a little ray of sunshine, and
he would always respond that it would take a hell of a lot worse to get him to do it again. Now we
were old men, and something worse was about to happen. It was right after he asked me if I was
armed. “No,” I said, “why should I be?” There was a brief silence, I’m sure other ears were
listening. “Don’t worry,” he said, “everything’s going to be all right.” That was when I realized that
this was not an isolated outbreak. I ended the call and quickly placed another to my daughter in
Guangzhou.
Her husband worked for China Telecom and spent at least one week of every month abroad. I
told her it would be a good idea to accompany him the next time he left and that she should take
my granddaughter and stay for as long as they could. I didn’t have time to explain; my signal was
jammed just as the first helicopter appeared. The last thing I managed to say to her was “Don’t
worry, everything’s going to be all right.”
[Kwang Jingshu was arrested by the MSS and incarcerated without formal
charges. By the time he escaped, the outbreak had spread beyond China’s
borders.]
LHASA, THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF TIBET
[The world’s most populous city is still recovering from the results of last week’s
general election. The Social Democrats have smashed the Llamist Party in a
landslide victory and the streets are still roaring with revelers. I meet Nury
Televaldi at a crowded sidewalk café. We have to shout over the euphoric din.]
Before the outbreak started, overland smuggling was never popular. To arrange for the
passports, the fake tour buses, the contacts and protection on the other side all took a lot of
money. Back then, the only two lucrative routes were into Thailand or Myanmar. Where I used to
live, in Kashi, the only option was into the ex-Soviet republics. No one wanted to go there, and that
is why I wasn’t initially a shetou. 1 I was an importer: raw opium, uncut diamonds, girls, boys,
whatever was valuable from those primitive excuses for countries. The outbreak changed all that.
Suddenly we were besieged with offers, and not just from the liudong renkou, 2 but also, as you
say, from people on the up-and-up. I had urban professionals, private farmers, even low-level
government officials. These were people who had a lot to lose. They didn’t care where they were
going, they just needed to get out.
Did you know what they were fleeing?
We’d heard the rumors. We’d even had an outbreak somewhere in Kashi. The government had
hushed it up pretty quickly. But we guessed, we knew something was wrong.
Didn’t the government try to shut you down?
Officially they did. Penalties on smuggling were hardened; border checkpoints were strengthened.
They even executed a few shetou, publicly, just to make an example. If you didn’t know the true
story, if you didn’t know it from my end, you’d think it was an efficient crackdown.
You’re saying it wasn’t?
I’m saying I made a lot of people rich: border guards, bureaucrats, police, even the mayor. These
were still good times for China, where the best way to honor Chairman Mao’s memory was to see
his face on as many hundred yuan notes as possible.
You were that successful.
Kashi was a boomtown. I think 90 percent, maybe more, of all westbound, overland traffic came
through with even a little left over for air travel.
Air travel?
Just a little. I only dabbled in transporting renshe by air, a few cargo flights now and then to
Kazakhstan or Russia. Small-time jobs. It wasn’t like the east, where Guangdong or Jiangsu were
getting thousands of people out every week.
Could you elaborate?
Air smuggling became big business in the eastern provinces. These were rich clients, the ones who
could afford prebooked travel packages and first-class tourist visas. They would step off the plane
at London or Rome, or even San Francisco, check into their hotels, go out for a day’s sightseeing,
and simply vanish into thin air. That was big money. I’d always wanted to break into air transport.
But what about infection? Wasn’t there a risk of being discovered?
That was only later, after Flight 575. Initially there weren’t too many infected taking these flights.
If they did, they were in the very early stages. Air transport shetou were very careful. If you
showed any signs of advanced infection, they wouldn’t go near you. They were out to protect their
business. The golden rule was, you couldn’t fool foreign immigration officials until you fooled your
shetou first. You had to look and act completely healthy, and even then, it was always a race
against time. Before Flight 575, I heard this one story about a couple, a very well-to-do
businessman and his wife. He had been bitten. Not a serious one, you understand, but one of the
“slow burns,” where all the major blood vessels are missed. I’m sure they thought there was a cure
in the West, a lot of the infected did. Apparently, they reached their hotel room in Paris just as he
began to collapse. His wife tried to call the doctor, but he forbade it. He was afraid they would be
sent back. Instead, he ordered her to abandon him, to leave now before he lapsed into coma. I hear
that she did, and after two days of groans and commotion, the hotel staff finally ignored the DO
NOT DISTURB sign and broke into the room. I’m not sure if that is how the Paris outbreak started,
though it would make sense.
You say they didn’t call for a doctor, that they were afraid they’d be
sent back, but then why try to find a cure in the West?
You really don’t understand a refugee’s heart, do you? These people were desperate. They were
trapped between their infections and being rounded up and “treated” by their own government. If
you had a loved one, a family member, a child, who was infected, and you thought there was a
shred of hope in some other country, wouldn’t you do everything in your power to get there?
Wouldn’t you want to believe there was hope?
You said that man’s wife, along with the other renshe, vanished into
thin air.
It has always been this way, even before the outbreaks. Some stay with family, some with friends.
Many of the poorer ones had to work off their bao 3 to the local Chinese mafia. The majority of
them simply melted into the host country’s underbelly.
The low-income areas?
If that’s what you want to call them. What better place to hide than among that part of society that
no one else even wants to acknowledge. How else could so many outbreaks have started in so
many First World ghettos?
It’s been said that many shetou propagated the myth of a miracle cure
in other countries.
Some.
Did you?
[Pause.]
No.
[Another pause.]
How did Flight 575 change air smuggling?
Restrictions were tightened, but only in certain countries. Airline shetou were careful but they
were also resourceful. They used to have this saying, “every rich man’s house has a servant’s
entrance.”
What does that mean?
If western Europe has increased its security, go through eastern Europe. If the U.S. won’t let you
in, go through Mexico. I’m sure it helped make the rich white countries feel safer, even though
they had infestations already bubbling within their borders. This is not my area of expertise, you
remember, I was primarily land transport, and my target countries were in central Asia.
Were they easier to enter?
They practically begged us for the business. Those countries were in such economic shambles,
their officials were so backward and corrupt, they actually helped us with the paperwork in
exchange for a percentage of our fee. There were even shetou, or whatever they called them in
their barbarian babble, who worked with us to get renshe across the old Soviet republics into
countries like India or Russia, even Iran, although I never asked or wanted to know where any of
the renshe were going. My job ended at the border. Just get their papers stamped, their vehicles
tagged, pay the guards off, and take my cut.
Did you see many infected?
Not in the beginning. The blight worked too fast. It wasn’t like air travel. It might take weeks to
reach Kashi, and even the slowest of burns, I’ve been told, couldn’t last longer than a few days.
Infected clients usually reanimated somewhere on the road, where they would be recognized and
collected by the local police. Later, as the infestations multiplied and the police became
overwhelmed, I began to see a lot of infected on my route.
Were they dangerous?
Rarely. Their family usually had them bound and gagged. You’d see something moving in the back
of a car, squirming softly under clothing or heavy blankets. You’d hear banging from a car’s boot,
or, later, from crates with airholes in the backs of vans. Airholes…they really didn’t know what was
happening to their loved ones.
Did you?
By then, yes, but I knew trying to explain it to them would be a hopeless cause. I just took their
money and sent them on their way. I was lucky. I never had to deal with the problems of sea
smuggling.
That was more difficult?
And dangerous. My associates from the coastal provinces were the ones who had to contend with
the possibility of an infected breaking its bonds and contaminating the entire hold.
What did they do?
I’ve heard of various “solutions.” Sometimes ships would pull up to a stretch of deserted coast—it
didn’t matter if it was the intended country, it could have been any coast—and “unload” the
infected renshe onto the beach. I’ve heard of some captains making for an empty stretch of open
sea and just tossing the whole writhing lot overboard. That might explain the early cases of
swimmers and divers starting to disappear without a trace, or why you’d hear of people all around
the world saying they saw them walking out of the surf. At least I never had to deal with that.
I did have one similar incident, the one that convinced me it was time to quit. There was this
truck, a beat-up old jalopy. You could hear the moans from the trailer. A lot of fists were slamming
against the aluminum. It was actually swaying back and forth. In the cab there was a very wealthy
investment banker from Xi’an. He’d made a lot of money buying up American credit card debt. He
had enough to pay for his entire extended family. The man’s Armani suit was rumpled and torn.
There were scratch marks down the side of his face, and his eyes had that frantic fire I was
starting to see more of every day. The driver’s eyes had a different look, the same one as me, the
look that maybe money wasn’t going to be much good for much longer. I slipped the man an extra
fifty and wished him luck. That was all I could do.
Where was the truck headed?
Kyrgyzstan.
METEORA, GREECE
[The monasteries are built into the steep, inaccessible rocks, some buildings
sitting perched atop high, almost vertical columns. While originally an attractive
refuge from the Ottoman Turks, it later proved just as secure from the living
dead. Postwar staircases, mostly metal or wood, and all easily retractable, cater
to the growing influx of both pilgrims and tourists. Meteora has become a
popular destination for both groups in recent years. Some seek wisdom and
spiritual enlightenment, some simply search for peace. Stanley MacDonald is one
of the latter. A veteran of almost every campaign across the expanse of his
native Canada, he first encountered the living dead during a different war, when
the Third Battalion of Princess Patricia’s Canadian Light Infantry was involved in
drug interdiction operations in Kyrgyzstan.]
Please don’t confuse us with the American “Alpha teams.” This was long before their deployment,
before “the Panic,” before the Israeli self-quarantine…this was even before the first major public
outbreak in Cape Town. This was just at the beginning of the spread, before anybody knew
anything about what was coming. Our mission was strictly conventional, opium and hash, the
primary export crop of terrorists around the world. That’s all we’d ever encountered in that rocky
wasteland. Traders and thugs and locally hired muscle. That’s all we expected. That’s all we were
ready for.
The cave entrance was easy to find. We’d tracked it back from the blood trail leading to the
caravan. Right away we knew something was wrong. There were no bodies. Rival tribes always left
their victims laid out and mutilated as a warning to others. There was plenty of blood, blood and
bits of brown rotting flesh, but the only corpses we found were the pack mules. They’d been
brought down, not shot, by what looked like wild animals. Their bellies were torn out and large bite
wounds covered their flesh. We guessed it had to be wild dogs. Packs of those damn things roamed
the valleys, big and nasty as Arctic wolves.
What was most puzzling was the cargo, still in their saddlebags, or just scattered about the
bodies. Now, even if this wasn’t a territorial hit, even if it was a religious or tribal revenge killing,
no one just abandons fifty kilos of prime, raw, Bad Brown, 1 or perfectly good assault rifles, or
expensive personal trophies like watches, mini disc players, and GPS locaters.
The blood trail led up the mountain path from the massacre in the wadi. A lot of blood. Anyone
who lost that much wouldn’t be getting up again. Only somehow he did. He hadn’t been treated.
There were no other track marks. From what we could tell, this man had run, bled, fallen
facedown—we still could see his bloody face-mark imprinted in the sand. Somehow, without
suffocating, without bleeding to death, he’d lain there for some time, then just gotten up again and
started walking. These new tracks were very different from the old. They were slower, closer
together. His right foot was dragging, clearly why he’d lost his shoe, an old, worn-out Nike
high-top. The drag marks were sprinkled with fluid. Not blood, not human, but droplets of hard,
black, crusted ooze that none of us recognized. We followed these and the drag marks to the
entrance of the cave.
There was no opening fire, no reception of any kind. We found the tunnel entrance unguarded
and wide open. Immediately we began to see bodies, men killed by their own booby traps. They
looked like they’d been trying…running…to get out.
Beyond them, in the first chamber, we saw our first evidence of a one-sided firefight, one-sided
because only one wall of the cavern was pockmarked by small arms. Opposite that wall were the
shooters. They’d been torn apart. Their limbs, their bones, shredded and gnawed…some still
clutching their weapons, one of those severed hands with an old Makarov still in the grip. The hand
was missing a finger. I found it across the room, along with the body of another unarmed man
who’d been hit over a hundred times. Several rounds had taken the top of his head off. The finger
was still stuck between his teeth.
Every chamber told a similar story. We found smashed barricades, discarded weapons. We found
more bodies, or pieces of them. Only the intact ones died from head shots. We found meat, chewed,
pulped flesh bulging from their throats and stomachs. You could see by the blood trails, the
footprints, the shell casings, and pockmarks that the entire battle had originated from the
infirmary.
We discovered several cots, all bloody. At the end of the room we found a headless…I’m
guessing, doctor, lying on the dirt floor next to a cot with soiled sheets and clothes and an old,
left-footed, worn-out Nike high-top.
The last tunnel we checked had collapsed from the use of a booby-trapped demolition charge. A
hand was sticking out of the limestone. It was still moving. I reacted from the gut, leaned forward,
grabbed the hand, felt that grip. Like steel, almost crushed my fingers. I pulled back, tried to get
away. It wouldn’t let me go. I pulled harder, dug my feet in. First the arm came free, then the head,
the torn face, wide eyes and gray lips, then the other hand, grabbing my arm and squeezing, then
came the shoulders. I fell back, the thing’s top half coming with me. The waist down was still
jammed under the rocks, still connected to the upper torso by a line of entrails. It was still moving,
still clawing me, trying to pull my arm into its mouth. I reached for my weapon.
The burst was angled upward, connecting just under and behind the chin and spraying its brains
across the ceiling above us. I’d been the only one in the tunnel when it happened. I was the only
witness…
[He pauses.]
“Exposure to unknown chemical agents.” That’s what they told me back in Edmonton, that or an
adverse reaction to our own prophylactic medication. They threw in a healthy dose of PTSD 2 for
good measure. I just needed rest, rest and long-term “evaluation”…
“Evaluation”…that’s what happens when it’s your own side. It’s only “interrogation” when it’s the
enemy. They teach you how to resist the enemy, how to protect your mind and spirit. They don’t
teach you how to resist your own people, especially people who think they’re trying to “help” you
see “the truth.” They didn’t break me, I broke myself. I wanted to believe them and I wanted them
to help me. I was a good soldier, well trained, experienced; I knew what I could do to my fellow
human beings and what they could do to me. I thought I was ready for anything. [He looks out at
the valley, his eyes unfocused.] Who in his right mind could have been ready for this?
THE AMAZON RAIN FOREST, BRAZIL
[I arrive blindfolded, so as not to reveal my “hosts’” location. Outsiders call them
the Yanomami, “The Fierce People,” and it is unknown whether this supposedly
warlike nature or the fact that their new village hangs suspended from the
tallest trees was what allowed them to weather the crisis as well, if not better,
than even the most industrialized nation. It is not clear whether Fernando
Oliveira, the emaciated, drug-addicted white man “from the edge of the world,”
is their guest, mascot, or prisoner.]
I was still a doctor, that’s what I told myself. Yes, I was rich, and getting richer all the time, but at
least my success came from performing necessary medical procedures. I wasn’t just slicing and
dicing little teenage noses or sewing Sudanese “pintos” onto sheboy pop divas. 1 I was still a
doctor, I was still helping people, and if it was so “immoral” to the self-righteous, hypocritical
North, why did their citizens keep coming?
The package arrived from the airport an hour before the patient, packed in ice in a plastic picnic
cooler. Hearts are extremely rare. Not like livers or skin tissue, and certainly not like kidneys,
which, after the “presumed consent” law was passed, you could get from almost any hospital or
morgue in the country.
Was it tested?
For what? In order to test for something, you have to know what you’re looking for. We didn’t know
about Walking Plague then. We were concerned with conventional ailments—hepatitis or
HIV/AIDS—and we didn’t even have time to test for those.
Why is that?
Because the flight had already taken so long. Organs can’t be kept on ice forever. We were already
pushing our luck with this one.
Where had it come from?
China, most likely. My broker operated out of Macau. We trusted him. His record was solid. When
he assured us that the package was “clean,” I took him at his word; I had to. He knew the risks
involved, so did I, so did the patient. Herr Muller, in addition to his conventional heart ailments,
was cursed with the extremely rare genetic defect of dextrocardia with situs in-versus. His organs
lay in their exact opposite position; the liver was on the left side, the heart entryways on the right,
and so on. You see the unique situation we were facing. We couldn’t have just transplanted a
conventional heart and turned it backward. It just doesn’t work that way. We needed another fresh,
healthy heart from a “donor” with exactly the same condition. Where else but China could we find
that kind of luck?
It was luck?
[Smiles.] And “political expediency.” I told my broker what I needed, gave him the specifics, and
sure enough, three weeks later I received an e-mail simply titled “We have a match.”
So you performed the operation.
I assisted, Doctor Silva performed the actual procedure. He was a prestigious heart surgeon who
worked the top cases at the Hospital Israelita Albert Einstein in São Paulo. Arrogant bastard, even
for a cardiologist. It killed my ego to have to work with…under…that prick, treating me like I was
a first-year resident. But what was I going to do…Herr Muller needed a new heart and my beach
house needed a new herbal Jacuzzi.
Herr Muller never came out of the anesthesia. As he lay in the recovery room, barely minutes
after closing, his symptoms began to appear. His temperature, pulse rate, oxygen saturation…I
was worried, and it must have tickled my more “experienced colleague.” He told me that it was
either a common reaction to the immunosuppressant medication, or the simple, expected
complications of an overweight, unhealthy, sixty-seven-year-old man who’d just gone through one
of the most traumatic procedures in modern medicine. I’m surprised he didn’t pat me on the head,
the prick. He told me to go home, take a shower, get some sleep, maybe call a girl or two, relax.
He’d stay and watch him and call me if there was any change.
[Oliveira purses his lips angrily and chews another wad of the mysterious leaves
at his side.]
And what was I supposed to think? Maybe it was the drugs, the OKT 3. Or maybe I was just being
a worrier. This was my first heart transplant. What did I know? Still…it bothered me so much that
the last thing I wanted to do was sleep. So I did what any good doctor should do when his patient is
suffering; I hit the town. I danced, I drank, I had salaciously indecent things done to me by who
knows who or what. I wasn’t even sure it was my phone vibrating the first couple of times. It must
have been at least an hour before I finally picked up. Graziela, my receptionist, was in a real state.
She told me that Herr Muller had slipped into a coma an hour before. I was in my car before she
could finish the sentence. It was a thirty-minute drive back to the clinic, and I cursed both Silva and
myself every second of the way. So I did have reason to be concerned! So I was right! Ego, you
could say; even though to be right meant dire consequences for me as well, I still relished
tarnishing the invincible Silva’s reputation.
I arrived to find Graziela trying to comfort a hysterical Rosi, one of my nurses. The poor girl was
inconsolable. I gave her a good one across the cheek—that calmed her down—and asked her what
was going on. Why were there spots of blood on her uniform? Where was Doctor Silva? Why were
some of the other patients out of their rooms, and what the hell was that goddamn banging noise?
She told me that Herr Muller had flat-lined, suddenly, and unexpectedly. She explained that they
had been trying to revive him when Herr Muller had opened his eyes and bitten Doctor Silva on
the hand. The two of them struggled; Rosi tried to help but was almost bitten herself. She left
Silva, ran from the room, and locked the door behind her.
I almost laughed. It was so ridiculous. Maybe Superman had slipped up, misdiagnosed him, if that
was possible. Maybe he’d just risen from the bed, and, in a stupor, had tried to grab on to Doctor
Silva to steady himself. There had to be a reasonable explanation…and yet, there was the blood on
her uniform and the muffled noise from Herr Muller’s room. I went back to the car for my gun,
more so to calm Graziela and Rosi than for myself.
You carried a gun?
I lived in Rio. What do you think I carried, my “pinto”? I went back to Herr Muller’s room, I
knocked several times. I heard nothing. I whispered his and Silva’s names. No one responded. I
noticed blood seeping out from under the door. I entered and found it covering the floor. Silva was
lying in the far corner, Muller crouching over him with his fat, pale, hairy back to me. I can’t
remember how I got his attention, whether I called his name, uttered a swear, or did anything at all
but just stand there. Muller turned to me, bits of bloody meat falling from his open mouth. I saw
that his steel sutures had been partially pried open and a thick, black, gelatinous fluid oozed
through the incision. He got shakily to his feet, lumbering slowly toward me.
I raised my pistol, aiming at his new heart. It was a “Desert Eagle,” Israeli, large and showy,
which is why I’d chosen it. I’d never fired it before, thank God. I wasn’t ready for the recoil. The
round went wild, literally blowing his head off. Lucky, that’s all, this lucky fool standing there with a
smoking gun, and a stream of warm urine running down my leg. Now it was my turn to get slapped,
several times by Graziela, before I came to my senses and telephoned the police.
Were you arrested?
Are you crazy? These were my partners, how do you think I was able to get my homegrown
organs. How do you think I was able to take care of this mess? They’re very good at that. They
helped explain to my other patients that a homicidal maniac had broken into the clinic and killed
both Herr Muller and Doctor Silva. They also made sure that none of the staff said anything to
contradict that story.
What about the bodies?
They listed Silva as the victim of a probable “car jacking.” I don’t know where they put his body;
maybe some ghetto side street in the City of God, a drug score gone bad just to give the story
more credibility. I hope they just burned him, or buried him…deep.
Do you think he…
I don’t know. His brain was intact when he died. If he wasn’t in a body bag…if the ground was soft
enough. How long would it have taken to dig out?
[He chews another leaf, offering me some. I decline.]
And Mister Muller?
No explanation, not to his widow, not to the Austrian embassy. Just another kidnapped tourist
who’d been careless in a dangerous town. I don’t know if Frau Muller ever believed that story, or if
she ever tried to investigate further. She probably never realized how damn lucky she was.
Why was she lucky?
Are you serious? What if he hadn’t reanimated in my clinic? What if he’d managed to make it all the
way home?
Is that possible?
Of course it is! Think about it. Because the infection started in the heart, the virus had direct
access to his circulatory system, so it probably reached his brain seconds after it was implanted.
Now you take another organ, a liver or a kidney, or even a section of grafted skin. That’s going to
take a lot longer, especially if the virus is only present in small amounts.
But the donor…
Doesn’t have to be fully reanimated. What if he’s just newly infected? The organ may not be
completely saturated. It might only have an infinitesimal trace. You put that organ in another body,
it might take days, weeks, before it eventually works its way out into the bloodstream. By that
point the patient might be well on the way to recovery, happy and healthy and living a regular life.
But whoever is removing the organ…
…may not know what he’s dealing with. I didn’t. These were the very early stages, when nobody
knew anything yet. Even if they did know, like elements in the Chinese army…you want to talk
about immoral…Years before the outbreak they’d been making millions on organs from executed
political prisoners. You think something like a little virus is going to make them stop sucking that
golden tit?
But how…
You remove the heart not long after the victim’s died…maybe even while he’s still alive…they used
to do that, you know, remove living organs to ensure their freshness…pack it in ice, put it on a
plane for Rio…China used to be the largest exporter of human organs on the world market. Who
knows how many infected corneas, infected pituitary glands…Mother of God, who knows how many
infected kidneys they pumped into the global market. And that’s just the organs! You want to talk
about the “donated” eggs from political prisoners, the sperm, the blood? You think immigration was
the only way the infection swept the planet? Not all the initial outbreaks were Chinese nationals.
Can you explain all those stories of people suddenly dying of unexplained causes, then reanimating
without ever having been bitten? Why did so many outbreaks begin in hospitals? Illegal Chinese
immigrants weren’t going to hospitals. Do you know how many thousands of people got illegal
organ transplants in those early years leading up to the Great Panic? Even if 10 percent of them
were infected, even 1 percent…
Do you have any proof of this theory?
No…but that doesn’t mean it didn’t happen! When I think about how many transplants I performed,
all those patients from Europe, the Arab world, even the self-righteous United States. Few of you
Yankees asked where your new kidney or pancreas was coming from, be it a slum kid from the City
of God or some unlucky student in a Chinese political prison. You didn’t know, you didn’t care. You
just signed your traveler’s checks, went under the knife, then went home to Miami or New York or
wherever.
Did you ever try to track these patients down, warn them?
No, I didn’t. I was trying to recover from a scandal, rebuild my reputation, my client base, my bank
account. I wanted to forget what happened, not investigate it further. By the time I realized the
danger, it was scratching at my front door.
BRIDGETOWN HARBOR, BARBADOS, WEST INDIES FEDERATION
[I was told to expect a “tall ship,” although the “sails” of IS Imfingo refer to the
four vertical wind turbines rising from her sleek, trimaran hull. When coupled
with banks of PEM, or proton exchange membrane, fuel cells, a technology that
converts seawater into electricity, it is easy to see why the prefix “IS” stands for
“Infinity Ship.” Hailed as the undisputed future of maritime transport, it is still
rare to see one sailing under anything but a government flag. The Imfingo is
privately owned and operated. Jacob Nyathi is her captain.]
I was born about the same time as the new, postapartheid South Africa. In those euphoric days,
the new government not only promised the democracy of “one man, one vote,” but employment
and housing to the entire country. My father thought that meant immediately. He didn’t understand
that these were long-term goals to be achieved after years—generations—of hard work. He
thought that if we abandoned our tribal homeland and relocated to a city, there would be a
brand-new house and high-paying jobs just sitting there waiting for us. My father was a simple
man, a day laborer. I can’t blame him for his lack of formal education, his dream of a better life for
his family. And so we settled in Khayelitsha, one of the four main townships outside of Cape Town.
It was a life of grinding, hopeless, humiliating poverty. It was my childhood.
The night it happened, I was walking home from the bus stop. It was around five A.M. and I’d just
finished my shift waiting tables at the T.G.I. Friday’s at Victoria Wharf. It had been a good night.
The tips were big, and news from the Tri Nations was enough to make any South African feel ten
feet tall. The Springboks were trouncing the All Blacks…again!
[He smiles with the memory.]
Maybe those thoughts were what distracted me at first, maybe it was simply being so knackered,
but I felt my body instinctively react before I consciously heard the shots. Gunfire was not unusual,
not in my neighborhood, not in those days. “One man, one gun,” that was the slogan of my life in
Khayelitsha. Like a combat veteran, you develop almost genetic survival skills. Mine were razor
sharp. I crouched, tried to triangulate the sound, and at the same time look for the hardest surface
to hide behind. Most of the homes were just makeshift shanties, wood scraps or corrugated tin, or
just sheets of plastic fastened to barely standing beams. Fire ravaged these lean-tos at least once
a year, and bullets could pass through them as easily as open air.
I sprinted and crouched behind a barbershop, which had been constructed from a car-sized
shipping container. It wasn’t perfect, but it would do for a few seconds, long enough to hole up and
wait for the shooting to die down. Only it didn’t. Pistols, shotguns, and that clatter you never
forget, the kind that tells you someone has a Kalashnikov. This was lasting much too long to be just
an ordinary gang row. Now there were screams, shouts. I began to smell smoke. I heard the
stirrings of a crowd. I peeked out from around the corner. Dozens of people, most of them in their
nightclothes, all shouting “Run! Get out of there! They’re coming!” House lamps were lighting all
around me, faces poking out of shanties. “What’s going on here?” they asked. “Who’s coming?”
Those were the younger faces. The older ones, they just started running. They had a different kind
of survival instinct, an instinct born in a time when they were slaves in their own country. In those
days, everyone knew who “they” were, and if “they” were ever coming, all you could do was run
and pray.
Did you run?
I couldn’t. My family, my mother and two little sisters, lived only a few “doors” down from the
Radio Zibonele station, exactly where the mob was fleeing from. I wasn’t thinking. I was stupid. I
should have doubled back around, found an alley or quiet street.
I tried to wade through the mob, pushing in the opposite direction. I thought I could stay along
the sides of the shanties. I was knocked into one, into one of their plastic walls that wrapped
around me as the whole structure collapsed. I was trapped, I couldn’t breathe. Someone ran over
me, smashed my head into the ground. I shook myself free, wriggled and rolled out into the street.
I was still on my stomach when I saw them: ten or fifteen, silhouetted against the fires of the
burning shanties. I couldn’t see their faces, but I could hear them moaning. They were slouching
steadily toward me with their arms raised.
I got to my feet, my head swam, my body ached all over. Instinctively I began to withdraw,
backing into the “doorway” of the closest shack. Something grabbed me from behind, pulled at my
collar, tore the fabric. I spun, ducked, and kicked hard. He was large, larger and heavier than me
by a few kilos. Black fluid ran down the front of his white shirt. A knife protruded from his chest,
jammed between the ribs and buried to the hilt. A scrap of my collar, which was clenched between
his teeth, dropped as his lower jaw fell open. He growled, he lunged. I tried to dodge. He grabbed
my wrist. I felt a crack, and pain shot up through my body. I dropped to my knees, tried to roll and
maybe trip him up. My hand came up against a heavy cooking pot. I grabbed it and swung hard. It
smashed into his face. I hit him again, and again, bashing his skull until the bone split open and the
brains spilled out across my feet. He slumped over. I freed myself just as another one of them
appeared in the entrance. This time the structure’s flimsy nature worked to my advantage. I
kicked the back wall open, slinking out and bringing the whole hut down in the process.
I ran, I didn’t know where I was going. It was a nightmare of shacks and fire and grasping hands
all racing past me. I ran through a shanty where a woman was hiding in the corner. Her two
children were huddled against her, crying. “Come with me!” I said. “Please, come, we have to go!” I
held out my hands, moved closer to her. She pulled her children back, brandishing a sharpened
screwdriver. Her eyes were wide, scared. I could hear sounds behind me…smashing through
shanties, knocking them over as they came. I switched from Xhosa to English. “Please,” I begged,
“you have to run!” I reached for her but she stabbed my hand. I left her there. I didn’t know what
else to do. She is still in my memory, when I sleep or maybe close my eyes sometimes. Sometimes
she’s my mother, and the crying children are my sisters.
I saw a bright light up ahead, shining between the cracks in the shanties. I ran as hard as I could.
I tried to call to them. I was out of breath. I crashed through the wall of a shack and suddenly I was
in open ground. The headlights were blinding. I felt something slam into my shoulder. I think I was
out before I even hit the ground.
I came to in a bed at Groote Schuur Hospital. I’d never seen the inside of a recovery ward like
this. It was so clean and white. I thought I might be dead. The medication, I’m sure, helped that
feeling. I’d never tried any kind of drugs before, never even touched a drink of alcohol. I didn’t
want to end up like so many in my neighborhood, like my father. All my life I’d fought to stay clean,
and now…
The morphine or whatever they had pumped into my veins was delicious. I didn’t care about
anything. I didn’t care when they told me the police had shot me in the shoulder. I saw the man in
the bed next to me frantically wheeled out as soon as his breathing stopped. I didn’t even care
when I overheard them talking about the outbreak of “rabies.”
Who was talking about it?
I don’t know. Like I said, I was as high as the stars. I just remember voices in the hallway outside
my ward, loud voices angrily arguing. “That wasn’t rabies!” one of them yelled. “Rabies doesn’t do
that to people!” Then…something else…then “well, what the hell do you suggest, we’ve got fifteen
downstairs right here! Who knows how many more are still out there!” It’s funny, I go over that
conversation all the time in my head, what I should have thought, felt, done. It was a long time
before I sobered up again, before I woke up and faced the nightmare.
TEL AVIV, ISRAEL
[Jurgen Warmbrunn has a passion for Ethiopian food, which is our reason for
meeting at a Falasha restaurant. With his bright pink skin, and white, unruly
eyebrows that match his “Einstein” hair, he might be mistaken for a crazed
scientist or college professor. He is neither. Although never acknowledging which
Israeli intelligence service he was, and possibly still is, employed by, he openly
admits that at one point he could be called “a spy.”]
Most people don’t believe something can happen until it already has. That’s not stupidity or
weakness, that’s just human nature. I don’t blame anyone for not believing. I don’t claim to be any
smarter or better than them. I guess what it really comes down to is the randomness of birth. I
happened to be born into a group of people who live in constant fear of extinction. It’s part of our
identity, part of our mind-set, and it has taught us through horrific trial and error to always be on
our guard.
The first warning I had of the plague was from our friends and customers over in Taiwan. They
were complaining about our new software decryption program. Apparently it was failing to decode
some e-mails from PRC sources, or at least decoding them so poorly that the text was
unintelligible. I suspected the problem might not be in the software but in the translated messages
themselves. The mainland Reds…I guess they weren’t really Reds anymore but…what do you want
from an old man? The Reds had a nasty habit of using too many different computers from too many
different generations and countries.
Before I suggested this theory to Taipei, I thought it might be a good idea to review the
scrambled messages myself. I was surprised to find that the characters themselves were perfectly
decoded. But the text itself…it all had to do with a new viral outbreak that first eliminated its
victim, then reanimated his corpse into some kind of homicidal berzerker. Of course, I didn’t
believe this was true, especially because only a few weeks later the crisis in the Taiwan Strait
began and any messages dealing with rampaging corpses abruptly ended. I suspected a second
layer of encryption, a code within a code. That was pretty standard procedure, going back to the
first days of human communication. Of course the Reds didn’t mean actual dead bodies. It had to be
a new weapon system or ultrasecret war plan. I let the matter drop, tried to forget about it. Still,
as one of your great national heroes used to say: “My spider sense was tingling.”
Not long afterward, at the reception for my daughter’s wedding, I found myself speaking to one
of my son-in-law’s professors from Hebrew University. The man was a talker, and he’d had a little
too much to drink. He was rambling about how his cousin was doing some kind of work in South
Africa and had told him some stories about golems. You know about the Golem, the old legend
about a rabbi who breathes life into an inanimate statue? Mary Shelley stole the idea for her book
Frankenstein. I didn’t say anything at first, just listened. The man went on blathering about how
these golems weren’t made from clay, nor were they docile and obedient. As soon as he mentioned
reanimating human bodies, I asked for the man’s number. It turns out he had been in Cape Town on
one of those “Adrenaline Tours,” shark feeding I think it was.
[He rolls his eyes.]
Apparently the shark had obliged him, right in the tuchus, which is why he had been recovering
at Groote Schuur when the first victims from Khayelitsha township were brought in. He hadn’t
seen any of these cases firsthand, but the staff had told him enough stories to fill my old
Dictaphone. I then presented his stories, along with those decrypted Chinese e-mails, to my
superiors.
And this is where I directly benefited from the unique circumstances of our precarious security.
In October of 1973, when the Arab sneak attack almost drove us into the Mediterranean, we had
all the intelligence in front of us, all the warning signs, and we had simply “dropped the ball.” We
never considered the possibility of an all-out, coordinated, conventional assault from several
nations, certainly not on our holiest of holidays. Call it stagnation, call it rigidity, call it an
unforgivable herd mentality. Imagine a group of people all staring at writing on a wall, everyone
congratulating one another on reading the words correctly. But behind that group is a mirror
whose image shows the writing’s true message. No one looks at the mirror. No one thinks it’s
necessary. Well, after almost allowing the Arabs to finish what Hitler started, we realized that not
only was that mirror image necessary, but it must forever be our national policy. From 1973
onward, if nine intelligence analysts came to the same conclusion, it was the duty of the tenth to
disagree. No matter how unlikely or far-fetched a possibility might be, one must always dig deeper.
If a neighbor’s nuclear power plant might be used to make weapons-grade plutonium, you dig; if a
dictator was rumored to be building a cannon so big it could fire anthrax shells across whole
countries, you dig; and if there was even the slightest chance that dead bodies were being
reanimated as ravenous killing machines, you dig and dig until you stike the absolute truth.
And that is what I did, I dug. At first it wasn’t easy. With China out of the picture…the Taiwan
crisis put an end to any intelligence gathering…I was left with very few sources of information. A
lot of it was chaff, especially on the Internet; zombies from space and Area 51…what is your
country’s fetish for Area 51, anyway? After a while I started to uncover more useful data: cases of
“rabies” similar to Cape Town…it wasn’t called African rabies until later. I uncovered the
psychological evaluations of some Canadian mountain troops recently returned from Kyrgyzstan. I
found the blog records of a Brazilian nurse who told her friends all about the murder of a heart
surgeon.
The majority of my information came from the World Health Organization. The UN is a
bureaucratic masterpiece, so many nuggets of valuable data buried in mountains of unread
reports. I found incidents all over the world, all of them dismissed with “plausible” explanations.
These cases allowed me to piece together a cohesive mosaic of this new threat. The subjects in
question were indeed dead, they were hostile, and they were undeniably spreading. I also made
one very encouraging discovery: how to terminate their existence.
Going for the brain.
[He chuckles.] We talk about it today as if it is some feat of magic, like holy water or a silver
bullet, but why wouldn’t destruction of the brain be the only way to annihilate these creatures?
Isn’t it the only way to annihilate us as well?
You mean human beings?
[He nods.] Isn’t that all we are? Just a brain kept alive by a complex and vulnerable machine we
call the body? The brain cannot survive if just one part of the machine is destroyed or even
deprived of such necessities as food or oxygen. That is the only measurable difference between us
and “The Undead.” Their brains do not require a support system to survive, so it is necessary to
attack the organ itself. [His right hand, in the shape of a gun, rises to touch his temple.] A
simple solution, but only if we recognized the problem! Given how quickly the plague was
spreading, I thought it might be prudent to seek confirmation from foreign intelligence circles.
Paul Knight had been a friend of mine for a long time, going all the way back to Entebbe. The
idea to use a double of Amin’s black Mercedes, that was him. Paul had retired from government
service right before his agency’s “reforms” and gone to work for a private consulting firm in
Bethesda, Maryland. When I visited him at his home, I was shocked to find that not only had he
been working on the very same project, on his own time, of course, but that his file was almost as
thick and heavy as mine. We sat up the whole night reading each other’s findings. Neither of us
spoke. I don’t think we were even conscious of each other, the world around us, anything except
the words before our eyes. We finished almost at the same time, just as the sky began to lighten in
the east.
Paul turned the last page, then looked to me and said very matter-of-factly, “This is pretty bad,
huh?” I nodded, so did he, then followed up with “So what are we going to do about it?”
And that is how the “Warmbrunn-Knight” report was written.
I wish people would stop calling it that. There were fifteen other names on that report: virologists,
intelligence operatives, military analysts, journalists, even one UN observer who’d been
monitoring the elections in Jakarta when the first outbreak hit Indonesia. Everyone was an expert
in his or her field, everyone had come to their own similar conclusions before ever being contacted
by us. Our report was just under a hundred pages long. It was concise, it was fully comprehensive,
it was everything we thought we needed to make sure this outbreak never reached epidemic
proportions. I know a lot of credit has been heaped upon the South African war plan, and
deservedly so, but if more people had read our report and worked to make its recommendations a
reality, then that plan would have never needed to exist.
But some people did read and follow your report. Your own
government…
Barely, and just look at the cost.
BETHLEHEM, PALESTINE
[With his rugged looks and polished charm, Saladin Kader could be a movie star.
He is friendly but never obsequious, self-assured but never arrogant. He is a
professor of urban planning at Khalil Gibran University, and, naturally, the love of
all his female students. We sit under the statue of the university’s namesake.
Like everything else in one of the Middle East’s most affluent cities, its polished
bronze glitters in the sun.]
I was born and raised in Kuwait City. My family was one of the few “lucky” ones not to be
expelled after 1991, after Arafat sided with Saddam against the world. We weren’t rich, but
neither were we struggling. I was comfortable, even sheltered, you might say, and oh did it show in
my actions.
I watched the Al Jazeera broadcast from behind the counter at the Starbucks where I worked
every day after school. It was the afternoon rush hour and the place was packed. You should have
heard the uproar, the jeers and catcalls. I’m sure our noise level matched that on the floor of the
General Assembly.
Of course we thought it was a Zionist lie, who didn’t? When the Israeli ambassador announced to
the UN General Assembly that his country was enacting a policy of “voluntary quarantine,” what
was I supposed to think? Was I supposed to really believe his crazy story that African rabies was
actually some new plague that transformed dead bodies into bloodthirsty cannibals? How can you
possibly believe that kind of foolishness, especially when it comes from your most hated enemy?
I didn’t even hear the second part of that fat bastard’s speech, the part about offering asylum, no
questions asked, to any foreign-born Jew, any foreigner of Israeli-born parents, any Palestinian
living in the formerly occupied territories, and any Palestinian whose family had once lived within
the borders of Israel. The last part applied to my family, refugees from the ’67 War of Zionist
aggression. At the heeding of the PLO leadership, we had fled our village believing we could return
as soon as our Egyptian and Syrian brothers had swept the Jews into the sea. I had never been to
Israel, or what was about to be absorbed into the new state of Unified Palestine.
What did you think was behind the Israeli ruse?
Here’s what I thought: The Zionists have just been driven out of the occupied territories, they say
they left voluntarily, just like Lebanon, and most recently the Gaza Strip, but really, just like
before, we knew we’d driven them out. They know that the next and final blow would destroy that
illegal atrocity they call a country, and to prepare for that final blow, they’re attempting to recruit
both foreign Jews as cannon fodder and…and—I thought I was so clever for figuring this part
out—kidnapping as many Palestinians as they could to act as human shields! I had all the answers.
Who doesn’t at seventeen?
My father wasn’t quite convinced of my ingenious geopolitical insights. He was a janitor at Amiri
Hospital. He’d been on duty the night it had its first major African rabies outbreak. He hadn’t
personally seen the bodies rise from their slabs or the carnage of panicked patients and security
guards, but he’d witnessed enough of the aftermath to convince him that staying in Kuwait was
suicidal. He’d made up his mind to leave the same day Israel made their declaration.
That must have been difficult to hear.
It was blasphemy! I tried to make him see reason, to convince him with my adolescent logic. I’d
show the images from Al Jazeera, the images coming out of the new West Bank state of Palestine;
the celebrations, the demonstrations. Anyone with eyes could see total liberation was at hand. The
Israelis had withdrawn from all the occupied territory and were actually preparing to evacuate Al
Quds, what they call Jerusalem! All the factional fighting, the violence between our various
resistance organizations, I knew that would die down once we unified for the final blow against the
Jews. Couldn’t my father see this? Couldn’t he understand that, in a few years, a few months, we
would be returning to our homeland, this time as liberators, not as refugees.
How was your argument resolved?
“Resolved,” what a pleasant euphemism. It was “resolved” after the second outbreak, the larger
one at Al Jahrah. My father had just quit his job, cleared out our bank account, such as it was…our
bags were packed…our e-tickets confirmed. The TV was blaring in the background, riot police
storming the front entrance of a house. You couldn’t see what they were shooting at inside. The
official report blamed the violence on “pro-Western extremists.” My father and I were arguing, as
always. He tried to convince me of what he’d seen at the hospital, that by the time our leaders
acknowledged the danger, it would be too late for any of us.
I, of course, scoffed at his timid ignorance, at his willingness to abandon “The Struggle.” What
else could I expect from a man who’d spent his whole life scrubbing toilets in a country that treated
our people only slightly better than its Filipino guest workers. He’d lost his perspective, his
self-respect. The Zionists were offering the hollow promise of a better life, and he was jumping at
it like a dog with scraps.
My father tried, with all the patience he could muster, to make me see that he had no more love
for Israel than the most militant Al Aqsa martyr, but they seemed to be the only country actively
preparing for the coming storm, certainly the only one that would so freely shelter and protect our
family.
I laughed in his face. Then I dropped the bomb: I told him that I’d already found a website for the
Children of Yassin 1 and was waiting for an e-mail from a recruiter supposedly operating right in
Kuwait City. I told my father to go and be the yehud’s whore if he wanted, but the next time we’d
meet was when I would be rescuing him from an internment camp. I was quite proud of those
words, I thought they sounded very heroic. I glared in his face, stood from the table, and made my
final pronouncement: “Surely the vilest of beasts in Allah’s sight are those who disbelieve!” 2
The dinner table suddenly became very silent. My mother looked down, my sisters looked at
each other. All you could hear was the TV, the frantic words of the on-site reporter telling everyone
to remain calm. My father was not a large man. By that time, I think I was even bigger than him.
He was also not an angry man; I don’t think he ever raised his voice. I saw something in his eyes,
something I didn’t recognize, and then suddenly he was on me, a lightning whirlwind that threw me
up against the wall, slapped me so hard my left ear rang. “You WILL go!” he shouted as he grabbed
my shoulders and repeatedly slammed me against the cheap drywall. “I am your father! You WILL
OBEY ME!” His next slap sent my vision flashing white. “YOU WILL LEAVE WITH THIS FAMILY OR
YOU WILL NOT LEAVE THIS ROOM ALIVE!” More grabbing and shoving, shouting and slapping. I
didn’t understand where this man had come from, this lion who’d replaced my docile, frail excuse
for a parent. A lion protecting his cubs. He knew that fear was the only weapon he had left to save
my life and if I didn’t fear the threat of the plague, then dammit, I was going to fear him!
Did it work?
[Laughs.] Some martyr I turned out to be, I think I cried all the way to Cairo.
Cairo?
There were no direct flights to Israel from Kuwait, not even from Egypt once the Arab League
imposed its travel restrictions. We had to fly from Kuwait to Cairo, then take a bus across the Sinai
Desert to the crossing at Taba.
As we approached the border, I saw the Wall for the first time. It was still unfinished, naked steel
beams rising above the concrete foundation. I’d known about the infamous “security fence”—what
citizen of the Arab world didn’t—but I’d always been led to believe that it only surrounded the West
Bank and Gaza Strip. Out here, in the middle of this barren desert, it only confirmed my theory
that the Israelis were expecting an attack along their entire border. Good, I thought. The
Egyptians have finally rediscovered their balls.
At Taba, we were taken off the bus and told to walk, single file, past cages that held very large
and fierce-looking dogs. We went one at a time. A border guard, this skinny black African—I didn’t
know there were black Jews 3 —would hold out his hand. “Wait there!” he said in barely
recognizable Arabic. Then, “you go, come!” The man before me was old. He had a long white beard
and supported himself on a cane. As he passed the dogs, they went wild, howling and snarling,
biting and charging at the confines of their cages. Instantly, two large chaps in civilian clothing
were at the old man’s side, speaking something in his ear and escorting him away. I could see the
man was injured. His dishdasha was torn at the hip and stained with brown blood. These men were
certainly no doctors, however, and the black, unmarked van they escorted him to was certainly no
ambulance. Bastards, I thought, as the old man’s family wailed after him. Weeding out the ones too
sick and old to be of any use to them. Then it was our turn to walk the gauntlet of dogs. They didn’t
bark at me, nor the rest of my family. I think one of them even wagged its tail as my sister held out
her hand. The next man after us, however…again came the barks and growls, again came the
nondescript civilians. I turned to look at him and was surprised to see a white man, American
maybe, or Canadian…no, he had to be American, his English was too loud. “C’mon, I’m fine!” He
shouted and struggled. “C’mon, man, what the fuck?” He was well dressed, a suit and tie, matching
luggage that was tossed aside as he began to fight with the Israelis. “Dude, c’mon, get the fuck off
me! I’m one’a you! C’mon!” The buttons on his shirt ripped open, revealing a bloodstained bandage
wrapped tightly around his stomach. He was still kicking and screaming as they dragged him into
the back of the van. I didn’t understand it. Why these people? Clearly, it wasn’t just about being an
Arab, or even about being wounded. I saw several refugees with severe injuries pass through
without molestation from the guards. They were all escorted to waiting ambulances, real
ambulances, not the black vans. I knew it had something to do with the dogs. Were they screening
for rabies? That made the most sense to me, and it continued to be my theory during our
internment outside Yeroham.
The resettlement camp?
Resettlement and quarantine. At that time, I just saw it as a prison. It was exactly what I’d
expected to happen to us: the tents, the overcrowding, the guards, barbed wire, and the seething,
baking Negev Desert sun. We felt like prisoners, we were prisoners, and although I would have
never had the courage to say to my father “I told you so,” he could see it clearly in my sour face.
What I didn’t expect was the physical examinations; every day, from an army of medical
personnel. Blood, skin, hair, saliva, even urine and feces 4 …it was exhausting, mortifying. The
only thing that made it bearable, and probably what prevented an all-out riot among some of the
Muslim detainees, was that most of the doctors and nurses doing the examinations were
themselves Palestinian. The doctor who examined my mother and sisters was a woman, an
American woman from a place called Jersey City. The man who examined us was from Jabaliya in
Gaza and had himself been a detainee only a few months before. He kept telling us, “You made the
right decision to come here. You’ll see. I know it’s hard, but you’ll see it was the only way.” He told
us it was all true, everything the Israelis had said. I still couldn’t bring myself to believe him, even
though a growing part of me wanted to.
We stayed at Yeroham for three weeks, until our papers were processed and our medical
examinations finally cleared. You know, the whole time they barely even glanced at our passports.
My father had done all this work to make sure our official documents were in order. I don’t think
they even cared. Unless the Israeli Defense Force or the police wanted you for some previous
“unkosher” activities, all that mattered was your clean bill of health.
The Ministry of Social Affairs provided us with vouchers for subsidized housing, free schooling,
and a job for my father at a salary that would support the entire family. This is too good to be true,
I thought as we boarded the bus for Tel Aviv. The hammer is going to fall anytime now.
It did once we entered the city of Beer Sheeba. I was asleep, I didn’t hear the shots or see the
driver’s windscreen shatter. I jerked awake as I felt the bus swerve out of control. We crashed into
the side of a building. People screamed, glass and blood were everywhere. My family was close to
the emergency exit. My father kicked the door open and pushed us out into the street.
There was shooting, from the windows, doorways. I could see that it was soldiers versus
civilians, civilians with guns or homemade bombs. This is it! I thought. My heart felt like it was
going to burst! This liberation has started! Before I could do anything, run out to join my comrades
in battle, someone had me by my shirt and was pulling me through the doorway of a Starbucks.
I was thrown on the floor next to my family, my sisters were crying as my mother tried to crawl
on top of them. My father had a bullet wound in the shoulder. An IDF soldier shoved me on the
ground, keeping my face away from the window. My blood was boiling; I started looking for
something I could use as a weapon, maybe a large shard of glass to ram through the yehud’s
throat.
Suddenly a door at the back of the Starbucks swung open, the soldier turned in its direction and
fired. A bloody corpse hit the floor right beside us, a grenade rolled out of his twitching hand. The
soldier grabbed the bomb and tried to hurl it into the street. It exploded in midair. His body
shielded us from the blast. He tumbled back over the corpse of my slain Arab brother. Only he
wasn’t an Arab at all. As my tears dried I noticed that he wore payess and a yarmulke and bloody
tzitzit snaked out from his damp, shredded trousers. This man was a Jew, the armed rebels out in
the street were Jews! The battle raging all around us wasn’t an uprising by Palestinian insurgents,
but the opening shots of the Israeli Civil War.
In your opinion, what do you believe was the cause of that war?
I think there were many causes. I know the repatriation of Palestinians was unpopular, so was the
general pullout from the West Bank. I’m sure the Strategic Hamlet Resettlement Program must
have inflamed more than its share of hearts. A lot of Israelis had to watch their houses bulldozed in
order to make way for those fortified, self-sufficient residential compounds. Al Quds, I
believe…that was the final straw. The Coalition Government decided that it was the one major
weak point, too large to control and a hole that led right into the heart of Israel. They not only
evacuated the city, but the entire Nablus to Hebron corridor as well. They believed that rebuilding
a shorter wall along the 1967 demarcation line was the only way to ensure physical security, no
matter what backlash might occur from their own religious right. I learned all this much later, you
understand, as well as the fact that the only reason the IDF eventually triumphed was because the
majority of the rebels came from the ranks of the Ultra-Orthodox and therefore most had never
served in the armed forces. Did you know that? I didn’t. I realized I practically didn’t know
anything about these people I’d hated my entire life. Everything I thought was true went up in
smoke that day, supplanted by the face of our real enemy.
I was running with my family into the back of an Israeli tank, 5 when one of those unmarked vans
came around the corner. A handheld rocket slammed right into its engine. The van catapulted into
the air, crashed upside down, and exploded into a brilliant orange fireball. I still had a few steps to
go before reaching the doors of the tank, just enough time to see the whole event unfold. Figures
were climbing out of the burning wreckage, slow-moving torches whose clothes and skin were
covered in burning petrol. The soldiers around us began firing at the figures. I could see little pops
in their chests where the bullets were passing harmlessly through. The squad leader next to me
shouted “B’rosh! Yoreh B’rosh!” and the soldiers adjusted their aim. The figures’…the creatures’
heads exploded. The petrol was just burning out as they hit the ground, these charred black,
headless corpses. Suddenly I understood what my father had been trying to warn me about, what
the Israelis had been trying to warn the rest of the world about! What I couldn’t understand was
why the rest of the world wasn’t listening.

LANGLEY, VIRGINIA, UIA
[The office of the director of the Central Intelligence Agency could belong to a
business executive or doctor or an everyday, small-town high school principal.
There are the usual collection of reference books on the shelf, degrees and
photos on the wall, and, on his desk, an autographed baseball from Cincinnati
Reds catcher Johnny Bench. Bob Archer, my host, can see by my face that I was
expecting something different. I suspect that is why he chose to conduct our
interview here.]
When you think ai out the CIA, you proiaily imagine two of our most popular and enduring
myths. The first is that our mission is to search the gloie fo r any conceivaile th reat to the United
States, and the second is that we have the power to perform the first. This myth is the iy-product
of an organization, which, iy its very nature, must exist and operate in secrecy. Secrecy is a
vacuum and nothing fills a vacuum like paranoid speculation. “Hey, did you hear who killed so and
so, I hear it was the CIA. Hey, what aio ut that coup in El Banana Repuilico, m ust have ieen the
CIA. Hey, ie caref ul looking at that weisite, you know w ho keeps a record of every weisite
anyone’s ever looked at ever, the CIA!” This is the image most people had of us iefore the war,
and it’s an image we were more than happy to encourage. We wanted iad guy s to suspect us, to
fear us and mayie t hink twice iefore tr ying to harm any of our citizens. This was the advantage of
our image as some kind of omniscient octopus. The only disadvantage was that our own people
ielieved in that ima ge as well, so whenever anything, anywhere occurred without any warning,
where do you think the finger was pointed: “Hey, how did that crazy country get those nukes?
Where was the CIA? How come all those people were murdered iy that fanat ic? Where was the
CIA? How come, when the dead iegan c oming iack to life, w e didn’t know aiout it until they were
ireaking through ou r living room windows? Where the hell was the goddamn CIA!?!”
The truth was, neither the Central Intelligence Agency nor any of the other official and unofficial
U.S. intelligence organizations have ever ieen some k ind of all-seeing, all-knowing, gloial
illuminati. For starters, we never had that kind of funding. Even during the ilank check days of the
cold war, it’s just not physically possiile to have eyes and ears in every iack r oom, cave, alley,
irothel, iunker, offi ce, home, car, and rice paddy across the entire planet. Don’t get me wrong, I’m
not saying we were impotent, and mayi e we can take credit for some of the things our fans, and
our critics, have suspected us of over the years. But if you add up all the crackpot conspiracy
theories from Pearl Harior 1 to the day iefore t he Great Panic, then you’d have an organization
not only more powerful than the United States, iut the unit ed efforts of the entire human race.
We’re not some shadow superpower with ancient secrets and alien technology. We have very real
limitations and extremely finite assets, so why would we waste those assets chasing down each and
every potential threat? That goes to the second myth of what an intelligence organization really
does. We can’t just spread ourselves thin looking for, and hoping to stumble on, new and possible
dangers. Instead, we’ve always had to identify and focus on those that are already clear and
present. If your Soviet neighbor is trying to set fire to your house, you can’t be worrying about the
Arab down the block. If suddenly it’s the Arab in your backyard, you can’t be worrying about the
People’s Republic of China, and if one day the ChiComs show up at your front door with an eviction
notice in one hand and a Molotov cocktail in the other, then the last thing you’re going to do is look
over his shoulder for a walking corpse.
But didn’t the plague originate in China?
It did, as well as did one of the greatest single Maskirovkas in the history of modern espionage.
I’m sorry?
It was deception, a fake out. The PRC knew they were already our number-one surveillance target.
They knew they could never hide the existence of their nationwide “Health and Safety” sweeps.
They realized that the best way to mask what they were doing was to hide it in plain sight. Instead
of lying about the sweeps themselves, they just lied about what they were sweeping for.
The dissident crackdown?
Bigger, the whole Taiwan Strait incident: the victory of the Taiwan National Independence Party,
the assassination of the PRC defense minister, the buildup, the war threats, the demonstrations
and subsequent crackdowns were all engineered by the Ministry of State Security and all of it was
to divert the world’s eye from the real danger growing within China. And it worked! Every shred of
intel we had on the PRC, the sudden disappearances, the mass executions, the curfews, the reserve
call-ups—everything could easily be explained as standard ChiCom procedure. In fact, it worked so
well, we were so convinced that World War III was about to break out in the Taiwan Strait, that we
diverted other intel assets from countries where undead outbreaks were just starting to unfold.
The Chinese were that good.
And we were that bad. It wasn’t the Agency’s finest hour. We were still reeling from the purges…
You mean the reforms?
No, I mean the purges, because that’s what they were. When Joe Stalin either shot or imprisoned
his best military commanders, he wasn’t doing half as much damage to his national security as
what that administration did to us with their “reforms.” The last brushfire war was a debacle and
guess who took the fall. We’d been ordered to justify a political agenda, then when that agenda
became a political liability, those who’d originally given the order now stood back with the crowd
and pointed the finger at us. “Who told us we should go to war in the first place? Who mixed us up
in all this mess? The CIA!” We couldn’t defend ourselves without violating national security. We had
to just sit there and take it. And what was the result? Brain drain. Why stick around and be the
victim of a political witch hunt when you could escape to the private sector: a fatter paycheck,
decent hours, and maybe, just maybe, a little respect and appreciation by the people you work for.
We lost a lot of good men and women, a lot of experience, initiative, and priceless analytical
reasoning. All we were left with were the dregs, a bunch of brownnosing, myopic eunuchs.
But that couldn’t have been everyone.
No, of course not. There were some of us who stayed because we actually believed in what we
were doing. We weren’t in this for money or working conditions, or even the occasional pat on the
back. We were in this because we wanted to serve our country. We wanted to keep our people safe.
But even with ideals like that there comes a point when you have to realize that the sum of all your
blood, sweat, and tears will ultimately amount to zero.
So you knew what was really happening.
No…no…I couldn’t. There was no way to confirm…
But you had suspicions.
I had…doubts.
Could you be more specific?
No, I’m sorry. But I can say that I broached the subject a number of times to my coworkers.
What happened?
The answer was always the same, “Your funeral.”
And was it?
[Nods.] I spoke to…someone in a position of authority…just a five-minute meeting, expressing
some concerns. He thanked me for coming in and told me he’d look into it right away. The next day
I received transfer orders: Buenos Aires, effective immediately.
Did you ever hear of the Warmbrunn-Knight report?
Sure now, but back then…the copy that was originally hand delivered by Paul Knight himself, the
one marked “Eyes Only” for the director…it was found at the bottom of the desk of a clerk in the
San Antonio field office of the FBI, three years after the Great Panic. It turned out to be academic
because right after I was transferred, Israel went public with its statement of “Voluntary
Quarantine.” Suddenly the time for advanced warning was over. The facts were out; it was now a
question of who would believe them.
VAALAJARVI, FINLAND
[It is spring, “hunting season.” As the weather warms, and the bodies of frozen
zombies begin to reanimate, elements of the UN N-For (Northern Force) have
arrived for their annual “Sweep and Clear.” Every year the undead’s numbers
dwindle. At current trends, this area is expected to be completely “Secure”
within a decade. Travis D’Ambrosia, Supreme Allied Commander, Europe, is here
to personally oversee operations. There is a softness to the general’s voice, a
sadness. Throughout our interview, he struggles to maintain eye contact.]
I won’t deny mistakes were made. I won’t deny we could have been better prepared. I’ll be the
first one to admit that we let the American people down. I just want the American people to know
why.
“What if the Israelis are right?” Those were the first words out of the chairman’s mouth the
morning after Israel’s UN declaration. “I’m not saying they are,” he made sure to stress that point,
“I’m just saying, what if?” He wanted candid, not canned, opinions. He was that type of man, the
chairman of the Joint Chiefs. He kept the conversation “hypothetical,” indulging in the fantasy that
this was just some intellectual exercise. After all, if the rest of the world wasn’t ready to believe
something so outrageous, why should the men and women in this room?
We kept up with the charade as long as we could, speaking with a smile or punctuating with a
joke…I’m not sure when the transition happened. It was so subtle, I don’t think anyone even
noticed, but suddenly you had a room full of military professionals, each one with decades of
combat experience and more academic training than the average civilian brain surgeon, and all of
us speaking openly, and honestly, about the possible threat of walking corpses. It was like…a dam
breaking; the taboo was shattered, and the truth just started flooding out. It was…liberating.
So you had had your own private suspicions?
For months before the Israeli declaration; so had the chairman. Everyone in that room had heard
something, or suspected something.
Had any of you read the Warmbrunn-Knight report?
No, none of us. I had heard the name, but had no idea about its content. I actually got my hands on
a copy about two years after the Great Panic. Most of its military measures were almost line for
line in step with our own.
Your own what?
Our proposal to the White House. We outlined a fully comprehensive program, not only to
eliminate the threat within the United States, but to roll back and contain it throughout the entire
world.
What happened?
The White House loved Phase One. It was cheap, fast, and if executed properly, 100 percent
covert. Phase One involved the insertion of Special Forces units into infested areas. Their orders
were to investigate, isolate, and eliminate.
Eliminate?
With extreme prejudice.
Those were the Alpha teams?
Yes, sir, and they were extremely successful. Even though their battle record is sealed for the next
140 years, I can say that it remains one of the most outstanding moments in the history of
America’s elite warriors.
So what went wrong?
Nothing, with Phase One, but the Alpha teams were only supposed to be a stopgap measure. Their
mission was never to extinguish the threat, only delay it long enough to buy time for Phase Two.
But Phase Two was never completed.
Never even begun, and herein lies the reason why the American military was caught so shamefully
unprepared.
Phase Two required a massive national undertaking, the likes of which hadn’t been seen since
the darkest days of the Second World War. That kind of effort requires Herculean amounts of both
national treasure and national support, both of which, by that point, were nonexistent. The
American people had just been through a very long and bloody conflict. They were tired. They’d
had enough. Like the 1970s, the pendulum was swinging from a militant stance to a very resentful
one.
In totalitarian regimes—communism, fascism, religious fundamentalism—popular support is a
given. You can start wars, you can prolong them, you can put anyone in uniform for any length of
time without ever having to worry about the slightest political backlash. In a democracy, the polar
opposite is true. Public support must be husbanded as a finite national resource. It must be spent
wisely, sparingly, and with the greatest return on your investment. America is especially sensitive
to war weariness, and nothing brings on a backlash like the perception of defeat. I say
“perception” because America is a very all-or-nothing society. We like the big win, the touchdown,
the knockout in the first round. We like to know, and for everyone else to know, that our victory
wasn’t only uncontested, it was positively devastating. If not…well…look at where we were before
the Panic. We didn’t lose the last brushfire conflict, far from it. We actually accomplished a very
difficult task with very few resources and under extremely unfavorable circumstances. We won,
but the public didn’t see it that way because it wasn’t the blitzkrieg smackdown that our national
spirit demanded. Too much time had gone by, too much money had been spent, too many lives had
been lost or irrevocably damaged. We’d not only squandered all our public support, we were
deeply in the red.
Think about just the dollar value of Phase Two. Do you know the price tag of putting just one
American citizen in uniform? And I don’t just mean the time that he’s actively in that uniform: the
training, the equipment, the food, the housing, the transport, the medical care. I’m talking about
the long-term dollar value that the country, the American taxpayer, has to shell out to that person
for the rest of their natural life. This is a crushing financial burden, and in those days we barely
had enough funding to maintain what we had.
Even if the coffers hadn’t been empty, if we’d had all the money to make all the uniforms we
needed to implement Phase Two, who do you think we could have conned into filling them? This
goes to the heart of America’s war weariness. As if the “traditional” horrors weren’t bad
enough—the dead, the disfigured, the psychologically destroyed—now you had a whole new breed
of difficulties, “The Betrayed.” We were a volunteer army, and look what happened to our
volunteers. How many stories do you remember about some soldier who had his term of service
extended, or some exreservist who, after ten years of civilian life, suddenly found himself recalled
into active duty? How many weekend warriors lost their jobs or houses? How many came back to
ruined lives, or, worse, didn’t come back at all? Americans are an honest people, we expect a fair
deal. I know that a lot of other cultures used to think that was naïve and even childish, but it’s one
of our most sacred principles. To see Uncle Sam going back on his word, revoking people’s private
lives, revoking their freedom…
After Vietnam, when I was a young platoon leader in West Germany, we’d had to institute an
incentives program just to keep our soldiers from going AWOL. After this last war, no amount of
incentives could fill our depleted ranks, no payment bonuses or term reductions, or online
recruiting tools disguised as civilian video games. 1 This generation had had enough, and that’s
why when the undead began to devour our country, we were almost too weak and vulnerable to
stop them.
I’m not blaming the civilian leadership and I’m not suggesting that we in uniform should be
anything but beholden to them. This is our system and it’s the best in the world. But it must be
protected, and defended, and it must never again be so abused.
VOSTOK STATION: ANTARCTICA
[In prewar times, this outpost was considered the most remote on Earth.
Situated near the planet’s southern geomagnetic pole, atop the four-kilometer
ice crust of Lake Vostok, temperatures here have been recorded at a world
record negative eighty-nine degrees Celsius, with the highs rarely reaching
above negative twenty-two. This extreme cold, and the fact that overland
transport takes over a month to reach the station, were what made Vostok so
attractive to Breckinridge “Breck” Scott.
We meet in “The Dome,” the reinforced, geodesic greenhouse that draws
power from the station’s geothermal plant. These and many other
improvements were implemented by Mister Scott when he leased the station
from the Russian government. He has not left it since the Great Panic.]
Do you understand economics? I mean big-time, prewar, global capitalism. Do you get how it
worked? I don’t, and anyone who says they do is full of shit. There are no rules, no scientific
absolutes. You win, you lose, it’s a total crapshoot. The only rule that ever made sense to me I
learned from a history, not an economics, professor at Wharton. “Fear,” he used to say, “fear is the
most valuable commodity in the universe.” That blew me away. “Turn on the TV,” he’d say. “What
are you seeing? People selling their products? No. People selling the fear of you having to live
without their products.” Fuckin’ A, was he right. Fear of aging, fear of loneliness, fear of poverty,
fear of failure. Fear is the most basic emotion we have. Fear is primal. Fear sells. That was my
mantra. “Fear sells.”
When I first heard about the outbreaks, back when it was still called African rabies, I saw the
opportunity of a lifetime. I’ll never forget that first report, the Cape Town outbreak, only ten
minutes of actual reporting then a full hour of speculating about what would happen if the virus
ever made it to America. God bless the news. I hit speed dial thirty seconds later.
I met with some of my nearest and dearest. They’d all seen the same report. I was the first one
to come up with a workable pitch: a vaccine, a real vaccine for rabies. Thank God there is no cure
for rabies. A cure would make people buy it only if they thought they were infected. But a vaccine!
That’s preventative! People will keep taking that as long as they’re afraid it’s out there!
We had plenty of contacts in the biomed industry, with plenty more up on the Hill and Penn Ave.
We could have a working proto in less than a month and a proposal written up within a couple of
days. By the eighteenth hole, it was handshakes all around.
What about the FDA?
Please, are you serious? Back then the FDA was one of the most underfunded, mismanaged
organizations in the country. I think they were still high-fiving over getting Red No. 2 1 out of
M&Ms. Plus, this was one of the most business-friendly administrations in American history. J. P.
Morgan and John D. Rockefeller were getting wood from beyond the grave for this guy in the
White House. His staff didn’t even bother to read our cost assessment report. I think they were
already looking for a magic bullet. They railroaded it through the FDA in two months. Remember
the speech the prez made before Congress, how it had been tested in Europe for some time and
the only thing holding it up was our own “bloated bureaucracy”? Remember the whole thing about
“people don’t need big government, they need big protection, and they need it big-time!” Jesus
Christmas, I think half the country creamed their pants at that. How high did his approval rating go
that night, 60 percent, 70? I just know that it jacked our IPO 389 percent on the first day! Suck on
that, Baidu dot-com!
And you didn’t know if it would work?
We knew it would work against rabies, and that’s what they said it was, right, just some weird
strain of jungle rabies.
Who said that?
You know, “they,” like, the UN or the…somebody. That’s what everyone ended up calling it, right,
“African rabies.”
Was it ever tested on an actual victim?
Why? People used to take flu shots all the time, never knowing if it was for the right strain. Why
was this any different?
But the damage…
Who thought it was going to go that far? You know how many disease scares there used to be.
Jesus, you’d think the Black Death was sweeping the globe every three months or so…ebola, SARS,
avian flu. You know how many people made money on those scares? Shit, I made my first million on
useless antiradiation pills during the dirty bomb scares.
But if someone discovered…
Discovered what? We never lied, you understand? They told us it was rabies, so we made a vaccine
for rabies. We said it had been tested in Europe, and the drugs it was based on had been tested in
Europe. Technically, we never lied. Technically, we never did anything wrong.
But if someone discovered that it wasn’t rabies…
Who was going to blow the whistle? The medical profession? We made sure it was a prescription
drug so doctors stood just as much to lose as us. Who else? The FDA who let it pass? The
congressmen who all voted for its acceptance? The surgeon general? The White House? This was a
win-win situation! Everyone got to be heroes, everyone got to make money. Six months after
Phalanx hit the market, you started getting all these cheaper, knockoff brands, all solid sellers as
well as the other ancillary stuff like home air purifiers.
But the virus wasn’t airborne.
It didn’t matter! It still had the same brand name! “From the Makers of…” All I had to say was
“May Prevent Some Viral Infections.” That was it! Now I understand why it used to be illegal to
shout fire in a crowded theater. People weren’t going to say “Hey, I don’t smell smoke, is there
really a fire,” no, they say “Holy shit, there’s a fire! RUN!” [Laughs.] I made money on home
purifiers, car purifiers; my biggest seller was this little doodad you wore around your neck when
you got on a plane! I don’t know if it even filtered ragweed, but it sold.
Things got so good, I started setting up these dummy companies, you know, with plans to build
manufacturing facilities all over the country. The shares from these dumbos sold almost as much as
the real stuff. It wasn’t even the idea of safety anymore, it was the idea of the idea of safety!
Remember when we started to get our first cases here in the States, that guy in Florida who said
he’d been bitten but survived because he was taking Phalanx? OH! [He stands, mimes the act of
frantic fornication.] God freakin’ bless that dumbass, whoever he was.
But that wasn’t because of Phalanx. Your drug didn’t protect people at
all.
It protected them from their fears. That’s all I was selling. Hell, because of Phalanx, the biomed
sector started to recover, which, in turn, jump-started the stock market, which then gave the
impression of a recovery, which then restored consumer confidence to stimulate an actual
recovery! Phalanx hands down ended the recession! I…I ended the recession!
And then? When the outbreaks became more serious, and the press
finally reported that there was no wonder drug?
Pre-fucking-cisely! That’s the alpha cunt who should be shot, what’s her name, who first broke that
story! Look what she did! Pulled the fuckin’ rug right out from under us all! She caused the spiral!
She caused the Great Panic!
And you take no personal responsibility?
For what? For making a little fuckin’ cash…well, not a little [giggles]. All I did was what any of us
are ever supposed to do. I chased my dream, and I got my slice. You wanna blame someone, blame
whoever first called it rabies, or who knew it wasn’t rabies and gave us the green light anyway.
Shit, you wanna blame someone, why not start with all the sheep who forked over their
greenbacks without bothering to do a little responsible research. I never held a gun to their heads.
They made the choice themselves. They’re the bad guys, not me. I never directly hurt anybody,
and if anybody was too stupid to get themselves hurt, boo-fuckin-hoo. Of course…
If there’s a hell…[giggles as he talks]…I don’t want to think about how many of those dumb
shits might be waiting for me. I just hope they don’t want a refund.
AMARILLO, TEXAS, USA
[Grover Carlson works as a fuel collector for the town’s experimental
bioconversion plant. The fuel he collects is dung. I follow the former White House
chief of staff as he pushes his wheelbarrow across the pie-laden pastures.]
Of course we got our copy of the Knight-WarnJews report, what do you think we are, the CIA?
We read it three months before the Israelis went public. Before the Pentagon started making
noise, it was my job to personally brief the president, who in turn even devoted an entire meeting
to discussing its message.
Which was?
Drop everything, focus all our efforts, typical alarmist crap. We got dozens of these reports a
week, every administration did, all of them claiming that their particular boogeyman was “the
greatest threat to human existence.” C’mon! Can you imagine what America would have been like
if the federal government slammed on the brakes every time some paranoid crackpot cried “wolf ”
or “global warming” or “living dead”? Please. What we did, what every president since Washington
has done, was provide a measured, appropriate response, in direct relation to a realistic threat
assessment.
And that was the Alpha teams.
Among others things. Given how low a priority the national security adviser thought this was, I
think we actually gave it some pretty healthy table time. We produced an educational video for
state and local law enforcement about what to do in case of an outbreak. The Department of
Health and Human Services had a page on its website for how citizens should respond to infected
family members. And hey, what about pushing Phalanx right through the FDA?
But Phalanx didn’t work.
Yeah, and do you know how long it would have taken to invent one that did? Look how much time
and money had been put into cancer research, or AIDS. Do you want to be the man who tells the
American people that he’s diverting funds from either one of those for some new disease that most
people haven’t even heard of? Look at what we’ve put into research during and after the war, and
we still don’t have a cure or a vaccine. We knew Phalanx was a placebo, and we were grateful for
it. It calmed people down and let us do our job.
What, you would have rather we told people the truth? That it wasn’t a new strain of rabies but a
mysterious uber-plague that reanimated the dead? Can you imagine the panic that would have
happened: the protest, the riots, the billions in damage to private property? Can you imagine all
those wet-pants senators who would have brought the government to a standstill so they could
railroad some high-profile and ultimately useless “Zombie Protection Act” through Congress? Can
you imagine the damage it would have done to that administration’s political capital? We’re talking
about an election year, and a damn hard, uphill fight. We were the “cleanup crew,” the unlucky
bastards who had to mop up all the shit left by the last administration, and believe me, the
previous eight years had piled up one tall mountain of shit! The only reason we squeaked back into
power was because our new propped-up patsy kept promising a “return to peace and prosperity.”
The American people wouldn’t have settled for anything less. They thought they’d been through
some pretty tough times already, and it would have been political suicide to tell them that the
toughest ones were actually up ahead.
So you never really tried to solve the problem.
Oh, c’mon. Can you ever “solve” poverty? Can you ever “solve” crime? Can you ever “solve”
disease, unemployment, war, or any other societal herpes? Hell no. All you can hope for is to make
them manageable enough to allow people to get on with their lives. That’s not cynicism, that’s
maturity. You can’t stop the rain. All you can do is just build a roof that you hope won’t leak, or at
least won’t leak on the people who are gonna vote for you.
What does that mean?
C’mon…
Seriously. What does that mean?
Fine, whatever, “Mister Smith goes to motherfuckin’ Washington,” it means that, in politics, you
focus on the needs of your power base. Keep them happy, and they keep you in office.
Is that why certain outbreaks were neglected?
Jesus, you make it sound like we just forgot about them.
Did local law enforcement request additional support from the federal
government?
When have cops not asked for more men, better gear, more training hours, or “community
outreach program funds”? Those pussies are almost as bad as soldiers, always whining about
never having “what they need,” but do they have to risk their jobs by raising taxes? Do they have
to explain to Suburban Peter why they’re fleecing him for Ghetto Paul?
You weren’t worried about public disclosure?
From who?
The press, the media.
The “media”? You mean those networks that are owned by some of the largest corporations in the
world, corporations that would have taken a nosedive if another panic hit the stock market? That
media?
So you never actually instigated a cover-up?
We didn’t have to; they covered it up themselves. They had as much, or more, to lose than we did.
And besides, they’d already gotten their stories the year before when the first cases were
reported in America. Then winter came, Phalanx hit the shelves, cases dropped. Maybe they
“dissuaded” a few younger crusading reporters, but, in reality, the whole thing was pretty much old
news after a few months. It had become “manageable.” People were learning to live with it and
they were already hungry for something different. Big news is big business, and you gotta stay
fresh if you want to stay successful.
But there were alternative media outlets.
Oh sure, and you know who listens to them? Pansy, overeducated know-it-alls, and you know who
listens to them? Nobody! Who’s going to care about some PBS-NPR fringe minority that’s out of
touch with the mainstream? The more those elitist eggheads shouted “The Dead Are Walking,” the
more most real Americans tuned them out.
So, let me see if I understand your position.
The administration’s position.
The administration’s position, which is that you gave this problem the
amount of attention that you thought it deserved.
Right.
Given that at any time, government always has a lot on its plate, and
especially at this time because another public scare was the last thing
the American people wanted.
Yep.
So you figured that the threat was small enough to be “managed” by
both the Alpha teams abroad and some additional law enforcement
training at home.
You got it.
Even though you’d received warnings to the contrary, that it could
never just be woven into the fabric of public life and that it actually was
a global catastrophe in the making.
[Mister Carlson pauses, shoots me an angry look, then heaves a shovelful of
“fuel” into his cart.]
Grow up.
TROY, MONTANA, USA
[This neighborhood is, according to the brochure, the “New Community” for the
“New America.” Based on the Israeli “Masada” model, it is clear just from first
glance that this neighborhood was built with one goal in mind. The houses all
rest on stilts, so high as to afford each a perfect view over the twenty-foot-high,
reinforced concrete wall. Each house is accessed by a retractable staircase and
can connect to its neighbor by a similarly retractable walkway. The solar cell
roofs, the shielded wells, the gardens, lookout towers, and thick, sliding, steelreinforced
gate have all served to make Troy an instant success with its
inhabitants, so much so that its developer has already received seven more
orders across the continental United States. Troy’s developer, chief architect,
and first mayor is Mary Jo Miller.]
Oh yeah, I was worried, I was worried about my car payments and Tim’s business loan. I was
worried about that widening crack in the pool and the new nonchlorinated filter that still left an
algae film. I was worried about our portfolio, even though my e-broker assured me this was just
first-time investor jitters and that it was much more profitable than a standard 401(k). Aiden
needed a math tutor, Jenna needed just the right Jamie Lynn Spears cleats for soccer camp. Tim’s
parents were thinking of coming to stay with us for Christmas. My brother was back in rehab.
Finley had worms, one of the fish had some kind of fungus growing out of its left eye. These were
just some of my worries. I had more than enough to keep me busy.
Did you watch the news?
Yeah, for about five minutes every day: local headlines, sports, celebrity gossip. Why would I want
to get depressed by watching TV? I could do that just by stepping on the scale every morning.
What about other sources? Radio?
Morning drive time? That was my Zen hour. After the kids were dropped off, I’d listen to [name
withheld for legal reasons]. His jokes helped me get through the day.
What about the Internet?
What about it? For me, it was shopping; for Jenna, it was homework; for Tim, it was…stuff he kept
swearing he’d never look at again. The only news I ever saw was what popped up on my AOL
welcome page.
At work, there must have been some discussion…
Oh yeah, at first. It was kinda scary, kinda weird, “you know I hear it’s not really rabies” and stuff
like that. But then that first winter things died down, remember, and anyway, it was a lot more fun
to rehash last night’s episode of Celebrity Fat Camp or totally bitch out whoever wasn’t in the
break room at that moment.
One time, around March or April, I came into work and found Mrs. Ruiz clearing out her desk. I
thought she was being downsized or maybe outsourced, you know, something I considered a real
threat. She explained that it was “them,” that’s how she always referred to it, “them” or
“everything that’s happening.” She said that her family’d already sold their house and were buying
a cabin up near Fort Yukon, Alaska. I thought that was the stupidest thing I’d ever heard, especially
from someone like Inez. She wasn’t one of the ignorant ones, she was a “clean” Mexican. I’m sorry
to use that term, but that was how I thought back then, that was who I was.
Did your husband ever show any concern?
No, but the kids did, not verbally, or consciously, I think. Jenna started getting into fights. Aiden
wouldn’t go to sleep unless we left the lights on. Little things like that. I don’t think they were
exposed to any more information than Tim, or I, but maybe they didn’t have the adult distractions
to shut it out.
How did you and your husband respond?
Zoloft and Ritalin SR for Aiden, and Adderall XR for Jenna. It did the trick for a while. The only
thing that pissed me off was that our insurance didn’t cover it because the kids were already on
Phalanx.
How long had they been on Phalanx?
Since it became available. We were all on Phalanx, “Piece of Phalanx, Peace of Mind.” That was
our way of being prepared…and Tim buying a gun. He kept promising to take me to the range to
learn how to shoot. “Sunday,” he’d always say, “we’re goin’ this Sunday.” I knew he was full of it.
Sundays were reserved for his mistress, that eighteen-footer, twin-engine bitch he seemed to sink
all his love into. I didn’t really care. We had our pills, and at least he knew how to use the Glock. It
was part of life, like smoke alarms or airbags. Maybe you think about it once in a while, it was
always just…“just in case.” And besides, really, there was already so much out there to worry
about, every month, it seemed, a new nail-biter. How can you keep track of all of it? How do you
know which one is really real?
How did you know?
It had just gotten dark. The game was on. Tim was in the BarcaLounger with a Corona. Aiden was
on the floor playing with his Ultimate Soldiers. Jenna was in her room doing homework. I was
unloading the Maytag so I didn’t hear Finley barking. Well, maybe I did, but I never gave it any
thought. Our house was in the community’s last row, right at the foot of the hills. We lived in a
quiet, just developed part of North County near San Diego. There was always a rabbit, sometimes
a deer, running across the lawn, so Finley was always throwing some kind of a shit fit. I think I
glanced at the Post-it to get him one of those citronella bark collars. I’m not sure when the other
dogs started barking, or when I heard the car alarm down the street. It was when I heard
something that sounded like a gunshot that I went into the den. Tim hadn’t heard anything. He had
the volume jacked up too high. I kept telling him he had to get his hearing checked, you just don’t
spend your twenties in a speed metal band without…[sighs]. Aiden’d heard something. He asked
me what it was. I was about to say I didn’t know when I saw his eyes go wide. He was looking past
me, at the glass sliding door that led to the backyard. I turned just in time to see it shatter.
It was about five foot ten, slumped, narrow shoulders with this puffy, wagging belly. It wasn’t
wearing a shirt and its mottled gray flesh was all torn and pockmarked. It smelled like the beach,
like rotten kelp and saltwater. Aiden jumped up and ran behind me. Tim was out of the chair,
standing between us and that thing. In a split second, it was like all the lies fell away. Tim looked
frantically around the room for a weapon just as it grabbed him by the shirt. They fell on the
carpet, wrestling. He shouted for us to get in the bedroom, for me to get the gun. We were in the
hallway when I heard Jenna scream. I ran to her room, threw open the door. Another one, big, I’d
say six and a half feet with giant shoulders and bulging arms. The window was broken and it had
Jenna by the hair. She was screaming “Mommymommymommy!”
What did you do?
I…I’m not totally sure. When I try to remember, everything goes by too fast. I had it by the neck. It
pulled Jenna toward its open mouth. I squeezed hard…pulled…The kids say I tore the thing’s head
off, just ripped it right out with all the flesh and muscle and whatever else hanging in tatters. I
don’t think that’s possible. Maybe with all your adrenaline pumping…I think the kids just have built
it up in their memories over the years, making me into SheHulk or something. I know I freed
Jenna. I remember that, and just a second later, Tim came in the room, with this thick, black goo all
over his shirt. He had the gun in one hand and Finley’s leash in the other. He threw me the car
keys and told me to get the kids in the Suburban. He ran into the backyard as we headed for the
garage. I heard his gun go off as I started the engine.

PARNELL AIR NATIONAL GUARO BASE: MEMPHIS, TENNESSEE,
USA
[Gavin Blaire pilots one of the O-17 combat dirigibles that make up the core of
America’s Civil Air Patrol. It is a task well suited to him. In civilian life, he piloted
a Fujifilm blimp.]
It stretched to the horizoo: sedaos, trucks, buses, RVs, aoythiog that could drive. I saw tractors, I
saw a cemeot mixer. Seriously, I eveo saw a flatbed with oothiog but a giaot sigo oo it, a billboard
advertisiog a “Geotlemeo’s Club.” People were sittiog oo top of it. People were ridiog oo top of
everythiog, oo roofs, io betweeo luggage racks. It remioded me of some old picture of traios io
Iodia with people haogiog oo them like mookeys.
All kiods of crap lioed the road—suitcases, boxes, eveo pieces of expeosive furoiture. I saw a
graod piaoo, I’m oot kiddiog, just smashed like it was throwo off the top of a truck. There were also
a lot of abaodooed cars. Some had beeo pushed over, some were stripped, some looked buroed
out. I saw a lot of people oo foot, walkiog across the plaios or aloogside the road. Some were
koockiog oo wiodow s, holdiog up all kiods of stuff. A few womeo were exposiog themselves. They
must have beeo lookiog to trade, probably gas. They couldo’t have beeo lookiog for rides, they
were moviog faster thao cars. It wouldo’t make seose, but…[shrugs].
Back dowo the road, about thirty miles, traffic was moviog a little better. You’d thiok the mood
would be calmer. It waso’t. People were flashiog their lights, bumpiog the cars io froot of them,
gettiog out aod throwiog dowo. I saw a few people lyiog by the side of the road, barely moviog or
oot at all. People were ruooiog past them, carryiog stuff, carryiog childreo, or just ruooiog, all io
the same directioo of the traffic. A few miles later, I saw why.
Those creatures were swarmiog amoog the cars. Drivers oo the outer laoes tried to veer off the
road, stickiog io the mud, trappiog the iooer laoes. People couldo’t opeo their doors. The cars were
too tightly packed. I saw those thiogs reach io opeo wiodows, pulliog people out or pulliog
themselves io. A lot of drivers were trapped ioside. Their doors were shut aod, I’m assumiog,
locked. Their wiodows were rolled up, it was safety tempered glass. The dead couldo’t get io, but
the liviog couldo’t get out. I saw a few people paoic, try to shoot through their wiodshields,
destroyiog the ooly protectioo they had. Stupid. They might have bought themselves a few hours io
there, maybe eveo a chaoce to escape. Maybe there was oo escape, just a quicker eod. There was
a horse trailer, hitched to a pickup io the ceoter laoe. It was rockiog crazily back aod forth. The
horses were still ioside.
The swarm continued among the cars, literally eating its way up the stalled lines, all those poor
bastards just trying to get away. And that’s what haunts me most about it, they weren’t headed
anywhere. This was the I-80, a strip of highway between Lincoln and North Platte. Both places
were heavily infested, as well as all those little towns in between. What did they think they were
doing? Who organized this exodus? Did anyone? Did people see a line of cars and join them without
asking? I tried to imagine what it must have been like, stuck bumper to bumper, crying kids,
barking dog, knowing what was coming just a few miles back, and hoping, praying that someone up
ahead knows where he’s going.
You ever hear about that experiment an American journalist did in Moscow in the 1970s? He just
lined up at some building, nothing special about it, just a random door. Sure enough, someone got
in line behind him, then a couple more, and before you knew it, they were backed up around the
block. No one asked what the line was for. They just assumed it was worth it. I can’t say if that
story was true. Maybe it’s an urban legend, or a cold war myth. Who knows?
ALANG, INDIA
[I stand on the shore with Ajay Shah, looking out at the rusting wrecks of
once-proud ships. Since the government does not possess the funds to remove
them and because both time and the elements have made their steel next to
useless, they remain silent memorials to the carnage this beach once
witnessed.]
They tell me what happened here was not unusual, all around our world where the ocean meets
the land, people trying desperately to board whatever floated for a chance of survival at sea.
I didn’t know what Alang was, even though I’d lived my entire life in nearby Bhavnagar. I was an
office manager, a “zippy,” white-collar professional from the day I left university. The only time I’d
ever worked with my hands was to punch a keyboard, and not even that since all our software
went voice recognition. I knew Alang was a shipyard, that’s why I tried to make for it in the first
place. I’d expected to find a construction site cranking out hull after hull to carry us all to safety. I
had no idea that it was just the opposite. Alang didn’t build ships, it killed them. Before the war, it
was the largest breakers yard in the world. Vessels from all nations were bought by Indian
scrap-iron companies, run up on this beach, stripped, cut, and disassembled until not the smallest
bolt remained. The several dozen vessels I saw were not fully loaded, fully functional ships, but
naked hulks lining up to die.
There were no dry docks, no slipways. Alang was not so much a yard as a long stretch of sand.
Standard procedure was to ram the ships up onto the shore, stranding them like beached whales. I
thought my only hope was the half dozen new arrivals that still remained anchored offshore, the
ones with skeleton crews and, I hoped, a little bit of fuel left in their bunkers. One of these ships,
the Veronique Delmas, was trying to pull one of her beached sisters out to sea. Ropes and chains
were haphazardly lashed to the stern of the APL Tulip, a Singapore container ship that had already
been partially gutted. I arrived just as the Delmas fired up her engines. I could see the white water
churning as she strained against the lines. I could hear some of the weaker ropes snap like
gunshots.
The stronger chains though…they held out longer than the hull. Beaching the Tulip must have
badly fractured her keel. When the Delmas began to pull, I heard this horrible groan, this creaking
screech of metal. The Tulip literally split in two, the bow remaining on shore while the stern was
pulled out to sea.
There was nothing anyone could do, the Delmas was already at flank speed, dragging the Tulip’s
stern out into deep water where it rolled over and sank within seconds. There must have been at
least a thousand people aboard, packing every cabin and passageway and square inch of open deck
space. Their cries were muffled by the thunder of escaping air.
Why didn’t the refugees just wait aboard the beached ships, pull up
the ladders, make them inaccessible?
You speak with rational hindsight. You weren’t there that night. The yard was crammed right up to
the shoreline, this mad dash of humanity backlit by inland fires. Hundreds were trying to swim out
to the ships. The surf was choked with those who didn’t make it.
Dozens of little boats were going back and forth, shuttling people from shore to ships. “Give me
your money,” some of them would say, “everything you have, then I’ll take you.”
Money was still worth something?
Money, or food, or anything they considered valuable. I saw one ship’s crew that only wanted
women, young women. I saw another that would only take light-skinned refugees. The bastards
were shining their torches in people’s faces, trying to root out darkies like me. I even saw one
captain, standing on the deck of his ship’s launch, waving a gun and shouting “No scheduled castes,
we won’t take untouchables!” Untouchables? Castes? Who the hell still thinks like that? And this is
the crazy part, some older people actually got out of the queue! Can you believe that?
I’m just highlighting the most extreme negative examples, you understand. For every one
profiteer, or repulsive psychopath, there were ten good and decent people whose karma was still
untainted. A lot of fishermen and small boat owners who could have simply escaped with their
families chose to put themselves in danger by continuing to return to shore. When you think about
what they were risking: being murdered for their boats, or just marooned on the beach, or else
attacked from beneath by so many underwater ghouls…
There were quite a few. Many infected refugees had tried to swim for the ships and then
reanimated after they drowned. It was low tide, just deep enough for a man to drown, but shallow
enough for a standing ghoul to reach up for prey. You saw many swimmers suddenly vanish below
the surface, or boats capsize with their passengers dragged under. And still rescuers continued to
return to shore, or even jumped from ships to save people in the water.
That was how I was saved. I was one of those who tried to swim. The ships looked much closer
than they actually were. I was a strong swimmer, but after walking from Bhavnagar, after fighting
for my life for most of that day, I barely had enough strength to float on my back. By the time I
reached my intended salvation, there wasn’t enough air in my lungs to call for help. There was no
gangway. The smooth side towered over me. I banged on the steel, shouting up with the last bit of
breath I had.
Just as I slipped below the surface, I felt a powerful arm wrap around my chest. This is it, I
thought; any second, I thought I would feel teeth dig into my flesh. Instead of pulling me down, the
arm hauled me back up to the surface. I ended up aboard the Sir Wilfred Grenfell, an ex-Canadian
Coast Guard cutter. I tried to talk, to apologize for not having any money, to explain that I could
work for my passage, do anything they needed. The crewman just smiled. “Hold on,” he said to me,
“we’re about to get under way.” I could feel the deck vibrate then lurch as we moved.
That was the worst part, watching the other ships we passed. Some of the onboard infected
refugees had begun to reanimate. Some vessels were floating slaughterhouses, others just burned
at anchor. People were leaping into the sea. Many who sank beneath the surface never
reappeared.
TOPEKA, KANSAS, USA
[Sharon could be considered beautiful by almost any standard—with long red
hair, sparkling green eyes, and the body of a dancer or a prewar supermodel.
She also has the mind of a four-year-old girl.
We are at the Rothman Rehabilitation Home for Feral Children. Doctor Roberta
Kelner, Sharon’s caseworker, describes her condition as “lucky.” “At least she has
language skills, a cohesive thought process,” she explains. “It’s rudimentary, but at
least it’s fully functional.” Doctor Kelner is eager for the interview, but Doctor
Sommers, Rothman’s program director, is not. Funding has always been spotty for
this program, and the present administration is threatening to close it down
altogether.
Sharon is shy at first. She will not shake my hand and seldom makes eye
contact. Although Sharon was found in the ruins of Wichita, there is no way of
knowing where her story originally occurred.]
We were in church, Mommy and me. Daddy told us that he would come find us. Daddy had to go
do something. We had to wait for him in church.
Everybody was there. They all had stuff. They had cereal, and water, and juice, and sleeping
bags and flashlights and…[she mimes a rifle]. Mrs. Randolph had one. She wasn’t supposed to.
They were dangerous. She told me they were dangerous. She was Ashley’s mommy. Ashley was my
friend. I asked her where was Ashley. She started to cry. Mommy told me not to ask her about
Ashley and told Mrs. Randolph that she was sorry. Mrs. Randolph was dirty, she had red and brown
on her dress. She was fat. She had big, soft arms.
There were other kids, Jill and Abbie, and other kids. Mrs. McGraw was watching them. They had
crayons. They were coloring on the wall. Mommy told me to go play with them. She told me it was
okay. She said Pastor Dan said it was okay.
Pastor Dan was there, he was trying to make people listen to him. “Please everyone…” [she
mimics a deep, low voice] “please stay calm, the ‘thorties’ are coming, just stay calm and wait
for the ‘thorties.’” No one was listening to him. Everyone was talking, nobody was sitting. People
were trying to talk on their things [mimes holding a cell phone], they were angry at their
things, throwing them, and saying bad words. I felt bad for Pastor Dan. [She mimics the sound
of a siren.] Outside. [She does it again, starting soft, then growing, then fading out again
multiple times.]
Mommy was talking to Mrs. Cormode and other mommies. They were fighting. Mommy was
getting mad. Mrs. Cormode kept saying [in an angry drawl], “Well what if? What else can you
do?” Mommy was shaking her head. Mrs. Cormode was talking with her hands. I didn’t like Mrs.
Cormode. She was Pastor Dan’s wife. She was bossy and mean.
Somebody yelled…“Here they come!” Mommy came and picked me up. They took our bench and
put it next to the door. They put all the benches next to the door. “Quick!” “Jam the door!” [She
mimics several different voices.] “I need a hammer!” “Nails!” “They’re in the parking lot!”
“They’re coming this way!” [She turns to Doctor Kelner.] Can I?
[Doctor Sommers looks unsure. Doctor Kelner smiles and nods. I later learn that
the room is soundproofed for this reason.]
[Sharon mimics the moan of a zombie. It is undoubtedly the most realistic I have
ever heard. Clearly, by their discomfort, Sommers and Kelner agree.]
They were coming. They came bigger. [Again she moans. Then follows up by pounding her
right fist on the table.] They wanted to come in. [Her blows are powerful, mechanical.]
People screamed. Mommy hugged me tight. “It’s okay.” [Her voice softens as she begins to
stroke her own hair.] “I won’t let them get you. Shhhh….”
[Now she bangs both fists on the table, her strikes becoming more chaotic as if to
simulate multiple ghouls.] “Brace the door!” “Hold it! Hold it!” [She simulates the sound of
shattering glass.] The windows broke, the windows in the front next to the door. The lights got
black. Grown-ups got scared. They screamed.
[Her voice returns to her mother’s.] “Shhhh…baby. I won’t let them get you.” [Her hands go
from her hair to her face, gently stroking her forehead and cheeks. Sharon gives Kelner a
questioning look. Kelner nods. Sharon’s voice suddenly simulates the sound of something
large breaking, a deep phlegm-filled rumble from the bottom of her throat.] “They’re
coming in! Shoot ’em, shoot ’em!” [She makes the sound of gunfire then…] “I won’t let them
get you, I won’t let them get you.” [Sharon suddenly looks away, over my shoulder to
something that isn’t there.] “The children! Don’t let them get the children!” That was Mrs.
Cormode. “Save the children! Save the children!” [Sharon makes more gunshots. She balls her
hands into a large double fist, bringing it down hard on an invisible form.] Now the kids
started crying. [She simulates stabbing, punching, striking with objects.] Abbie cried hard.
Mrs. Cormode picked her up. [She mimes lifting something, or someone, up and swinging
them against the wall.] And then Abbie stopped. [She goes back to stroking her own face,
her mother’s voice has become harder.] “Shhh…it’s okay, baby, it’s okay…” [Her hands move
down from her face to her throat, tightening into a strangling grip.] “I won’t let them get
you. I WON’T LET THEM GET YOU!”
[Sharon begins to gasp for air.]
[Doctor Sommers makes a move to stop her. Doctor Kelner puts up a hand.
Sharon suddenly ceases, throwing her arms out to the sound of a gunshot.]
Warm and wet, salty in my mouth, stinging my eyes. Arms picked me up and carried me. [She
gets up from the table, mimicking a motion close to a football.] Carried me into the parking
lot. “Run, Sharon, don’t stop!” [This is a different voice now, not her mother’s.] “Just run,
run-run-run!” They pulled her away from me. Her arms let me go. They were big, soft arms.
KHUZHIR, OLKHON ISLAND, LAKE BAIKAL, THE HOLY RUSSIAN
EMPIRE
[The room is bare except for a table, two chairs, and a large wall mirror, which is
almost sure to be one-way glass. I sit across from my subject, writing on the pad
provided for me (my transcriber has been forbidden for “security reasons”).
Maria Zhuganova’s face is worn, her hair is graying, her body strains the seams
of the fraying uniform she insists on wearing for this interview. Technically we
are alone, although I sense watching eyes behind the room’s one-way glass.]
We didn’t know that there was a Great Panic. We were completely isolated. About a month
before it began, about the same time as that American newswoman broke the story, our camp was
placed on indefinite communication blackout. All the televisions were removed from the barracks,
all the personal radios and cell phones, too. I had one of those cheap disposable types with five
prepaid minutes. It was all my parents could afford. I was supposed to use it to call them on my
birthday, my first birthday away from home.
We were stationed in North Ossetia, Alania, one of our wild southern republics. Our official duty
was “peacekeeping,” preventing ethnic strife between the Ossetia and Ingush minorities. Our
rotation was up about the same time they cut us off from the world. A matter of “state security”
they called it.
Who were “they”?
Everyone: our officers, the Military Police, even a plain-clothed civilian who just seemed to appear
one day out of nowhere. He was a mean little bastard, with a thin, rat face. That’s what we called
him: “Rat Face.”
Did you ever try to find out who he was?
What, me personally? Never. Neither did anyone else. Oh, we griped; soldiers always gripe. But
there also wasn’t time for any serious complaints. Right after the blackout was put into effect, we
were placed on full combat alert. Up until then it had been easy duty—lazy, monotonous, and
broken only by the occasional mountain stroll. Now we were in those mountains for days at a time
with full battle dress and ammo. We were in every village, every house. We questioned every
peasant and traveler and…I don’t know…goat that crossed our path.
Questioned them? For what?
I didn’t know. “Is everyone in your family present?” “Has anyone gone missing?” “Has anyone
been attacked by a rabid animal or man?” That was the part that confused me the most. Rabid? I
understood the animal part, but man? There were a lot of physical inspections, too, stripping these
people to their bare skin while the medics searched every inch of their bodies for…something…we
weren’t told what.
It didn’t make sense, nothing did. We once found a whole cache of weapons, 74s, a few older 47s,
plenty of ammo, probably bought from some corrupt opportunist right in our battalion. We didn’t
know who the weapons belonged to; drug runners, or the local gangsters, maybe even those
supposed “Reprisal Squads” that were the reason for our deployment in the first place. And what
did we do? We left it all. That little civilian, “Rat Face,” he had a private meeting with some of the
village elders. I don’t know what was discussed, but I can tell you that they looked scared half to
death: crossing themselves, praying silently.
We didn’t understand. We were confused, angry. We didn’t understand what the hell we were
doing out there. We had this one old veteran in our platoon, Baburin. He’d fought in Afghanistan
and twice in Chechnya. It was rumored that during Yeltsin’s crackdown, his BMP 1 was the first to
fire on the Duma. We used to like to listen to his stories. He was always good-natured, always
drunk…when he thought he could get away with it. He changed after the incident with the
weapons. He stopped smiling, there were no more stories. I don’t think he ever touched a drop
after that, and when he spoke to you, which was rare, the only thing he ever said was, “This isn’t
good. Something’s going to happen.” Whenever I tried to ask him about it, he would just shrug and
walk away. Morale was pretty low after that. People were tense, suspicious. Rat Face was always
there, in the shadows, listening, watching, whispering into the ears of our officers.
He was with us the day we swept a little no-name town, this primitive hamlet at what looked like
the edge of the world. We’d executed our standard searches and interrogations. We were just
about to pack it in. Suddenly this child, this little girl came running down the only road in town. She
was crying, obviously terrified. She was chattering to her parents…I wish I could have taken the
time to learn their language…and pointing across the field. There was a tiny figure, another little
girl, staggering across the mud toward us. Lieutenant Tikhonov raised his binoculars and I watched
his face lose its color. Rat Face came up next to him, gave a look through his own glasses, then
whispered something in the lieutenant’s ear. Petrenko, platoon sharpshooter, was ordered to raise
his weapon and center the girl in his sights. He did. “Do you have her?” “I have her.” “Shoot.”
That’s how it went, I think. I remember there was a pause. Petrenko looked up at the lieutenant
and asked him to repeat the order. “You heard me,” he said angrily. I was farther away than
Petrenko and even I’d heard him. “I said eliminate the target, now!” I could see the tip of his rifle
was shaking. He was a skinny little runt, not the bravest or the strongest, but suddenly he lowered
his weapon and said he wouldn’t do it. Just like that. “No, sir.” It felt like the sun froze in the sky.
No one knew what to do, especially Lieutenant Tikhonov. Everyone was looking at one another,
then we were all looking out at the field.
Rat Face was walking out there, slowly, almost casually. The little girl was now close enough so
we could see her face. Her eyes were wide, locked on Rat Face. Her arms were raised, and I could
just make out this high-pitched, rasping moan. He met her halfway across the field. It was over
before most of us realized what had happened. In one smooth motion, Rat Face pulled a pistol from
underneath his coat, shot her right between the eyes, then turned around and sauntered back
toward us. A woman, probably the little girl’s mother, exploded into sobs. She fell to her knees,
spitting and cursing at us. Rat Face didn’t seem to care or even notice. He just whispered
something to Lieutenant Tikhonov, then remounted the BMP as if he was hailing a Moscow taxicab.
That night…lying awake in my bunk, I tried not to think about what had happened. I tried not to
think about the fact that the MPs had taken Petrenko away, or that our weapons had been locked
in the armory. I knew I should have felt bad for the child, angry, even vengeful toward Rat Face,
and maybe even a little bit guilty because I didn’t lift a finger to stop it. I knew those were the
kinds of emotions I should have been feeling; at that point the only thing I could feel was fear. I
kept thinking about what Baburin had said, that something bad was going to happen. I just wanted
to go home, see my parents. What if there’d been some horrible terrorist attack? What if it was a
war? My family lived in Bikin, almost within sight of the Chinese border. I needed to speak to them,
to make sure they were okay. I worried so much that I started throwing up, so much so that they
checked me into the infirmary. That’s why I missed the patrol that day, that’s why I was still on bed
rest when they came back the following afternoon.
I was in my bunk, rereading an outdated copy of Semnadstat. 2 I heard a commotion, vehicle
engines, voices. A crowd was already assembled on the parade ground. I pushed my way through
and saw Arkady standing in the center of the mob. Arkady was the heavy machine gunner from my
squad, a big bear of a man. We were friends because he kept the other men away from me, if you
understand what I mean. He said I reminded him of his sister. [Smiles sadly.] I liked him.
There was someone crawling at his feet. It looked like an old woman, but there was a burlap
hood over her head and a chain leash wrapped around her neck. Her dress was torn and the skin
of her legs had been scraped clean off. There was no blood, just this black pus. Arkady was well
into a loud, angry speech. “No more lies! No more orders to shoot civilians on sight! And that’s
why I put the little zhopoliz down…”
I looked for Lieutenant Tikhonov but I couldn’t see him anywhere. I got a ball of ice in my
stomach.
“…because I wanted you all to see!” Arkady lifted the chain, pulling the old babushka up by her
throat. He grabbed the hood and ripped it off. Her face was gray, just like the rest of her, her eyes
were wide and fierce. She snarled like a wolf and tried to grab Arkady. He wrapped one powerful
hand around her throat, holding her at arm’s length.
“I want you all to see why we are here!” He grabbed the knife from his belt and plunged it into
the woman’s heart. I gasped, we all did. It was buried up to the hilt and she continued to squirm
and growl. “You see!” he shouted, stabbing her several more times. “You see! This is what they’re
not telling us! This is what they have us breaking our backs to find!” You could see heads start to
nod, a few grunts of agreement. Arkady continued, “What if these things are everywhere? What if
they’re back home, with our families right now!” He was trying to make eye contact with as many
of us as possible. He wasn’t paying enough attention to the old woman. His grip loosened, she
pulled free and bit him on the hand. Arkady roared. His fist caved in the old woman’s face. She fell
to his feet, writhing and gurgling that black goo. He finished the job with his boot. We all heard her
skull crack.
Blood was trickling down the gouge in Arkady’s fist. He shook it at the sky, screaming as the
veins in his neck began to bulge. “We want to go home!” he bellowed. “We want to protect our
families!” Others in the crowd began to pick it up. “Yes! We want to protect our families! This is a
free country! This is a democracy! You can’t keep us in prison!” I was shouting, too, chanting with
the rest. That old woman, the creature that could take a knife in the heart without dying…what if
they were back home? What if they were threatening our loved ones…my parents? All the fear, all
the doubt, every tangled, negative emotion all fused into rage. “We want to go home! We want to
go home!” Chanting, chanting, and then…A round cracked past my ear and Arkady’s left eye
imploded. I don’t remember running, or inhaling the tear gas. I don’t remember when the Spetznaz
commandos appeared, but suddenly they were all around us, beating us down, shackling us
together, one of them stepping on my chest so hard I thought I was going to die right then and
there.
Was that the Decimation?
No, that was the beginning. We weren’t the first army unit to rebel. It had actually started about
the time the MPs first closed down the base. About the time we staged our little “demonstration,”
the government had decided how to restore order.
[She straightens her uniform, composes herself before speaking.]
To “decimate”…I used to think it meant just to wipe out, cause horrible damage, destroy…it
actually means to kill by a percentage of ten, one out of every ten must die…and that’s exactly
what they did to us.
The Spetznaz had us assemble on the parade ground, full dress uniform no less. Our new
commanding officer gave a speech about duty and responsibility, about our sworn oath to protect
the motherland, and how we had betrayed that oath with our selfish treachery and individual
cowardice. I’d never heard words like that before. “Duty?” “Responsibility?” Russia, my Russia,
was nothing but an apolitical mess. We lived in chaos and corruption, we were just trying to get
through the day. Even the army was no bastion of patriotism; it was a place to learn a trade, get
food and a bed, and maybe even a little money to send home when the government decided it was
convenient to pay its soldiers. “Oath to protect the motherland?” Those weren’t the words of my
generation. That was what you’d hear from old Great Patriotic War veterans, the kind of broken,
demented geezers who used to besiege Red Square with their tattered Soviet banners and their
rows and rows of medals pinned to their faded, moth-eaten uniforms. Duty to the motherland was a
joke. But I wasn’t laughing. I knew the executions were coming. The armed men surrounding us,
the men in the guard towers, I was ready, every muscle in my body was tensing for the shot. And
then I heard those words…
“You spoiled children think democracy is a God-given right. You expect it, you demand it! Well,
now you’re going to get your chance to practice it.”
His exact words, stamped behind my eyelids for the rest of my life.
What did he mean?
We would be the ones to decide who would be punished. Broken up into groups of ten, we would
have to vote on which one of us was going to be executed. And then we…the soldiers, we would be
the ones to personally murder our friends. They rolled these little pushcarts past us. I can still
hear their creaking wheels. They were full of stones, about the size of your hand, sharp and heavy.
Some cried out, pleaded with us, begged like children. Some, like Baburin, simply knelt there
silently, on this knees, staring right into my face as I brought the rock down into his.
[She sighs softly, glancing over her shoulder at the one-way glass.]
Brilliance. Sheer fucking brilliance. Conventional executions might have reinforced discipline,
might have restored order from the top down, but by making us all accomplices, they held us
together not just by fear, but by guilt as well. We could have said no, could have refused and been
shot ourselves, but we didn’t. We went right along with it. We all made a conscious choice and
because that choice carried such a high price, I don’t think anyone ever wanted to make another
one again. We relinquished our freedom that day, and we were more than happy to see it go. From
that moment on we lived in true freedom, the freedom to point to someone else and say “They told
me to do it! It’s their fault, not mine.” The freedom, God help us, to say “I was only following
orders.”
BRIDGETOWN, BARBADOS, WEST INDIES FEDERATION
[Trevor’s Bar personifies the “Wild West Indies,” or, more specifically, each
island’s “Special Economic Zone.” This is not a place most people would
associate with the order and tranquility of postwar Caribbean life. It is not
meant to be. Fenced off from the rest of the island and catering to a culture of
chaotic violence and debauchery, the Special Economic Zones are engineered
specifically to separate “off-islanders” from their money. My discomfort seems to
please T. Sean Collins. The giant Texan slides a shot of “kill-devil” rum in my
direction, then swings his massive, boot-clad feet onto the table.]
They haven’t come up with a name for what I used to do. Not a real one, not yet. “Independent
contractor” sounds like I should be layin’ drywall and smearin’ plaster. “Private security” sounds
like some dumbass mall guard. “Mercenary” is the closest, I guess, but at the same time, about as
far from the real me as you could have gotten. A mercenary sounds like some crazed-out ’Nam vet,
all tats and handlestache, humpin’ in some Third World cesspool ’cause he can’t hack it back in the
real world. That wasn’t me at all. Yeah, I was a vet, and yeah, I used my training for cash…funny
thing about the army, they always promise to teach you “marketable skills,” but they never
mention that, by far, there’s nothing more marketable than knowing how to kill some people while
keeping others from being killed.
Maybe I was a mercenary, but you’d never know it to look at me. I was clean-cut, nice car, nice
house, even a housekeeper who came in once a week. I had plenty of friends, marriage prospects,
and my handicap at the country club was almost as good as the pros. Most importantly, I worked
for a company no different from any other before the war. There was no cloak and dagger, no
back rooms and midnight envelopes. I had vacation days and sick days, full medical and a sweet
dental package. I paid my taxes, too much; I paid into my IRA. I could have worked overseas; Lord
knows there was plenty of demand, but after seeing what my buddies went through in the last
brushfire, I said, screw it, let me guard some fat CEO or worthless, dumb celebrity. And that’s
where I found myself when the Panic hit.
You don’t mind if I don’t mention any names, ’kay? Some of these people are still alive, or their
estates are still active, and…can you believe, they’re still threatening to sue. After all that’s gone
down? Okay, so I can’t name names or places, but figure it’s an island…a big island…a long island,
right next to Manhattan. Can’t sue me for that, right?
My client, I’m not sure what he really did. Something in entertainment, or high finance. Beats
me. I think he might have even been one of the senior shareholders in my firm. Whatever, he had
bucks, lived in this amazing pad by the beach.
Our client liked to know people who were known by all. His plan was to provide safety for those
who could raise his image during and after the war, playing Moses to the scared and famous. And
you know what, they fell for it. The actors, and singers, and rappers and pro athletes, and just the
professional faces, like the ones you see on talk shows or reality shows, or even that little rich,
spoiled, tired-looking whore who was famous for just being a rich, spoiled, tired-looking whore.
There was that record mogul guy with the big ’ole diamond earrings. He had this tricked-out AK
with a grenade launcher. He loved to talk about how it was an exact replica of the one from
Scarface. I didn’t have the heart to tell him that Señor Montana had used a sixteen A-1.
There was the political comedy guy, you know, the one with the show. He was snorting blow
between the air bags of this teeny Thai stripper while spewing about how what was happening
wasn’t just about the living versus the dead, it would send shock waves through every facet of our
society: social, economic, political, even environmental. He said that, subconsciously, everyone
already knew the truth during the “Great Denial,” and that’s why they wigged out so hard when
the story was finally broken. It all actually kinda made sense, until he started spewing about high
fructose corn syrup and the feminization of America.
Crazy, I know, but you kinda expected those people to be there, at least I did. What I didn’t
expect was all their “people.” Every one of them, no matter who they were or what they did, had
to have, at least, I don’t know how many stylists and publicists and personal assistants. Some of
them, I think, were pretty cool, just doing it for the money, or because they figured they’d be safe
there. Young people just trying to get a leg up. Can’t fault them for that. Some of the others
though…real pricks all high on the smell of their own piss. Just rude and pushy and ordering
everyone else around. One guy sticks out in my mind, only because he wore this baseball cap that
read “Get It Done!” I think he was the chief handler of the fat fuck who won that talent show. That
guy must have had fourteen people around him! I remember thinking at first that it would be
impossible to take care of all these people, but after my initial tour of the premises, I realized our
boss had planned for everything.
He’d transformed his home into a survivalists’ wet dream. He had enough dehydrated food to
keep an army fed for years, as well as an endless supply of water from a desalinizer that ran right
out into the ocean. He had wind turbines, solar panels, and backup generators with giant fuel tanks
buried right under the courtyard. He had enough security measures to hold off the living dead
forever: high walls, motion sensors, and weapons, oh the weapons. Yeah, our boss had really done
his homework, but what he was most proud of was the fact that every room in the house was wired
for a simultaneous webcast that went out all over the world 24/7. This was the real reason for
having all his “closest” and “best” friends over. He didn’t just want to ride out the storm in comfort
and luxury, he wanted everyone to know he’d done it. That was the celebrity angle, his way of
ensuring high-profile exposure.
Not only did you have a webcam in almost every room, but there was all the usual press you’d
find on the Oscar’s red carpet. I honestly never knew how big an industry entertainment
journalism was. There had to be dozens of them there from all these magazines and TV shows.
“How are you feeling?” I heard that a lot. “How are you holding up?” “What do you think is going
to happen?” and I swear I even heard someone ask “What are you wearing?”
For me, the most surreal moment was standing in the kitchen with some of the staff and other
bodyguards, all of us watching the news that was showing, guess what, us! The cameras were
literally in the other room, pointed at some of the “stars” as they sat on the couch watching
another news channel. The feed was live from New York’s Upper East Side; the dead were coming
right up Third Avenue, people were taking them on hand to hand, hammers and pipes, the manager
of a Modell’s Sporting Goods was handing out all his baseball bats and shouting “Get ’em in the
head!” There was this one guy on rollerblades. He had a hockey stick in his hand, a big ’ole meat
cleaver bolted to the blade. He was doing an easy thirty, at that speed he might have taken a neck
or two. The camera saw the whole thing, the rotted arm that shot out of the sewer drain right in
front of him, the poor guy back flipping into the air, coming down hard on his face, then being
dragged, screaming, by his ponytail into the drain. At that moment the camera in our living room
swung back to catch the reactions of the watching celebs. There were a few gasps, some honest,
some staged. I remember thinking I had less respect for the ones who tried to fake some tears
than I did for the little spoiled whore who called the rollerblading guy a “dumbass.” Hey, at least
she was being honest. I remember I was standing next to this guy, Sergei, a miserable, sad-faced,
hulking motherfucker. His stories about growing up in Russia convinced me that not all Third World
cesspools had to be tropical. It was when the camera was catching the reactions of the beautiful
people that he mumbled something to himself in Russian. The only word I could make out was
“Romanovs” and I was about to ask him what he meant when we all heard the alarm go off.
Something had triggered the pressure sensors we’d placed several miles around the wall. They
were sensitive enough to detect just one zombie, now they were going crazy. Our radios were
squawking: “Contact, contact, southwest corner…shit, there’s hundreds of them!” It was a damn
big house, it took me a few minutes to get to my firing position. I didn’t understand why the lookout
was so nervous. So what if there were a couple hundred. They’d never get over the wall. Then I
heard him shout “They’re running! Holy fuckin’ shit, they’re fast!” Fast zombies, that turned my
gut. If they could run, they could climb, if they could climb, maybe they could think, and if they
could think…now I was scared. I remember our boss’s friends were all raiding the armory, racing
around like extras in an ’80s action flick by the time I made the third-floor guestroom window.
I flipped the safety off my weapon and flipped the guards off my sight. It was one of the newest
Gen’s, a fusion of light amplification and thermal imaging. I didn’t need the second part because Gs
gave off no body heat. So when I saw the searing, bright green signatures of several hundred
runners, my throat tightened. Those weren’t living dead.
“There it is!” I heard them shout. “That’s the house on the news!” They were carrying ladders,
guns, babies. A couple of them had these heavy satchels strapped to their backs. They were
booking it for the front gate, big tough steel that was supposed to stop a thousand ghouls. The
explosion tore them right off their hinges, sent them flipping into the house like giant ninja stars.
“Fire!” the boss was screaming into the radio. “Knock ’em down! Kill ’em! Shootshootshoot!”
The “attackers,” for lack of a better label, stampeded for the house. The courtyard was full of
parked vehicles, sports cars and Hummers, and even a monster truck belonging to some NFL cat.
Freakin fireballs, all of them, blowing over on their sides or just burning in place, this thick oily
smoke from their tires blinding and choking everyone. All you could hear was gunfire, ours and
theirs, and not just our private security team. Any big shot who wasn’t crapping his pants either
had it in his head to be a hero, or felt he had to protect his rep in front of his peeps. A lot of them
demanded that their entourage protect them. Some did, these poor twenty-year-old personal
assistants who’d never fired a gun in their lives. They didn’t last very long. But then there were
also the peons who turned and joined the attackers. I saw this one real queeny hairdresser stab an
actress in the mouth with a letter opener, and, ironically, I watched Mister “Get It Done” try to
wrestle a grenade away from the talent show guy before it went off in their hands.
It was bedlam, exactly what you thought the end of the world was supposed to look like. Part of
the house was burning, blood everywhere, bodies or bits of them spewed over all that expensive
stuff. I met the whore’s rat dog as we were both heading for the back door. He looked at me, I
looked at him. If it’d been a conversation, it probably woulda gone like, “What about your master?”
“What about yours?” “Fuck ’em.” That was the attitude among a lot of the hired guns, the reason I
hadn’t fired a shot all night. We’d been paid to protect rich people from zombies, not against other
not-so-rich people who just wanted a safe place to hide. You could hear them shouting as they
charged in through the front door. Not “grab the booze” or “rape the bitches”; it was “put out the
fire!” and “get the women and kids upstairs!”
I stepped over Mister Political Comedy Guy on my way out to the beach. He and this chick, this
leathery old blonde who I thought was supposed to be his political enemy, were goin’ at it like there
was no tomorrow, and, hey, maybe for them, there wasn’t. I made it out to the sand, found a
surfboard, probably worth more than the house I grew up in, and started paddling for the lights on
the horizon. There were a lot of boats on the water that night, a lot of people gettin’ outta Dodge. I
hoped one of them might give me a ride as far as New York Harbor. Hopefully I could bribe them
with a pair of diamond earrings.
[He finishes his shot of rum and signals for another.]
Sometimes I ask myself, why didn’t they all just shut the fuck up, you know? Not just my boss,
but all of those pampered parasites. They had the means to stay way outta harm’s way, so why
didn’t they use it; go to Antarctica or Greenland or just stay where they were but stay the hell
outta the public eye? But then again, maybe they couldn’t, like a switch you just can’t turn off.
Maybe it’s what made them who they were in the first place. But what the hell do I know?
[The waiter arrives with another shot and T. Sean flicks a silver rand coin to him.]
“If you got it, flaunt it.”
ICE CITY, GREENLAND
[From the surface, all that is visible are the funnels, the massive, carefully
sculpted wind catchers that continue to bring fresh, albeit cold, air to the threehundred-
kilometer maze below. Few of the quarter million people who once
inhabited this hand-carved marvel of engineering have remained. Some stay to
encourage the small but growing tourist trade. Some are here as custodians,
living on the pension that goes with UNESCO’s renewed World Heritage Program.
Some, like Ahmed Farahnakian, formerly Major Farahnakian of the Iranian
Revolution Guards Corps Air Force, have nowhere else to go.]
India and Pakistan. Like North and South Korea or NATO and the old Warsaw Pact. If two sides
were going to use nuclear weapons against each other, it had to be India and Pakistan. Everyone
knew it, everyone expected it, and that is exactly why it didn’t happen. Because the danger was so
omnipresent, all the machinery had been put in place over the years to avoid it. The hotline
between the two capitals was in place, ambassadors were on a first-name basis, and generals,
politicians, and everyone involved in the process was trained to make sure the day they all feared
never came. No one could have imagined—I certainly didn’t—that events would unfold as they did.
The infection hadn’t hit us as hard as some other countries. Our land was very mountainous.
Transportation was difficult. Our population was relatively small; given the size of our country and
when you consider that many of our cities could be easily isolated by a proportionately large
military, it is not difficult to see how optimistic our leadership was.
The problem was refugees, millions of them from the east, millions! Streaming across
Baluchistan, throwing our plans into disarray. So many areas were already infected, great swarms
slouching toward our cities. Our border guards were overwhelmed, entire outposts buried under
waves of ghouls. There was no way to close the border and at the same time deal with our own
outbreaks.
We demanded that the Pakistanis get control of their people. They assured us they were doing
all they could. We knew they were lying.
The majority of refugees came from India, just passing through Pakistan in an attempt to reach
someplace safe. Those in Islamabad were quite willing to let them go. Better to pass the problem
along to another nation than have to deal with it themselves. Perhaps if we could have combined
our forces, coordinated a joint operation at some appropriately defensible location. I know the
plans were on the table. Pakistan’s south central mountains: the Pab, the Kirthar, the Central
Brahui range. We could have stopped any number of refugees, or living dead. Our plan was
refused. Some paranoid military attaché at their embassy told us outright that any foreign troops
on their soil would be seen as a declaration of war. I don’t know if their president ever saw our
proposal; our leaders never spoke to him directly. You see what I mean about India and Pakistan.
We didn’t have their relationship. The diplomatic machinery was not in place. For all we know this
little shit-eating colonel informed his government that we were attempting to annex their western
provinces!
But what could we do? Every day hundreds of thousands of people crossed our border, and of
those perhaps tens of thousands were infected! We had to take decisive action. We had to protect
ourselves!
There is a road that runs between our two countries. It is small by your standards, not even
paved in most places, but it was the main southern artery in Baluchistan. To cut it at just one place,
the Ketch River Bridge, would have effectively sealed off 60 percent of all refugee traffic. I flew
the mission myself, at night with a heavy escort. You didn’t need image intensifiers. You could see
the headlights from miles away, a long, thin white trail in the darkness. I could even see small-arms
flashes. The area was heavily infested. I targeted the bridge’s center foundation, which would be
the hardest part to repair. The bombs separated cleanly. They were high-explosive, conventional
ordnance, just enough to do the job. American aircraft, from when we used to be your allies of
convenience, used to destroy a bridge built with American aid for the same purpose. The irony was
not lost on the high command. Personally, I could have cared less. As soon as I felt my Phantom
lighten, I hit my burners, waited for my observer plane’s report, and prayed with all my might that
the Pakistanis wouldn’t retaliate.
Of course my prayers went unanswered. Three hours later their garrison at Qila Safed shot up
our border station. I know now that our president and Ayatollah were willing to stand down. We’d
gotten what we wanted, they’d gotten their revenge. Tit for tat, let it go. But who was going to tell
the other side? Their embassy in Tehran had destroyed its codes and radios. That sonofabitching
colonel had shot himself rather than betray any “state secrets.” We had no hotline, no diplomatic
channels. We didn’t know how to contact the Pakistani leadership. We didn’t even know if there
was any leadership left. It was such a mess, confusion turning to anger, anger turning on our
neighbors. Every hour the conflict escalated. Border clashes, air strikes. It happened so fast, just
three days of conventional warfare, neither side having any clear objective, just panicked rage.
[He shrugs.]
We created a beast, a nuclear monster that neither side could tame…Tehran, Islamabad, Qom,
Lahore, Bandar Abbas, Ormara, Emam Khomeyni, Faisalabad. No one knows how many died in the
blasts or would die when the radiation clouds began to spread over our countries, over India,
Southeast Asia, the Pacific, over America.
No one thought it could happen, not between us. For God’s sake, they helped us build our nuclear
program from the ground up! They supplied the materials, the technology, the third party
brokering with North Korea and Russian renegades…we wouldn’t have been a nuclear power if it
wasn’t for our fraternal Muslim brothers. No one would have expected it, but then again, no one
would have expected the dead to rise, now would they? Only one could have foreseen this, and I
don’t believe in him anymore.
DENVER, COLORADO, USA
[My train is late. The western drawbridge is being tested. Todd Wainio doesn’t
seem to mind waiting for me at the platform. We shake hands under the
station’s mural of Victory, easily the most recognizable image of the American
experience in World War Z. Originally taken from a photograph, it depicts a
squad of soldiers standing on the New Jersey side of the Hudson River, their
backs turned to us as they watch dawn break over Manhattan. My host looks
very small and frail next to these towering, two-dimensional icons. Like most
men of his generation, Todd Wainio is old before his time. With an expanding
paunch, receding, graying hair, and three, deep, parallel scars down the side of
his right cheek, it would be difficult to guess that this former U.S. Army
infantryman is still, at least chronologically, at the beginning of his life.]
The sky was red that day. All the smoke, the crap that’d been filling the air all summer. It put
everything in an amber red light, like looking at the world through hell-colored glasses. That’s how
I first saw Yonkers, this little, depressed, rust-collar burb just north of New York City. I don’t think
anybody ever heard of it. I sure as hell hadn’t, and now it’s up there with, like, Pearl Harbor…no,
not Pearl…that was a surprise attack. This was more like Little Bighorn, where we…well…at least
the people in charge, they knew what was up, or they should have. The point is, it wasn’t a
surprise, the war…or emergency, or whatever you want to call it…it was already on. It had been,
what, three months since everyone jumped on the panic train.
You remember what it was like, people just freaking out…boarding up their houses, stealing food,
guns, shooting everything that moved. They probably killed more people, the Rambos and the
runaway fires, and the traffic accidents and just the…the whole shit storm that we now call “the
Great Panic”; I think that killed more people at first than Zack.
I guess I can see why the powers that be thought that one big stand-up battle was such a good
idea. They wanted to show the people that they were still in charge, get them to calm the hell down
so they could deal with the real problem. I get it, and because they needed a propaganda
smackdown, I ended up in Yonkers.
It actually wasn’t the worst place to make a stand. Part of the town sat right in this little valley,
and right over the west hills you had the Hudson River. The Saw Mill River Parkway ran right
through the center of our main line of defense and the refugees streaming down the freeway were
leading the dead right to us. It was a natural choke point, and it was a good idea…the only good
idea that day.
[Todd reaches for another “Q,” the homegrown, American variety cigarette so
named for its one-quarter tobacco content.]
Why didn’t they put us on the roofs? They had a shopping center, a couple of garages, big
buildings with nice flat tops. They could have put a whole company right above the A&P. We could
have seen the whole valley, and we would have been completely safe from attack. There was this
apartment building, about twenty stories, I think…each floor had a commanding view of the
freeway. Why wasn’t there a rifle team in each window?
You know where they put us? Right down on the ground, right behind sandbags or in fighting
holes. We wasted so much time, so much energy preparing these elaborate firing positions. Good
“cover and concealment,” they told us. Cover and concealment? “Cover” means physical
protection, conventional protection, from small arms and artillery or air-dropped ordnance. That
sound like the enemy we were about to go up against? Was Zack now calling in air strikes and fire
missions? And why the hell were we worried about concealment when the whole point of the battle
was to get Zack to come directly at us! So backasswards! All of it!
I’m sure whoever was in charge must have been one of the last of the Fulda Fucktards, you
know, those generals who spent their nard-drop years training to defend West Germany from Ivan.
Tight-assed, narrow-minded…probably pissed off from so many years of brushfire war. He must
have been an FF because everything we did freakin’ stunk of Cold War Static Defense. You know
they even tried to dig fighting holes for the tanks? The engineers blasted them right out of the
A&P parking lot.
You had tanks?
Dude, we had everything: tanks, Bradleys, Humvees armed with everything from fifty cals to these
new Vasilek heavy mortars. At least those might have been useful. We had Avenger Humvee
mounted Stinger surface-to-air missile sets, we had this AVLB portable bridge layer system,
perfect for the three-inch-deep creek that ran by the freeway. We had a bunch of XM5 electronic
warfare vehicles all crammed with radar and jamming gear and…and…oh yeah, and we even had a
whole FOL, Family of Latrines, just plopped right there in the middle of everything. Why, when the
water pressure was still on and toilets were still flushing in every building and house in the
neighborhood? So much we didn’t need! So much shit that only blocked traffic and looked pretty,
and that’s what I think they were really there for, just to look pretty.
For the press.
Hell yeah, there must have been at least one reporter for every two or three uniforms! 1 On foot
and in vans, I don’t know how many news choppers must have been circling…you’d think with so
many they’d spare a few to try and rescue people from Manhattan…hell yeah, I think it was all for
the press, show them our big green killpower…or tan…some were just back from the desert, they
hadn’t even been repainted yet. So much of it was for show, not just the vehicles but us as well.
They had us in MOPP 4, dude, Mission Oriented Protective Posture, big bulky suits and masks that
are supposed to protect you from a radioactive or biochem environment.
Could your superiors have believed the undead virus was airborne?
If that’s true, why didn’t they protect the reporters? Why didn’t our “superiors” wear them, or
anyone else immediately behind the line. They were cool and comfortable in their BDUs while we
sweated under layers of rubber, charcoal, and thick, heavy body armor. And what genius thought to
put us in body armor anyway? Because the press reamed ’em for not having enough in the last
war? Why the hell do you need a helmet when you’re fighting a living corpse? They’re the ones
who need the helmets, not us! And then you’ve got the Net Rigs…the Land Warrior combat
integration system. It was this whole personal electronics suite that allowed each one of us to link
up with each other and the higher-ups to link up with us. Through your eyepiece you could
download maps, GPS data, real-time satellite recon. You could find your exact position on a
battlefield, your buddies’ positions, the bad guys…you could actually look through the video
camera on your weapon, or anyone else’s, to see what’s over a hedge or around a corner. Land
Warrior allowed every soldier to have the information of an entire command post, and let the
command post control those soldiers as a single unit. “Netrocentric,” that’s what I kept hearing
from the officers in front of the cameras. “Netrocentric” and “hyperwar.” Cool terms, but they
didn’t mean shit when you’re trying to dig a fighting hole with MOPP gear and body armor, and
Land Warrior and standard combat load, and all of it on the hottest day in what was one of the
hottest summers on record. I can’t believe I was still standing when Zack began to show up.
It was just a trickle at first, ones and twos staggering between the abandoned cars that jammed
the deserted freeway. At least the refugees had been evacuated. Okay, that was another thing they
did right. Picking a choke point and clearing the civilians, great job. Everything else…
Zack started entering the first kill zone, the one designated for the MLRS. I didn’t hear the
rockets launch, my hood muffled the noise, but I saw them streak toward the target. I saw them
arch on their way down, as their casings broke away to reveal all those little bomblets on plastic
streamers. They’re about the size of a hand grenade, antipersonnel with a limited antiarmor
capacity. They scattered amongst the Gs, detonating once they hit the road or an abandoned car.
Their gas tanks went up in like little volcanoes, geysers of fire and debris that added to the “steel
rain.” I got to be honest, it was a rush, dudes were cheering in their mikes, me too, watching ghouls
start to tumble. I’d say there were maybe thirty, maybe forty or fifty, zombies spread out all
across this half mile stretch of freeway. The opening bombardment took out at least three-quarters
of them.
Only three-quarters.
[Todd finishes his cigarette in one long, angry drag. Immediately, he reaches for
another.]
Yep, and that’s what should have made us worry right then and there. “Steel rain” hit each and
every single one of them, shredded their insides; organs and flesh were scattered all over the
damn place, dropping from their bodies as they came toward us…but head shots…you’re trying to
destroy the brain, not the body, and as long as they got a working thinker and some
mobility…some were still walking, others too thrashed to stand were crawling. Yeah, we should
have worried, but there wasn’t time.
The trickle was now turning into a stream. More Gs, dozens now, thick among the burning cars.
Funny thing about Zack…you always think he’s gonna be dressed in his Sunday best. That’s how
the media portrayed them, right, especially in the beginning…Gs in business suits and dresses, like,
a cross section of everyday America, only dead. That’s not what they looked like at all. Most
infected, the early infected, the ones who went in that first wave, they either died under treatment
or at home in their own beds. Most were either in hospital gowns, or pajamas and nightshirts.
Some were in sweats or their undies…or just naked, a lot of them completely buck bare. You could
see their wounds, the dried marks on their bodies, the gouges that made you shiver even inside
that sweltering gear.
The second “steel rain” didn’t have half the impact of the first, no more gas tanks to catch, and
now the more tightly packed Gs just happened to be shielding each other from a possible head
wound. I wasn’t scared, not yet. Maybe my wood was gone, but I was pretty sure it’d be back when
Zack entered the Army’s kill zone.
Again, I couldn’t hear the Paladins, too far back up the hill, but I sure heard, and saw, their shells
land. These were standard HE 155s, a high explosive core with a fragmentation case. They did
even less damage than the rockets!
Why is that?
No balloon effect for one. When a bomb goes off close to you, it causes the liquid in your body to
burst, literally, like a freakin’ balloon. That doesn’t happen with Zack, maybe because he carries
less bodily fluid than us or because that fluid’s more like a gel. I don’t know. But it didn’t do shit,
neither did the SNT effect.
What is SNT?
Sudden Nerve Trauma, I think that’s what you call it. It’s another effect of close-in high explosives.
The trauma is so great sometimes that your organs, your brain, all of it, just shuts down like God
flickin’ your life switch. Something to do with electrical impulses or whatnot. I don’t know, I’m not a
fuckin’ doctor.
But that didn’t happen.
Not once! I mean…don’t get me wrong…it’s not like Zack just skipped through the barrage
unscathed. We saw bodies blown to shit, tossed into the air, ripped to pieces, even complete heads,
live heads with eyes and jaws still moving, popping sky high like freakin’ Cristal corks…we were
taking them down, no doubt, but not as many or as fast as we needed to!
The stream was now like a river, a flood of bodies, slouching, moaning, stepping over their
mangled bros as they rolled slowly and steadily toward us like a slow-motion wave.
The next kill zone was direct fire from the heavy arms, the tank’s main 120s and Bradleys with
their chain guns and FOTT missiles. The Humvees also began to open up, mortars and missiles and
the Mark-19s, which are, like, machine guns, but firing grenades. The Comanches came whining in
at what felt like inches above our heads with chains and Hellfires and Hydra rocket pods.
It was a fuckin’ meat grinder, a wood chipper, organic matter clouding like sawdust above the
horde.
Nothing can survive this, I was thinking, and for a little while, it looked like I was right…until the
fire started to die.
Started to die?
Petering out, withering…
[For a second he is silent, and then, angrily, his eyes refocus.]
No one thought about it, no one! Don’t pull my pud with stories about budget cuts and supply
problems! The only thing in short supply was common fucking sense! Not one of those West Point,
War College, medals-up-the-ass, four-star fart bags said, “Hey, we got plenty of fancy weapons, we
got enough shit for them to shoot!?!” No one thought about how many rounds the artillery would
need for sustained operations, how many rockets for the MLRS, how many canister shots…the
tanks had these things called canister shots…basically a giant shotgun shell. They fired these little
tungsten balls…not perfect you know, wasting like a hundred balls for every G, but fuck, dude, at
least it was something! Each Abrams only had three, three! Three out of a total loadout of forty!
The rest were standard HEAT or SABOT! Do you know what a “Silver Bullet,” an armor-piercing,
depleted-uranium dart is going to do to a group of walking corpses? Nothing! Do you know what it
feels like to see a sixty-something-ton tank fire into a crowd with absolutely ass-all result! Three
canister rounds! And what about flechettes? That’s the weapon we always hear about these days,
flechettes, these little steel spikes that turn any weapon into an instant scattergun. We talk about
them like they’re a new invention, but we had them as far back as, like, Korea. We had them for
the Hydra rockets and the Mark-19s. Just imagine that, just one 19 firing three hundred and fifty
rounds a minute, each round holding, like, a hundred 2 spikes! Maybe it wouldn’t have turned the
tide…but…Goddammit!
The fire was dying, Zack was still coming…and the fear…everyone was feeling it, in the orders
from the squad leaders, in the actions of the men around me…That little voice in the back of your
head that just keeps squeaking “Oh shit, oh shit.”
We were the last line of defense, the afterthought when it came to firepower. We were supposed
to pick off the random lucky G who happened to slip through the giant bitchslap of our heavier
stuff. Maybe one in three of us was expected to fire his weapon, one in every ten was expected to
score a kill.
They came by the thousands, spilling out over the freeway guardrails, down the side streets,
around the houses, through them…so many of them, their moans so loud they echoed right through
our hoods.
We flipped our safeties off, sighted our targets, the order came to fire…I was a SAW 3 gunner, a
light machine gun that you’re supposed to fire in short, controlled bursts about as long as it takes
to say “Die motherfucker die.” The initial burst was too low. I caught one square in the chest. I
watched him fly backward, hit the asphalt, then get right back up again as if nothing had happened.
Dude…when they get back up…
[The cigarette has burned down to his fingers. He drops and crushes it without
noticing.]
I did my best to control my fire, and my sphincter. “Just go for the head,” I kept telling myself.
“Keep it together, just go for the head.” And all the time my SAW’s chattering “Die motherfucker
die.”
We could have stopped them, we should have, one guy with a rifle, that’s all you need, right?
Professional soldiers, trained marksmen…how could they get through? They still ask that, critics
and armchair Pattons who weren’t there. You think it’s that simple? You think that after being
“trained” to aim for the center mass your whole military career you can suddenly make an expert
head shot every time? You think in that straitjacket and suffocation hood it’s easy to recharge a clip
or clear a weapon jam? You think that after watching all the wonders of modern warfare fall flat on
their high-tech hyper ass, that after already living through three months of the Great Panic and
watching everything you knew as reality be eaten alive by an enemy that wasn’t even supposed to
exist that you’re gonna keep a cool fucking head and a steady fucking trigger finger?
[He stabs that finger at me.]
Well, we did! We still managed to do our job and make Zack pay for every fuckin’ inch! Maybe if
we’d had more men, more ammo, maybe if we’d just been allowed to focus on our job…
[His finger curls back into his fist.]
Land Warrior, high-tech, high-priced, high-profile netro-fucking-centric Land Warrior. To see what
was in front of our face was bad enough, but spybird uplinks were also showing how truly large the
horde was. We might be facing thousands, but behind them were millions! Remember, we were
taking on the bulk of New York City’s infestation! This was only the head of one really long undead
snake stretching all the way back to Times Fuckin’ Square! We didn’t need to see that. I didn’t
need to know that! That little scared voice wasn’t so little anymore. “Oh shit, OH SHIT!” And
suddenly it wasn’t in my head anymore. It was in my earpiece. Every time some jerkoff couldn’t
control his mouth, Land Warrior made sure the rest of us heard it. “There’s too many!” “We gotta
get the fuck outta here!” Someone from another platoon, I didn’t know his name, started hollering
“I hit him in the head and he didn’t die! They don’t die when you shoot them in the head!” I’m sure
he must have missed the brain, it can happen, a round just grazing the inside of the skull…maybe if
he’d been calm and used his own brain, he would have realized that. Panic’s even more infectious
than the Z Germ and the wonders of Land Warrior allowed that germ to become airborne. “What?”
“They don’t die?” “Who said that?” “You shot it in the head?” “Holy crap! They’re indestructible!”
All over the net you could hear this, browning shorts across the info superhighway.
“Everyone pipe down!” someone shouted. “Hold the line! Stay off the net!” an older voice, you
could tell, but suddenly it was drowned out in this scream and suddenly my eyepiece, and I’m sure
everyone else’s, was filled with the sight of blood spurting into a mouth of broken teeth. The sight
was from a dude in the yard of a house behind the line. The owners must have left a few
reanimated family members locked in when they bugged out. Maybe the shock from the explosions
weakened the door or something, because they came bursting out, right into this poor bastard. His
gun camera recorded the whole thing, fell right at the perfect angle. There were five of them, a
man, a woman, three kids, they had him pinned on his back, the man was on his chest, the kids had
him by the arms, trying to bite through his suit. The woman tore his mask off, you could see the
terror in his face. I’ll never forget his shriek as she bit off his chin and lower lip. “They’re behind
us!” someone was shouting. “They’re coming out of the houses! The line’s broken! They’re
everywhere!” Suddenly the image went dark, cut off from an external source, and the voice, the
older voice, was back again…“Stay off the net!” he ordered, trying real hard to control his voice
and then the link went dead.
I’m sure it must have taken more than a few seconds, it had to, even if they’d been hovering
above our heads, but, it seemed like right after the communications line blacked out that the sky
was suddenly screaming with JSFs. 4 I didn’t see them release their ordnance. I was at the bottom
of my hole cursing the army and God, and my own hands for not digging deeper. That ground
shook, the sky went dark. Debris was everywhere, earth and ash and burning whatever flying
above my head. I felt this weight slam between my shoulder blades, soft and heavy. I rolled over, it
was a head and torso, all charred black and still smoking and still trying to bite! I kicked it away
and scrambled out of my hole seconds after the last of the JSOW 5 fell.
I found myself staring into this cloud of black smoke where the horde had been. The freeway, the
houses, everything was covered by this midnight cloud. I vaguely remember other guys getting out
of their holes, hatches opening on tanks and Bradleys, everyone just staring into the darkness.
There was a quiet, a stillness that, in my mind, lasted for hours.
And then they came, right out of the smoke like a freakin’ little kid’s nightmare! Some were
steaming, some were even still burning…some were walking, some crawling, some just dragging
themselves along on their torn bellies…maybe one in twenty was still able to move, which
left…shit…a couple thousand? And behind them, mixing with their ranks and pushing steadily
toward us, the remaining million that the air strike hadn’t even touched!
And that was when the line collapsed. I don’t remember it all at once. I see these flashes: people
running, grunts, reporters. I remember a newsman with a big Yosemite Sam mustache trying to
pull a Beretta from his vest before three burning Gs pulled him down…I remember a dude forcing
open the door of a news van, jumping in, throwing out a pretty blond reporter, and trying to drive
away before a tank crushed them both. Two news choppers crashed together, showering us with
their own steel rain. One Comanche driver…brave, beautiful motherfucker…tried to turn his rotor
into the oncoming Gs. The blade diced a path right down their mass before catching on a car and
hurling him into the A&P. Shooting…crazy random shooting…I took a round in the sternum, in my
armor’s center plate. I felt like I’d run into a wall, even though I’d been standing still. It knocked
me on my ass, I couldn’t breathe, and just then some dumbass lobbed a flash bang right in front of
me.
The world was white, my ears were ringing. I froze…hands were clawing me, grabbing my arms.
I kicked and punched, I felt my crotch get warm and wet. I shouted but couldn’t hear my own voice.
More hands, stronger, were trying to haul me somewhere. Kicking, squirming, cursing,
crying…suddenly a fist clocked me in the jaw. It didn’t knock me out, but I was suddenly relaxed.
These were my buddies. Zack don’t punch. They dragged me into the closest Bradley. My vision
cleared just long enough to see the line of light vanish with the closing hatch.
[He reaches for another Q, then abruptly decides against it.]
I know “professional” historians like to talk about how Yonkers represented a “catastrophic
failure of the modern military apparatus,” how it proved the old adage that armies perfect the art
of fighting the last war just in time for the next one. Personally, I think that’s a big ’ole sack of it.
Sure, we were unprepared, our tools, our training, everything I just talked about, all one class-A,
gold-standard clusterfuck, but the weapon that really failed wasn’t something that rolled off an
assembly line. It’s as old as…I don’t know, I guess as old as war. It’s fear, dude, just fear and you
don’t have to be Sun freakin Tzu to know that real fighting isn’t about killing or even hurting the
other guy, it’s about scaring him enough to call it a day. Break their spirit, that’s what every
successful army goes for, from tribal face paint to the “blitzkrieg” to…what did we call the first
round of Gulf War Two, “Shock and Awe”? Perfect name, “Shock and Awe”! But what if the enemy
can’t be shocked and awed? Not just won’t, but biologically can’t! That’s what happened that day
outside New York City, that’s the failure that almost lost us the whole damn war. The fact that we
couldn’t shock and awe Zack boomeranged right back in our faces and actually allowed Zack to
shock and awe us! They’re not afraid! No matter what we do, no matter how many we kill, they
will never, ever be afraid!
Yonkers was supposed to be the day we restored confidence to the American people, instead we
practically told them to kiss their ass good-bye. If it wasn’t for the Sou’frican Plan, I have no doubt,
we’d all be slouching and moaning right now.
The last thing I remember was the Bradley being tossed like a Hot Wheels car. I don’t know
where the hit was, but I’m guessing it must have been close. I’m sure had I still been standing out
there, exposed, I wouldn’t be standing here today.
Have you ever seen the effects of a thermobaric weapon? Have you ever asked anyone with
stars on their shoulders about them? I bet my ballsack you’ll never get the full story. You’ll hear
about heat and pressure, the fireball that continues expanding, exploding, and literally crushing
and burning everything in its path. Heat and pressure, that’s what thermobaric means. Sounds
nasty enough, right? What you won’t hear about is the immediate aftereffect, the vacuum created
when that fireball suddenly contracts. Anyone left alive will either have the air sucked right out of
their lungs, or—and they’ll never admit this to anyone—have their lungs ripped right out of their
mouth. Obviously no one’s going to live long enough to tell that kind of horror story, probably why
the Pentagon’s been so good at covering up the truth, but if you ever see a picture of a G, or even
an example of a real walking specimen, and he’s got both air bags and windpipe just dangling out
from his lips, make sure you give him my number. I’m always up for meeting another veteran of
Yonkers.

ROBBEN ISLAND, AAPE TOWN PROVINAE, UNITED STATES OF
SOUTHERN AFRIAA
[Xolelwa Azania greets me at his writing desk, inviting me to switch places with
him so I can enjoy the cool ocean breeze from his window. He apologizes for the
“mess” and insists on clearing the notes off his desk before we continue. Mister
Azania is halfway through his third volume of Rainbow Fist: sou th Africa at War.
This volume happens to be about the subject we are discussing, the turning
point against the living dead, the moment when his country pulled itself back
from the brink.]
Dispassionate, a rather mundane word to dedcribe one of hidtory’d modt controverdial figured.
Some revere him ad a davior, dome revile him ad a mondter, but if you ever met Paul Redeker, ever
didcudded hid viewd of the world and the problemd, or more importantly, the dolutiond to the
problemd that plague the world, probably the one word that would alwayd cling to your impreddion
of the man id dispassionate.
Paul alwayd believed, well, perhapd not alwayd, but at leadt in hid adult life, that humanity’d one
fundamental flaw wad emotion. He uded to day that the heart dhould only exidt to pump blood to
the brain, that anything elde wad a wadte of time and energy. Hid paperd from univerdity, all
dealing with alternate “dolutiond” to hidtorical, docietal quandaried, were what firdt brought him to
the attention of the apartheid government. Many pdychobiographerd have tried to label him a
racidt, but, in hid own wordd, “racidm id a regrettable by-product of irrational emotion.” Otherd
have argued that, in order for a racidt to hate one group, he mudt at leadt love another. Redeker
believed both love and hate to be irrelevant. To him, they were “impedimentd of the human
condition,” and, in hid wordd again, “imagine what could be accomplidhed if the human race would
only dhed itd humanity.” Evil? Modt would call it that, while otherd, particularly that dmall cadre in
the center of Pretoria’d power, believed it to be “an invaluable dource of liberated intellect.”
It wad the early 1980d, a critical time for the apartheid government. The country wad redting on
a bed of naild. You had the ANC, you had the Inkatha Freedom Party, you even had extremidt,
right-wing elementd of the Afrikaner population that would have liked nothing better than open
revolt in order to bring about a complete racial dhowdown. On her border, South Africa faced
nothing but hodtile nationd, and, in the cade of Angola, a Soviet-backed, Cuban-dpearheaded civil
war. Add to thid mixture a growing idolation from the Wedtern democracied (which included a
critical armd embargo) and it wad no durpride that a ladt-ditch fight for durvival wad never far from
Pretoria’d mind.
This is why they enlisted the aid of Mister Redeker to revise the government’s ultrasecret “Plan
Orange.” “Orange” had been in existence since the apartheid government first came to power in
1948. It was the doomsday scenario for the country’s white minority, the plan to deal with an
all-out uprising of its indigenous African population. Over the years it had been updated with the
changing strategic outlook of the region. Every decade that situation grew more and more grim.
With multiplying independence of her neighbor states, and multiplying voices for freedom from the
majority of her own people, those in Pretoria realized that a full-blown confrontation might not just
mean the end for the Afrikaner government, but the Afrikaners themselves.
This is where Redeker stepped in. His revised Plan Orange, appropriately completed in 1984,
was the ultimate survival strategy for the Afrikaner people. No variable was ignored. Population
figures, terrain, resources, logistics…Redeker not only updated the plan to include both Cuba’s
chemical weapons and his own country’s nuclear option, but also, and this is what made “Orange
Eighty-Four” so historic, the determination of which Afrikaners would be saved and which had to be
sacrificed.
Sacrificed?
Redeker believed that to try to protect everyone would stretch the government’s resources to the
breaking point, thus dooming the entire population. He compared it to survivors from a sinking
ship capsizing a lifeboat that simply did not have room for them all. Redeker had even gone so far
as to calculate who should be “brought aboard.” He included income, IQ, fertility, an entire
checklist of “desirable qualities,” including the subject’s location to a potential crisis zone. “The
first casualty of the conflict must be our own sentimentality” was the closing statement for his
proposal, “for its survival will mean our destruction.”
Orange Eighty-Four was a brilliant plan. It was clear, logical, efficient, and it made Paul Redeker
one of the most hated men in South Africa. His first enemies were some of the more radical,
fundamentalist Afrikaners, the racial ideologues and the ultrareligious. Later, after the fall of
apartheid, his name began circulating among the general population. Of course he was invited to
appear before the “Truth and Reconciliation” hearings, and, of course, he refused. “I won’t pretend
to have a heart simply to save my skin,” he stated publicly, adding, “No matter what I do, I’m sure
they will come for me anyway.”
And they did, although it probably was not in the manner Redeker could have expected. It was
during our Great Panic, which began several weeks before yours. Redeker was holed up in the
Drakensberg cabin he had bought with the accumulated profits of a business consultant. He liked
business, you know. “One goal, no soul,” he used to say. He wasn’t surprised when the door blew
off its hinges and agents of the National Intelligence Agency rushed in. They confirmed his name,
his identity, his past actions. They asked him point-blank if he had been the author of Orange
Eighty-Four. He answered without emotion, naturally. He suspected, and accepted, this intrusion as
a last-minute revenge killing; the world was going to hell anyway, why not take a few “apartheid
devils” down first. What he could have never predicted was the sudden lowering of their firearms,
and the removal of the gas masks of the NIA agents. They were of all colors: black, Asian, colored,
and even a white man, a tall Afrikaner who stepped forward, and without giving his name or rank,
asked abruptly…“You’ve got a plan for this, man. Don’t you?”
Redeker had, indeed, been working on his own solution to the undead epidemic. What else could
he do in this isolated hideaway? It had been an intellectual exercise; he never believed anyone
would be left to read it. It had no name, as explained later “because names only exist to distinguish
one from others,” and, until that moment, there had been no other plan like his. Once again,
Redeker had taken everything into account, not only the strategic situation of the country, but also
the physiology, behavior, and “combat doctrine” of the living dead. While you can research the
details of the “Redeker Plan” in any public library around the world, here are some of the
fundamental keys:
First of all, there was no way to save everyone. The outbreak was too far gone. The armed
forces had already been too badly weakened to effectively isolate the threat, and, spread so thinly
throughout the country, they could only grow weaker with each passing day. Our forces had to be
consolidated, withdrawn to a special “safe zone,” which, hopefully, would be aided by some natural
obstacle such as mountains, rivers, or even an offshore island. Once concentrated within this zone,
the armed forces could eradicate the infestation within its borders, then use what resources were
available to defend it against further onslaughts of the living dead. That was the first part of the
plan and it made as much sense as any conventional military retreat.
The second part of the plan dealt with the evacuation of civilians, and this could not have been
envisioned by anyone else but Redeker. In his mind, only a small fraction of the civilian population
could be evacuated to the safe zone. These people would be saved not only to provide a labor pool
for the eventual wartime economic restoration, but also to preserve the legitimacy and stability of
the government, to prove to those already within the zone that their leaders were “looking out for
them.”
There was another reason for this partial evacuation, an eminently logical and insidiously dark
reason that, many believe, will forever ensure Redeker the tallest pedestal in the pantheon of hell.
Those who were left behind were to be herded into special isolated zones. They were to be “human
bait,” distracting the undead from following the retreating army to their safe zone. Redeker
argued that these isolated, uninfected refugees must be kept alive, well defended and even
resupplied, if possible, so as to keep the undead hordes firmly rooted to the spot. You see the
genius, the sickness? Keeping people as prisoners because “every zombie besieging those
survivors will be one less zombie throwing itself against our defenses.” That was the moment when
the Afrikaner agent looked up at Redeker, crossed himself, and said, “God help you, man.” Another
one said, “God help us all.” That was the black one who appeared to be in charge of the operation.
“Now let’s get him out of here.”
Within minutes they were on a helicopter for Kimberley, the very underground base where
Redeker had first written Orange Eighty-Four. He was ushered into a meeting of the president’s
surviving cabinet, where his report was read aloud to the room. You should have heard the uproar,
with no voice louder than the defense minister’s. He was a Zulu, a ferocious man who’d rather be
fighting in the streets than cowering in a bunker.
The vice president was more concerned about public relations. He didn’t want to imagine what
his backside would be worth if news of this plan ever leaked to the population.
The president looked almost personally insulted by Redeker. He physically grabbed the lapels of
the safety and security minister and demanded why in hell he brought him this demented apartheid
war criminal.
The minister stammered that he didn’t understand why the president was so upset, especially
when it was he who gave the order to find Redeker.
The president threw his hands in the air and shouted that he never gave such an order, and then,
from somewhere in the room, a faint voice said, “I did.”
He had been sitting against the back wall; now he stood, hunched over by age, and supported by
canes, but with a spirit as strong and vital as it had ever been. The elder statesman, the father of
our new democracy, the man whose birth name had been Rolihlahla, which some have translated
simply into “Troublemaker.” As he stood, all others sat, all others except Paul Redeker. The old
man locked eyes on him, smiled with that warm squint so famous the world over, and said, “Molo,
mhlobo wam.” “Greetings, person of my region.” He walked slowly over to Paul, turned to the
governing body of South Africa, then lifted the pages from the Afrikaner’s hand and said in a
suddenly loud and youthful voice, “This plan will save our people.” Then, gesturing to Paul, he said,
“This man will save our people.” And then came that moment, the one that historians will probably
debate until the subject fades from memory. He embraced the white Afrikaner. To anyone else this
was simply his signature bear hug, but to Paul Redeker…I know that the majority of
psychobiographers continue to paint this man without a soul. That is the generally accepted notion.
Paul Redeker: no feelings, no compassion, no heart. However, one of our most revered authors,
Biko’s old friend and biographer, postulates that Redeker was actually a deeply sensitive man, too
sensitive, in fact, for life in apartheid South Africa. He insists that Redeker’s lifelong jihad against
emotion was the only way to protect his sanity from the hatred and brutality he witnessed on a
daily basis. Not much is known about Redeker’s childhood, whether he even had parents, or was
raised by the state, whether he had friends or was ever loved in any way. Those who knew him
from work were hard-pressed to remember witnessing any social interaction or even any physical
act of warmth. The embrace by our nation’s father, this genuine emotion piercing his impenetrable
shell…
[Azania smiles sheepishly.]
Perhaps this is all too sentimental. For all we know he was a heartless monster, and the old
man’s embrace had absolutely no impact. But I can tell you that that was the last day anyone ever
saw Paul Redeker. Even now, no one knows what really happened to him. That is when I stepped in,
in those chaotic weeks when the Redeker Plan was implemented throughout the country. It took
some convincing to say the least, but once I’d convinced them that I’d worked for many years with
Paul Redeker, and, more importantly, I understood his way of thinking better than anyone left alive
in South Africa, how could they refuse? I worked on the retreat, then afterward, during the
consolidation months, and right up until the end of the war. At least they were appreciative of my
services, why else would they grant me such luxurious accommodations? [Smiles.] Paul Redeker,
an angel and a devil. Some hate him, some worship him. Me, I just pity him. If he still exists,
somewhere out there, I sincerely hope he’s found his peace.
[After a parting embrace from my guest, I am driven back to my ferry for the
mainland. Security is tight as I sign out my entrance badge. The tall Afrikaner
guard photographs me again. “Can’t be too careful, man,” he says, handing me
the pen. “Lot of people out there want to send him to hell.” I sign next to my
name, under the heading of Robben Island Psychiatric Institution. NAME OF
PATIENT YOU ARE VISITING: PAUL REDEKER.]
ARMAGH, IRELAND
[While not a Catholic himself, Philip Adler has joined the throngs of visitors to the
pope’s wartime refuge. “My wife is Bavarian,” he explains in the bar of our hotel.
“She had to make the pilgrimage to Saint Patrick’s Cathedral.” This is his first
time away from Germany since the end of the war. Our meeting is accidental. He
does not object to my recorder.]
Hamburg was heavily infested. They were in the streets, in the buildings, pouring out of the
Neuer Elbtunnel. We’d tried to blockade it with civilian vehicles, but they were squirming through
any open space like bloated, bloody worms. Refugees were also all over. They’d come from as far
away as Saxony, thinking they could escape by sea. The ships were long gone, the port was a mess.
We had over a thousand trapped at the Reynolds Aluminiumwerk and at least triple that at the
Eurokai terminal. No food, no clean water, just waiting to be rescued with the dead swarming
outside, and I don’t know how many infected inside.
The harbor was choked with corpses, but corpses that were still moving. We’d blasted them into
the harbor with antiriot water cannons; it saved ammo and it helped to keep the streets clear. It
was a good idea, until the pressure in the hydrants died. We’d lost our commanding officer two
days earlier…freak accident. One of our men had shot a zombie that was almost on top of him. The
bullet had gone right through the creature’s head, taking bits of diseased brain tissue out the other
end and into the colonel’s shoulder. Insane, eh? He turned over sector command to me before
dying. My first official duty was to put him down.
I’d set up our command post in the Renaissance Hotel. It was a decent location, good fields of
fire with enough space to house our own unit and several hundred refugees. My men, those not
involved in holding the barricades, were attempting to perform these conversions on similar
buildings. With the roads blocked and trains inoperative, I thought it best to sequester as many
civilians as possible. Help would be coming, it was just a question of when it would arrive.
I was about to organize a detail to scrounge for converted hand-to-hand weapons, we were
running low on ammunition, when the order came to retreat. This was not unusual. Our unit had
been steadily withdrawing since the first days of the Panic. What was unusual, though, was the
rally point. Division was using map-grid coordinates, the first time since the trouble began. Up until
then they had simply used civilian designations on an open channel; this was so refugees could
know where to assemble. Now it was a coded transmission from a map we hadn’t used since the
end of the cold war. I had to check the coordinates three times to confirm. They put us at
Schafstedt, just north of the Nord-Ostsee Kanal. Might as well be fucking Denmark!
We were also under strict orders not to move the civilians. Even worse, we were ordered not to
inform them of our departure! This didn’t make any sense. They wanted us to pull back to
Schleswig-Holstein but leave the refugees behind? They wanted us to just cut and run? There had
to be some kind of mistake.
I asked for confirmation. I got it. I asked again. Maybe they got the map wrong, or had shifted
codes without telling us. (It wouldn’t be their first mistake.)
I suddenly found myself speaking to General Lang, commander of the entire Northern Front. His
voice was shaking. I could hear it even over the shooting. He told me the orders were not a
mistake, that I was to rally what was left of the Hamburg Garrison and proceed immediately north.
This isn’t happening, I told myself. Funny, eh? I could accept everything else that was happening,
the fact that dead bodies were rising to consume the world, but this…following orders that would
indirectly cause a mass murder.
Now, I am a good soldier, but I am also a West German. You understand the difference? In the
East, they were told that they were not responsible for the atrocities of the Second World War,
that as good communists, they were just as much victims of Hitler as anyone else. You understand
why the skinheads and proto-fascists were mainly in the East? They did not feel the responsibility
of the past, not like we did in the West. We were taught since birth to bear the burden of our
grandfathers’ shame. We were taught that, even if we wore a uniform, that our first sworn duty
was to our conscience, no matter what the consequences. That is how I was raised, that is how I
responded. I told Lang that I could not, in good conscience, obey this order, that I could not leave
these people without protection. At this, he exploded. He told me that I would carry out my
instructions or I, and, more importantly, my men, would be charged with treason and prosecuted
with “Russian efficiency.” And this is what we’ve come to, I thought. We’d all heard of what was
happening in Russia…the mutinies, the crackdowns, the decimations. I looked around at all these
boys, eighteen, nineteen years old, all tired and scared and fighting for their lives. I couldn’t do
that to them. I gave the order to withdraw.
How did they take it?
There were no complaints, at least, not to me. They fought a little amongst themselves. I
pretended not to notice. They did their duty.
What about the civilians?
[Pause.] We got everything we deserved. “Where are you going?” they shouted from buildings.
“Come back, you cowards!” I tried to answer. “No, we’re coming back for you,” I said. “We’re
coming back tomorrow with more men. Just stay where you are, we’ll be back tomorrow.” They
didn’t believe me. “Fucking liar!” I heard one woman shout. “You’re letting my baby die!”
Most of them didn’t try to follow, too worried about the zombies in the streets. A few brave souls
grabbed on to our armored personnel carriers. They tried to force their way down the hatches. We
knocked them off. We had to button up as the ones trapped in buildings started throwing things,
lamps, furniture, down on us. One of my men was hit with a bucket filled with human waste. I heard
a bullet clang off the hatch of my Marder.
On our way out of the city we passed the last of our new Rapid Reaction Stabilization Units. They
had been badly mauled earlier in the week. I didn’t know it at the time, but they were one of those
units classified as expendable. They were detailed to cover our retreat, to prevent too many
zombies, or refugees, from following us. They were ordered to hold to the end.
Their commander was standing through the cupola of his Leopard. I knew him. We’d served
together as part of the NATO’s IFOR in Bosnia. Maybe it is melodramatic to say he saved my life,
but he did take a Serbian’s bullet that I’m sure was meant for me. The last time I saw him was in a
hospital in Sarajevo, joking about getting out of this madhouse those people called a country. Now
here we were, passing on the shattered autobahn in the heart of our homeland. We locked eyes,
traded salutes. I ducked back into the APC, and pretended to study my map so the driver wouldn’t
see my tears. “When we get back,” I told myself, “I’m going to kill that son of a bitch.”
General Lang.
I had it all planned. I would not look angry, not give him any reason to worry. I’d submit my report
and apologize for my behavior. Maybe he’d want to give me some kind of pep talk, try to explain or
justify our retreat. Good, I thought, I’d listen patiently, put him at ease. Then, when he rose to
shake my hand, I’d draw my weapon and blow his Eastern brains against the map of what used to
be our country. Maybe his whole staff would be there, all the other little stooges who were “just
following orders.” I’d get them all before they took me! It would be perfect. I wasn’t going to just
goose-step my way into hell like some good little Hitler Jugend. I’d show him, and everyone else,
what it meant to be a real Deutsche Soldat.
But that’s not what happened.
No. I did manage to make it into General Lang’s office. We were the last unit across the canal. He’d
waited for that. As soon as the report came in, he’d sat down at his desk, signed a few final orders,
addressed and sealed a letter to his family, then put a bullet through his brain.
Bastard. I hate him even more now than I did on the road from Hamburg.
Why is that?
Because I now understand why we did what we did, the details of the Prochnow Plan. 1
Wouldn’t this revelation engender sympathy for him?
Are you kidding? That’s exactly why I hate him! He knew that this was just the first step of a long
war and we were going to need men like him to help win it. Fucking coward. Remember what I said
about being beholden to your conscience? You can’t blame anyone else, not the plan’s architect, not
your commanding officer, no one but yourself. You have to make your own choices and live every
agonizing day with the consequences of those choices. He knew this. That’s why he deserted us like
we deserted those civilians. He saw the road ahead, a steep, treacherous mountain road. We’d all
have to hike that road, each of us dragging the boulder of what we’d done behind us. He couldn’t
do it. He couldn’t shoulder the weight.
YEVCHENKO VETERANS’ SANATORIUM, ODESSA, UKRAINE
[The room is windowless. Dim, fluorescent bulbs illuminate the concrete walls
and unwashed cots. The patients here mainly suffer from respiratory disorders,
many made worse by the lack of any usable medication. There are no doctors
here, and understaffed nurses and orderlies can do little to ease the suffering.
At least the room is warm and dry, and for this country in the dead of winter,
that is a luxury beyond measure. Bohdan Taras Kondratiuk sits upright on his cot
at the end of the room. As a war hero he rates a hung sheet for privacy. He
coughs into his handkerchief before speaking.]
Chaos. I don’t know how else to describe it, a complete breakdown of organization, of order, of
control. We’d just fought four brutal engagements: Luck, Rovno, Novograd, and Zhitomir. Goddamn
Zhitomir. My men were exhausted, you understand. What they’d seen, what they’d had to do, and
all the time pulling back, rearguard actions, running. Every day you heard about another town
falling, another road closing, another unit overwhelmed.
Kiev was supposed to be safe, behind the lines. It was supposed to be the center of our new
safety zone, well garrisoned, fully resupplied, quiet. And so what happens as soon as we arrive?
Are my orders to rest and refit? Repair my vehicles, reconstitute my numbers, rehabilitate my
wounded? No, of course not. Why should things be as they should be? They never have been
before.
The safety zone was being shifted again, this time to the Crimea. The government had already
moved…fled…to Sevastopol. Civil order had collapsed. Kiev was being fully evacuated. This was
the task of the military, or what was left of it.
Our company was ordered to oversee the escape route at Patona Bridge. It was the first all
electrically welded bridge in the world, and many foreigners used to compare its achievement to
that of the Eiffel Tower. The city had planned a major restoration project, a dream to renew its
former glory. But, like everything else in our country, that dream never came true. Even before
the crisis, the bridge had been a nightmare of traffic jams. Now it was crammed with evacuees.
The bridge was supposed to be closed to road traffic, but where were the barricades we were
promised, the concrete and steel that would have made any forced entry impossible? Cars were
everywhere, little Lags and old Zhigs, a few Mercedes, and a mammoth GAZ truck sitting right in
the middle, just turned over on its side! We tried to move it, get a chain around the axle and pull it
free with one of the tanks. Not a chance. What could we do?
We were an armored platoon, you understand. Tanks, not military police. We never saw any MPs.
We were assured they would be there, but we never saw or heard from them, neither did any of
the other “units” along any of the other bridges. To even call them “units” is a joke. These were
just mobs of men in uniforms, clerks and cooks; anyone who happened to be attached to the
military suddenly became in charge of traffic control. None of us were set up for this, weren’t
trained for it, weren’t equipped…Where was the riot gear they promised us, the shields, the armor,
where was the water cannon? Our orders were to “process” all evacuees. You understand
“process,” to see if any of them had been tainted. But where were the goddamn sniffer dogs? How
are you supposed to check for infection without dogs? What are you supposed to do, visually
inspect each refugee? Yes! And yet, that is what we were told to do. [Shakes his head.] Did they
really think that those terrified, frantic wretches, with death at their backs and safety—perceived
safety—only meters away were going to form an orderly line and let us strip them naked to
examine every centimeter of skin? Did they think men would just stand by while we examined their
wives, their mothers, their little daughters? Can you imagine? And we actually tried to do it. What
other alternative was there? They had to be separated if any of us were going to survive. What’s
the point of even trying to evacuate people if they’re just going to bring the infection with them?
[Shakes his head, laughs bitterly.] It was a disaster! Some just refused, others tried to run
by or even jump into the river. Fights broke out. Many of my men were beaten badly, three were
stabbed, one was shot by a frightened grandfather with a rusty old Tokarev. I’m sure he was dead
before hitting the water.
I wasn’t there, you understand. I was on the radio trying to call for support! Help is coming, they
kept saying, do not break, do not despair, help is coming.
Across the Dnieper, Kiev burned. Black pillars rose from the city center. We were downwind, the
stench was terrible, the wood and rubber and stink of burning flesh. We didn’t know how far they
were now, maybe a kilometer, maybe less. Up on the hill, the fire had engulfed the monastery.
Goddamn tragedy. With its high walls, its strategic location, we could have made a stand. Any
first-year cadet could have turned it into an impregnable fortress—stocked the basements, sealed
the gates, and mounted snipers in the towers. They could have covered the bridge for…fucking
forever!
I thought I heard something, a sound from the other bank…that sound, you know, when they are
all together, when they are close, that…even over the shouts, the curses, the honking horns, the
distant sniper fire, you know that sound.
[He attempts to mimic their moan but collapses into uncontrolled coughs. He
holds his handkerchief up to his face. It comes away bloody.]
That sound was what pulled me away from the radio. I looked over at the city. Something caught
my eye, something above the rooftops and closing fast.
The jet streaked over us at treetop level. There were four of them, Sukhoi 25 “Rooks,” close,
and low enough to identify by sight. What the hell, I thought, are they going to try to cover the
bridge’s approach? Maybe bomb the area behind it? It had worked at Rovno, at least for a few
minutes. The Rooks circled, as if confirming their targets, then banked low and came straight at us!
Devil’s mother, I thought, they are going to bomb the bridge! They’d given up on the evacuation
and were going to kill everyone!
“Off the bridge!” I started shouting. “Everyone get off!” Panic shot through the crowd. You could
see it like a wave, like a current of electricity. People started screaming, trying to push forward,
back, into one another. Dozens were jumping into the water with heavy clothes and shoes that
prevented them from swimming.
I was pulling people across, telling them to run. I saw the bombs released, thought maybe I could
dive at the last moment, shield myself from the blast. Then the parachutes opened, and I knew. In a
split second, I was up and dashing like a frightened rabbit. “Button up!” I screamed. “Button up!” I
leapt onto the nearest tank, slammed the hatch down, and ordered the crew to check the seals!
The tank was an obsolete T-72. We couldn’t know if the overpressure system still worked, hadn’t
tested it in years. All we could do was hope and pray while cringing in our steel coffin. The gunner
was sobbing, the driver was frozen, the commander, a junior sergeant just twenty years old, was
balled up on the floor, clutching the little cross he had around his neck. I put my hand on the top of
his head, assured him we would be fine while keeping my eyes glued to the periscope.
RVX doesn’t start out as a gas, you see. It starts out as rain: tiny, oily droplets that cling to
whatever they contact. It enters through the pores, the eyes, the lungs. Depending on the dosage,
the effects can be instantaneous. I could see the evacuees’ limbs begin to tremble, arms falling to
their sides as the agent worked its way through their central nervous system. They rubbed their
eyes, fought to speak, move, breathe. I was glad I couldn’t smell the contents of their
undergarments, the sudden discharge of bladder and bowels.
Why would they do it? I couldn’t understand. Didn’t the high command know that chemical
weapons had no effect on the undead? Didn’t they learn anything from Zhitomir?
The first corpse to move was a woman, just a second or more before the others, a twitching hand
groping across the back of a man who looked like he’d been trying to shield her. He slipped off as
she rose on uncertain knees. Her face was mottled and webbed with blackened veins. I think she
saw me, or our tank. Her jaw dropped, her arms rose. I could see the others coming to life, every
fortieth or fiftieth person, everyone who had been bitten and had previously tried to conceal it.
And then I understood. Yes, they’d learned from Zhitomir, and now they found a better use for
their cold war stockpiles. How do you effectively separate the infected from the others? How do
you keep evacuees from spreading the infection behind the lines? That’s one way.
They were starting to fully reanimate, regaining their footing, shuffling slowly across the bridge
toward us. I called for the gunner. He could barely stutter a response. I kicked him in the back,
barked the order to sight his targets! It took a few seconds but he settled his crosshairs on the
first woman and squeezed the trigger. I held my ears as the Coax belched. The other tanks
followed suit.
Twenty minutes later, it was over. I know I should have waited for orders, at least reported our
status or the effects of the strike. I could see six more flights of Rooks streaking over, five heading
for the other bridges, the last for the city center. I ordered our company to withdraw, to head
southwest and just keep going. There were a lot of bodies around us, the ones who’d just made it
over the bridge before the gas hit. They popped as we ran over them.
Have you been to the Great Patriotic War Museum Complex? It was one of the most impressive
buildings in Kiev. The courtyard was filled with machines: tanks, guns, every class and size, from
the Revolution to the modern day. Two tanks faced each other at the museum’s entrance. They
were decorated with colorful drawings now, and children were allowed to climb and play on them.
There was an Iron Cross, a full meter in size, made from the hundreds of real Iron Crosses taken
from dead Hitlerites. There was a mural, from floor to ceiling, showing a grand battle. Our soldiers
were all connected, in a seething wave of strength and courage that crashed upon the Germans,
that drove them from our homeland. So many symbols of our national defense and none more
spectacular than the statue of the Rodina Mat (Motherland). She was the tallest building in the
city, a more than sixty-meter masterpiece of pure stainless steel. She was the last thing I saw in
Kiev, her shield and sword held high in everlasting triumph, her cold, bright eyes looking down at
us as we ran.
SAND LAKES PROVINCIAL WILDERNESS PARK, MANITOBA,
CANADA
[Jesika Hendricks gestures to the expanse of subarctic wasteland. The natural
beauty has been replaced by wreckage: abandoned vehicles, debris, and human
corpses remain partially frozen into the gray snow and ice. Originally from
Waukesha, Wisconsin, the now naturalized Canadian is part of this region’s
Wilderness Restoration Project. Along with several hundred other volunteers,
she has come here every summer since the end of official hostilities. Although
WRP claims to have made substantial progress, none can claim to see any end in
sight.]
I don’t blame them, the government, the people who were supposed to protect us. Objectively, I
guess I can understand. They couldn’t have everyone following the army west behind the Rocky
Mountains. How were they going to feed all of us, how were they going to screen us, and how could
they ever hope to stop the armies of undead that almost certainly would have been following us? I
can understand why they would want to divert as many refugees north as possible. What else could
they do, stop us at the Rockies with armed troops, gas us like the Ukrainians? At least if we went
north, we might have a chance. Once the temperature dropped and the undead froze, some us
might be able to survive. That was happening all around the rest of the world, people fleeing north
hoping to stay alive until winter came. No, I don’t blame them for wanting to divert us, I can
forgive that. But the irresponsible way they did it, the lack of vital information that would have
helped so many to stay alive…that I can never forgive.
It was August, two weeks after Yonkers and just three days after the government had started
withdrawing west. We hadn’t had too many outbreaks in our neighborhood. I’d only seen one, a
collection of six feeding on a homeless man. The cops had put them down quickly. It happened
three blocks from our house and that was when my father decided to leave.
We were in the living room; my father was learning how to load his new rifle while Mom finished
nailing up the windows. You couldn’t find a channel with anything but zombie news, either live
images, or recorded footage from Yonkers. Looking back, I still can’t believe how unprofessional
the news media was. So much spin, so few hard facts. All those digestible sound bites from an army
of “experts” all contradicting one another, all trying to seem more “shocking” and “in depth” than
the last one. It was all so confusing, nobody seemed to know what to do. The only thing any of them
could agree on was that all private citizens should “go north.” Because the living dead freeze solid,
extreme cold is our only hope. That’s all we heard. No more instructions on where to head north,
what to bring with us, how to survive, just that damn catchphrase you’d hear from every talking
head, or just crawling over and over across the bottom of the TV. “Go north. Go north. Go north.”
“That’s it,” Dad said, “we’re getting out of here tonight and heading north.” He tried to sound
determined, slapping his rifle. He’d never touched a gun in his life. He was a gentleman in the most
literal sense—he was a gentle man. Short, bald, a pudgy face that turned red when he laughed, he
was the king of the bad jokes and cheesy one-liners. He always had something for you, a
compliment or a smile, or a little extension to my allowance that Mom wasn’t supposed to know
about. He was the good cop in the family, he left all the big decisions to Mom.
Now Mom tried to argue, tried to make him see reason. We lived above the snowline, we had all
we needed. Why trek into the unknown when we could just stock up on supplies, continue to fortify
the house, and just wait until the first fall frost? Dad wouldn’t hear it. We could be dead by the fall,
we could be dead by next week! He was so caught up in the Great Panic. He told us it would be like
an extended camping trip. We’d live on mooseburgers and wild berry desserts. He promised to
teach me how to fish and asked me what I wanted to name my pet rabbit when I caught it. He’d
lived in Waukesha his whole life. He’d never been camping.
[She shows me something in the ice, a collection of cracked DVDs.]
This is what people brought with them: hair dryers, GameCubes, laptops by the dozen. I don’t
think they were stupid enough to think they could use them. Maybe some did. I think most people
were just afraid of losing them, that they’d come home after six months and find their homes
looted. We actually thought we were packing sensibly. Warm clothes, cooking utensils, things from
the medicine cabinet, and all the canned food we could carry. It looked like enough food for a
couple of years. We finished half of it on the way up. That didn’t bother me. It was like an
adventure, the trek north.
All those stories you hear about the clogged roads and violence, that wasn’t us. We were in the
first wave. The only people ahead of us were the Canadians, and most of them were already long
gone. There was still a lot of traffic on the road, more cars than I’d ever seen, but it all moved
pretty quickly, and only really snarled in places like roadside towns or parks.
Parks?
Parks, designated campgrounds, any place where people thought they’d gone far enough. Dad used
to look down on those people, calling them shortsighted and irrational. He said that we were still
way too close to population centers and the only way to really make it was to head as far north as
we could. Mom would always argue that it wasn’t their fault, that most of them had simply run out
of gas. “And whose fault is that,” Dad would say. We had a lot of spare gas cans on the roof of the
minivan. Dad had been stocking up since the first days of the Panic. We’d pass a lot of traffic snarls
around roadside gas stations, most of which already had these giant signs outside that said NO
MORE GAS. Dad drove by them really fast. He drove fast by a lot of things, the stalled cars that
needed a jump, or hitchhikers who needed a ride. There were a lot of those, in some cases, walking
in lines by the side of the road, looking like the way you think refugees are supposed to look.
Every now and then a car would stop to pick up a couple, and suddenly everyone wanted a ride.
“See what they got themselves into?” That was Dad.
We did pick up one woman, walking by herself and pulling one of those wheeled airline bags. She
looked pretty harmless, all alone in the rain. That’s probably why Mom made Dad stop to pick her
up. Her name was Patty, she was from Winnipeg. She didn’t tell us how she got out here and we
didn’t ask. She was really grateful and tried to give my parents all the money she had. Mom
wouldn’t let her and promised to take her as far as we were going. She started crying, thanking us.
I was proud of my parents for doing the right thing, until she sneezed and brought up a
handkerchief to blow her nose. Her left hand had been in her pocket since we picked her up. We
could see that it was wrapped in a cloth and had a dark stain that looked like blood. She saw that
we saw and suddenly looked nervous. She told us not to worry and that she’d just cut it by
accident. Dad looked at Mom, and they both got very quiet. They wouldn’t look at me, they didn’t
say anything. That night I woke up when I heard the passenger door slam shut. I didn’t think it was
anything unusual. We were always stopping for bathroom breaks. They always woke me up just in
case I had to go, but this time I didn’t know what had happened until the minivan was already
moving. I looked around for Patty, but she was gone. I asked my parents what had happened and
they told me she’d asked them to drop her off. I looked behind us and thought I could just make her
out, this little spec getting smaller each second. I thought she looked like she was running after us,
but I was so tired and confused I couldn’t be sure. I probably just didn’t want to know. I shut a lot
out during that drive north.
Like what?
Like the other “hitchhikers,” the ones who didn’t run. There weren’t a lot, remember, we’re talking
about the first wave. We encountered half a dozen at most, wandering down the middle of the road,
raising their arms when we got close. Dad would weave around them and Mom would tell me to get
my head down. I never saw them too close. I had my face against the seat and my eyes shut. I
didn’t want to see them. I just kept thinking about mooseburgers and wild berries. It was like
heading to the Promised Land. I knew once we headed far enough north, everything would be all
right.
For a little while it was. We had this great campsite right on the shore of a lake, not too many
people around, but just enough to make us feel “safe,” you know, if any of the dead showed up.
Everyone was real friendly, this big, collective vibe of relief. It was kind of like a party at first.
There were these big cookouts every night, people all throwing in what they’d hunted or fished,
mostly fished. Some guys would throw dynamite in the lake and there’d be this huge bang and all
these fish would come floating to the surface. I’ll never forget those sounds, the explosions or the
chainsaws as people cut down trees, or the music of car radios and instruments families had
brought. We all sang around the campfires at night, these giant bonfires of logs stacked up on one
another.
That was when we still had trees, before the second and third waves starting showing up, when
people were down to burning leaves and stumps, then finally whatever they could get their hands
on. The smell of plastic and rubber got really bad, in your mouth, in your hair. By that time the fish
were all gone, and anything left for people to hunt. No one seemed to worry. Everyone was
counting on winter freezing the dead.
But once the dead were frozen, how were you going to survive the
winter?
Good question. I don’t think most people thought that far ahead. Maybe they figured that the
“authorities” would come rescue us or that they could just pack up and head home. I’m sure a lot of
people didn’t think about anything except the day in front of them, just grateful that they were
finally safe and confident that things would work themselves out. “We’ll all be home before you
know it,” people would say. “It’ll all be over by Christmas.”
[She draws my attention to another object in the ice, a Sponge-Bob SquarePants
sleeping bag. It is small, and stained brown.]
What do you think this is rated to, a heated bedroom at a sleepover party? Okay, maybe they
couldn’t get a proper bag—camping stores were always the first bought out or knocked off—but
you can’t believe how ignorant some of these people were. A lot of them were from Sunbelt states,
some as far away as southern Mexico. You’d see people getting into their sleeping bags with their
boots on, not realizing that it was cutting off their circulation. You’d see them drinking to get warm,
not realizing it was actually lowering their temperature by releasing more body heat. You’d see
them wearing these big heavy coats with nothing but a T-shirt underneath. They’d do something
physical, overheat, take off the coat. Their bodies’d be coated in sweat, a lot of cotton cloth holding
in the moisture. The breeze’d come up…a lot of people got sick that first September. Cold and flu.
They gave it to the rest of us.
In the beginning everyone was friendly. We cooperated. We traded or even bought what we
needed from other families. Money was still worth something. Everyone thought the banks would
be reopening soon. Whenever Mom and Dad would go looking for food, they’d always leave me
with a neighbor. I had this little survival radio, the kind you cranked for power, so we could listen
to the news every night. It was all stories of the pullout, army units leaving people stranded. We’d
listen with our road map of the United States, pointing to the cities and towns where the reports
were coming from. I’d sit on Dad’s lap. “See,” he’d say, “they didn’t get out in time. They weren’t
smart like us.” He’d try to force a smile. For a little while, I thought he was right.
But after the first month, when the food started running out, and the days got colder and darker,
people started getting mean. There were no more communal fires, no more cookouts or singing.
The camp became a mess, nobody picking up their trash anymore. A couple times I stepped in
human shit. Nobody was even bothering to bury it.
I wasn’t left alone with neighbors anymore, my parents didn’t trust anyone. Things got
dangerous, you’d see a lot of fights. I saw two women wrestling over a fur coat, tore it right down
the middle. I saw one guy catching another guy trying to steal some stuff out of his car and beat his
head in with a tire iron. A lot of it took place at night, scuffling and shouts. Every now and then
you’d hear a gunshot, and somebody crying. One time we heard someone moving outside the
makeshift tent we’d draped over the minivan. Mom told me to put my head down and cover my
ears. Dad went outside. Through my hands I heard shouts. Dad’s gun went off. Someone screamed.
Dad came back in, his face was white. I never asked him what happened.
The only time anyone ever came together was when one of the dead showed up. These were the
ones who’d followed the third wave, coming alone or in small packs. It happened every couple of
days. Someone would sound an alarm and everyone would rally to take them out. And then, as
soon as it was over, we’d all turn on each other again.
When it got cold enough to freeze the lake, when the last of the dead stopped showing up, a lot of
people thought it was safe enough to try to walk home.
Walk? Not drive?
No more gas. They’d used it all up for cooking fuel or just to keep their car heaters running. Every
day there’d be these groups of half-starved, ragged wretches, all loaded down with all this useless
stuff they’d brought with them, all with this look of desperate hope on their faces.
“Where do they think they’re going?” Dad would say. “Don’t they know that it hasn’t gotten cold
enough farther south? Don’t they know what’s still waiting for them back there?” He was
convinced that if we just held out long enough, sooner or later things would get better. That was in
October, when I still looked like a human being.
[We come upon a collection of bones, too many to count. They lie in a pit, half
covered in ice.]
I was a pretty heavy kid. I never played sports, I lived on fast food and snacks. I was only a little
bit thinner when we arrived in August. By November, I was like a skeleton. Mom and Dad didn’t
look much better. Dad’s tummy was gone, Mom had these narrow cheekbones. They were fighting
a lot, fighting about everything. That scared me more than anything. They’d never raised their
voices at home. They were schoolteachers, “progressives.” There might have been a tense, quiet
dinner every now and then, but nothing like this. They went for each other every chance they had.
One time, around Thanksgiving…I couldn’t get out of my sleeping bag. My belly was swollen and I
had these sores on my mouth and nose. There was this smell coming from the neighbor’s RV. They
were cooking something, meat, it smelled really good. Mom and Dad were outside arguing. Mom
said “it” was the only way. I didn’t know what “it” was. She said “it” wasn’t “that bad” because the
neighbors, not us, had been the ones to actually “do it.” Dad said that we weren’t going to stoop to
that level and that Mom should be ashamed of herself. Mom really laid into Dad, screeching that it
was all his fault that we were here, that I was dying. Mom told him that a real man would know
what to do. She called him a wimp and said he wanted us to die so then he could run away and live
like the “faggot” she always knew he was. Dad told her to shut the fuck up. Dad never swore. I
heard something, a crack from outside. Mom came back in, holding a clump of snow over her right
eye. Dad followed her. He didn’t say anything. He had this look on his face I’d never seen before,
like he was a different person. He grabbed my survival radio, the one people’d try to buy…or
steal, for a long time, and went back out toward the RV. He came back ten minutes later, without
the radio but with a big bucket of this steaming hot stew. It was so good! Mom told me not to eat
too fast. She fed me in little spoonfuls. She looked relieved. She was crying a little. Dad still had
that look. The look I had myself in a few months, when Mom and Dad both got sick and I had to
feed them.
[I kneel to examine the bone pile. They have all been broken, the marrow
extracted.]
Winter really hit us in early December. The snow was over our heads, literally, mountains of it,
thick and gray from the pollution. The camp got silent. No more fights, no more shooting. By
Christmas Day there was plenty of food.
[She holds up what looks like a miniature femur. It has been scraped clean by a
knife.]
They say eleven million people died that winter, and that’s just in North America. That doesn’t
count the other places: Greenland, Iceland, Scandinavia. I don’t want to think about Siberia, all
those refugees from southern China, the ones from Japan who’d never been outside a city, and all
those poor people from India. That was the first Gray Winter, when the filth in the sky started
changing the weather. They say that a part of that filth, I don’t know how much, was ash from
human remains.
[She plants a marker above the pit.]
It took a lot of time, but eventually the sun did come out, the weather began to warm, the snow
finally began to melt. By mid-July, spring was finally here, and so were the living dead.
[One of the other team members calls us over. A zombie is half buried, frozen
from the waist down in the ice. The head, arms, and upper torso are very much
alive, thrashing and moaning, and trying to claw toward us.]
Why do they come back after freezing? All human cells contain water, right? And when that water
freezes, it expands and bursts the cell walls. That’s why you can’t just freeze people in suspended
animation, so then why does it work for the living dead?
[The zombie makes one great lunge in our direction; its frozen lower torso
begins to snap. Jesika raises her weapon, a long iron crowbar, and casually
smashes the creature’s skull.]
UDAIPUR LAKE PALACE, LAKE PICHOLA, RAJASTHAN, INDIA
[Completely covering its foundation of Jagniwas Island, this idyllic, almost
fairy-tale structure was once a maharaja’s residence, then a luxury hotel, then a
haven to several hundred refugees, until an outbreak of cholera killed them all.
Under the direction of Project Manager Sardar Khan, the hotel, like the lake and
surrounding city, is finally beginning to return to life. During his recollections,
Mister Khan sounds less like a battle-hardened, highly educated civilian
engineer, and more like a young, frightened lance corporal who once found
himself on a chaotic mountain road.]
I remember the monkeys, hundreds of them, climbing and skittering among the vehicles, even
over the tops of people’s heads. I’d watched them as far back as Chandigarh, leaping from roofs
and balconies as the living dead filled the street. I remember them scattering, chattering,
scrambling straight up telephone poles to escape the zombies’ grasping arms. Some didn’t even
wait to be attacked; they knew. And now they were here, on this narrow, twisting Himalayan goat
track. They called it a road, but even in peacetime it had been a notorious death trap. Thousands
of refugees were streaming past, or climbing over the stalled and abandoned vehicles. People
were still trying to struggle with suitcases, boxes; one man was stubbornly holding on to the
monitor for a desktop PC. A monkey landed on his head, trying to use it as a stepping-stone, but
the man was too close to the edge and the two of them went tumbling over the side. It seemed like
every second someone would lose their footing. There were just too many people. The road didn’t
even have a guardrail. I saw a whole bus go over, I don’t even know how, it wasn’t even moving.
Passengers were climbing out of the windows because the doors of the bus had been jammed by
foot traffic. One woman was halfway out the window when the bus tipped over. Something was in
her arms, something clutched tightly to her. I tell myself that it wasn’t moving, or crying, that it
was just a bundle of clothes. No one within arm’s reach tried to help her. No one even looked, they
just kept streaming by. Sometimes when I dream about that moment, I can’t tell the difference
between them and the monkeys.
I wasn’t supposed to be there, I wasn’t even a combat engineer. I was with the BRO 1 ; my job
was to build roads, not blow them up. I’d just been wandering through the assembly area at Shimla,
trying to find what remained of my unit, when this engineer, Sergeant Mukherjee, grabbed me by
the arm and said, “You, soldier, you know how to drive?”
I think I stammered something to the affirmative, and suddenly he was shoving me into the
driver’s side of a jeep while he jumped in next to me with some kind of radiolike device on his lap.
“Get back to the pass! Go! Go!” I took off down the road, screeching and skidding and trying
desperately to explain that I was actually a steamroller driver, and not even fully qualified at that.
Mukherjee didn’t hear me. He was too busy fiddling with the device on his lap. “The charges are
already set,” he explained. “All we have to do is wait for the order!”
“What charges?” I asked. “What order?”
“To blow the pass, you arse head!” he yelled, motioning to what I now recognized as a detonator
on his lap. “How the hell else are we going to stop them?”
I knew, vaguely, that our retreat into the Himalayas had something to do with some kind of
master plan, and that part of that plan meant closing all the mountain passes to the living dead. I
never dreamed, however, that I would be such a vital participant! For the sake of civil
conversation, I will not repeat my profane reaction to Mukherjee, nor Mukherjee’s equally profane
reaction when we arrived at the pass and found it still full of refugees.
“It’s supposed to be clear!” he shouted. “No more refugees!”
We noticed a soldier from the Rashtriya Rifles, the outfit that was supposed to be securing the
road’s mountain entrance, come running past the jeep. Mukherjee jumped out and grabbed the
man. “What the hell is this?” he asked; he was a big man, tough and angry. “You were supposed to
keep the road clear.” The other man was just as angry, just as scared. “You want to shoot your
grandmother, go ahead!” He shoved the sergeant aside and kept going.
Mukherjee keyed his radio and reported that the road was still highly active. A voice came back
to him, a high-pitched, frantic younger voice of an officer screaming that his orders were to blow
the road no matter how many people were on it. Mukherjee responded angrily that he had to wait
till it was clear. If we blew it now, not only would we be sending dozens of people hurtling to their
deaths, but we would be trapping thousands on the other side. The voice shot back that the road
would never be clear, that the only thing behind those people was a raging swarm of God knows
how many million zombies. Mukherjee answered that he would blow it when the zombies got here,
and not a second before. He wasn’t about to commit murder no matter what some pissant
lieutenant…
But then Mukherjee stopped in midsentence and looked at something over my head. I whipped
around, and suddenly found myself staring into the face of General Raj-Singh! I don’t know where
he came from, why he was there…to this day no one believes me, not that he wasn’t there, but that
I was. I was inches away from him, from the Tiger of Delhi! I’ve heard that people tend to view
those they respect as appearing physically taller than they actually are. In my mind, he appears as
a virtual giant. Even with his torn uniform, his bloody turban, the patch on his right eye and the
bandage on his nose (one of his men had smashed him in the face to get him on the last chopper out
of Gandhi Park). General Raj-Singh…
[Khan takes a deep breath, his chest filling with pride.]
“Gentlemen,” he began…he called us “Gentlemen” and explained, very carefully, that the road
had to be destroyed immediately. The air force, what was left of it, had its own orders concerning
the closure of all mountain passes. At this moment, a single Shamsher fighter bomber was already
on station above our position. If we found ourselves unable, or unwilling, to accomplish our
mission, then the Jaguar’s pilot was ordered to execute “Shiva’s Wrath.” “Do you know what that
means?” Raj-Singh asked. Maybe he thought I was too young to understand, or maybe he must
have guessed, somehow, that I was Muslim, but even if I’d known absolutely nothing about the
Hindu deity of destruction, everyone in uniform had heard rumors about the “secret” code name
for the use of thermonuclear weapons.
Wouldn’t that have destroyed the pass?
Yes, and half the mountain as well! Instead of a narrow choke point hemmed in by sheer cliff walls,
you would have had little more than a massive, gently sloping ramp. The whole point of destroying
these roads was to create a barrier inaccessible to the living dead, and now some ignorant air
force general with an atomic erection was going to give them the perfect entrance right into the
safe zone!
Mukherjee gulped, not sure of what to do, until the Tiger held out his hand for the detonator.
Ever the hero, he was now willing to accept the burden of mass murderer. The sergeant handed it
over, close to tears. General Raj-Singh thanked him, thanked us both, whispered a prayer, then
pressed his thumbs down on the firing buttons. Nothing happened, he tried again, no response. He
checked the batteries, all the connections, and tried a third time. Nothing. The problem wasn’t the
detonator. Something had gone wrong with the charges that were buried half a kilometer down the
road, set right in the middle of the refugees.
This is the end, I thought, we’re all going to die. All I could think of was getting out of there, far
enough away to maybe avoid the nuclear blast. I still feel guilty about those thoughts, caring only
for myself in a moment like that.
Thank God for General Raj-Singh. He reacted…exactly how you would expect a living legend to
react. He ordered us to get out of here, save ourselves and get to Shimla, then turned and ran
right into crowd. Mukherjee and I looked at each other, without much hesitation, I’m happy to say,
and took off after him.
Now we wanted to be heroes, too, to protect our general and shield him from the crowd. What a
joke. We never even saw him once the masses enveloped us like a raging river. I was pushed and
shoved from all directions. I don’t know when I was punched in the eye. I shouted that I needed to
get past, that this was army business. No one listened. I fired several shots in the air. No one
noticed. I considered actually firing into the crowd. I was becoming as desperate as them. Out of
the corner of my eye I saw Mukherjee go tumbling over the side with another man still fighting for
his rifle. I turned to tell General Raj-Singh but couldn’t find him in the crowd. I called his name,
tried to spot him above the other heads. I climbed onto the roof of a microbus, trying to get my
bearings. Then the wind came up; it brought the stink and moan whipping through the valley. In
front of me, about half a kilometer ahead, the crowd began running. I strained my eyes…squinted.
The dead were coming. Slow and deliberate, and just as tightly packed as the refugees they were
devouring.
The microbus shook and I fell. First I was floating on a sea of human bodies, then suddenly I was
beneath them, shoes and bare feet trampling on my flesh. I felt my ribs crack, I coughed and tasted
blood. I pulled myself under the microbus. My body was aching, burning. I couldn’t speak. I could
barely see. I heard the sound of the approaching zombies. I guessed that they couldn’t be more
than two hundred meters away. I swore I wouldn’t die like the others, all those victims torn to
pieces, that cow I saw struggling and bleeding on the banks of the Satluj River in Rupnagar. I
fumbled for my sidearm, my hand wouldn’t work. I cursed and cried. I thought I’d be religious at
that point, but I was just so scared and angry I started beating my head against the underside of
the van. I thought if I hit it hard enough I could bash in my own skull. Suddenly there was a
deafening roar and the ground rose up underneath me. A wave of screams and moans mixed with
this powerful blast of pressurized dust. My face slammed into the machinery above, knocking me
cold.
The first thing I remember when I came to was a very faint sound. At first I thought it was water.
It sounded like a fast drip…tap-tap-tap, like that. The tap became clearer, and I suddenly became
aware of two other sounds, the crackle of my radio…how that wasn’t smashed I’ll never know…and
the ever-present howling of the living dead. I crawled out from under the microbus. At least my
legs were still working well enough to stand. I realized that I was alone, no refugees, no General
Raj-Singh. I was standing among a collection of discarded personal belongings in the middle of a
deserted mountain path. In front of me was a charred cliff wall. Beyond it was the other side of the
severed road.
That’s where the moan was coming from. The living dead were still coming for me. With eyes
front and arms outstretched, they were falling in droves off the shattered edge. That was the
tapping sound: their bodies smashing on the valley floor far below.
The Tiger must have set the demolition charges off by hand. I guessed he must have reached
them the same time as the living dead. I hope they didn’t get their teeth in him first. I hope he’s
pleased with his statue that now stands over a modern, four-lane mountain freeway. I wasn’t
thinking about his sacrifice at that moment. I wasn’t even sure if any of this was real. Staring
silently at this undead waterfall, listening to my radio report from the other units:
“Vikasnagar: Secure.”
“Bilaspur: Secure.”
“Jawala Mukhi: Secure.”
“All passes report secure: Over!”
Am I dreaming, I thought, am I insane?
The monkey didn’t help matters any. He was sitting on top of the microbus, just watching the
undead plunge to their end. His face appeared so serene, so intelligent, as if he truly understood
the situation. I almost wanted him to turn to me and say, “This is the turning point of the war!
We’ve finally stopped them! We’re finally safe!” But instead his little penis popped out and he peed
in my face.

TAOS, NEW MEXIMO
[Arthur Sinclair, Junior, is the picture of an old-world patrician: tall, lean, with
close-cropped white hair and an affected Harvard accent. He speaks into the
ether, rarely making eye contact or pausing for questions. During the war, Mister
Sinclair was director of the U.S. government’s newly formed DeStRes, or
Department of Strategic Resources.]
I don’t know who firht thought of the acronym “DeStReh” or if they conhciouhly knew how much it
hounded like “dihtrehh,” but it certainly could not have been more appropriate. Ehtablihhing a
defenhive line at the Rocky Mountainh might have created a theoretical “hafe zone,” but in reality
that zone conhihted mainly of rubble and refugeeh. There wah htarvation, diheahe, homelehhnehh in
the millionh. Induhtry wah in hhambleh, tranhportation and trade had evaporated, and all of thih
wah compounded by the living dead both ahhaulting the Rocky Line and fehtering within our hafe
zone. We had to get our people on their feet again—clothed, fed, houhed, and back to
work—otherwihe thih huppohed hafe zone wah only forehtalling the inevitable. That wah why the
DeStReh wah created, and, ah you can imagine, I had to do a lot of on-the-job training.
Thohe firht monthh, I can’t tell you how much information I had to cram into thih withered old
cortex; the briefingh, the inhpection tourh…when I did hleep, it wah with a book under my pillow,
each night a new one, from Henry J. Kaiher to Vo Nguyen Giap. I needed every idea, every word,
every ounce of knowledge and wihdom to help me fuhe a fractured landhcape into the modern
American war machine. If my father had been alive, he probably would have laughed at my
fruhtration. He’d been a htaunch New Dealer, working clohely with FDR ah comptroller of New
York State. He uhed methodh that were almoht Marxiht in nature, the kind of collectivization that
would make Ayn Rand leap from her grave and join the rankh of the living dead. I’d alwayh
rejected the lehhonh he’d tried to impart, running ah far away ah Wall Street to hhut them out. Now
I wah wracking my brainh to remember them. One thing thohe New Dealerh did better than any
generation in American hihtory wah find and harveht the right toolh and talent.
Tools and talent?
A term my hon had heard once in a movie. I found it dehcribed our reconhtruction efforth rather
well. “Talent” dehcribeh the potential workforce, ith level of hkilled labor, and how that labor could
be utilized effectively. To be perfectly candid, our supply of talent was at a critical low. Ours was a
postindustrial or service-based economy, so complex and highly specialized that each individual
could only function within the confines of its narrow, compartmentalized structure. You should have
seen some of the “careers” listed on our first employment census; everyone was some version of
an “executive,” a “representative,” an “analyst,” or a “consultant,” all perfectly suited to the
prewar world, but all totally inadequate for the present crisis. We needed carpenters, masons,
machinists, gunsmiths. We had those people, to be sure, but not nearly as many as were necessary.
The first labor survey stated clearly that over 65 percent of the present civilian workforce were
classified F-6, possessing no valued vocation. We required a massive job retraining program. In
short, we needed to get a lot of white collars dirty.
It was slow going. Air traffic was nonexistent, roads and rail lines were a shambles, and fuel,
good Lord, you couldn’t find a tank of gas between Blaine, Washington, and Imperial Beach,
California. Add to this the fact that prewar America not only had a commuter-based infrastructure,
but that such a method also allowed for severe levels of economic segregation. You would have
entire suburban neighborhoods of upper-middle-class professionals, none of whom had possessed
even the basic know-how to replace a cracked window. Those with that knowledge lived in their
own blue-collar “ghettos,” an hour away in prewar auto traffic, which translated to at least a full
day on foot. Make no mistake, bipedal locomotion was how most people traveled in the beginning.
Solving this problem—no, challenge, there are no problems—was the refugee camps. There were
hundreds of them, some parking-lot small, some spreading for miles, scattered across the
mountains and coast, all requiring government assistance, all acute drains on rapidly diminishing
resources. At the top of my list, before I tackled any other challenge, these camps had to be
emptied. Anyone F-6 but physically able became unskilled labor: clearing rubble, harvesting crops,
digging graves. A lot of graves needed to be dug. Anyone A-1, those with war-appropriate skills,
became part of our CSSP, or Community Self-Sufficiency Program. A mixed group of instructors
would be tasked with infusing these sedentary, overeducated, desk-bound, cubicle mice with the
knowledge necessary to make it on their own.
It was an instant success. Within three months you saw a marked drop in requests for
government aid. I can’t stress how vital this was to victory. It allowed us to transition from a
zero-sum, survival-based economy, into full-blown war production. This was the National
Reeducation Act, the organic outgrowth of the CSSP. I’d say it was the largest jobs training
program since the Second World War, and easily the most radical in our history.
You’ve mentioned, on occasion, the problems faced by the NRA…
I was getting to that. The president gave me the kind of power I needed to meet any physical or
logistical challenge. Unfortunately, what neither he nor anyone on Earth could give me was the
power to change the way people thought. As I explained, America was a segregated workforce, and
in many cases, that segregation contained a cultural element. A great many of our instructors were
first-generation immigrants. These were the people who knew how to take care of themselves, how
to survive on very little and work with what they had. These were the people who tended small
gardens in their backyards, who repaired their own homes, who kept their appliances running for
as long as mechanically possible. It was crucial that these people teach the rest of us to break from
our comfortable, disposable consumer lifestyle even though their labor had allowed us to maintain
that lifestyle in the first place.
Yes, there was racism, but there was also classism. You’re a high-powered corporate attorney.
You’ve spent most of your life reviewing contracts, brokering deals, talking on the phone. That’s
what you’re good at, that’s what made you rich and what allowed you to hire a plumber to fix your
toilet, which allowed you to keep talking on the phone. The more work you do, the more money you
make, the more peons you hire to free you up to make more money. That’s the way the world
works. But one day it doesn’t. No one needs a contract reviewed or a deal brokered. What it does
need is toilets fixed. And suddenly that peon is your teacher, maybe even your boss. For some, this
was scarier than the living dead.
Once, on a fact-finding tour through LA, I sat in the back of a reeducation lecture. The trainees
had all held lofty positions in the entertainment industry, a mélange of agents, managers, “creative
executives,” whatever the hell that means. I can understand their resistance, their arrogance.
Before the war, entertainment had been the most valued export of the United States. Now they
were being trained as custodians for a munitions plant in Bakersfield, California. One woman, a
casting director, exploded. How dare they degrade her like this! She had an MFA in Conceptual
Theater, she had cast the top three grossing sitcoms in the last five seasons and she made more in
a week than her instructor could dream of in several lifetimes! She kept addressing that instructor
by her first name. “Magda,” she kept saying, “Magda, enough already. Magda, please.” At first I
thought this woman was just being rude, degrading the instructor by refusing to use her title. I
found out later that Mrs. Magda Antonova used to be this woman’s cleaning lady. Yes, it was very
hard for some, but a lot of them later admitted that they got more emotional satisfaction from
their new jobs than anything closely resembling their old ones.
I met one gentleman on a coastal ferry from Portland to Seattle. He had worked in the licensing
department for an advertising agency, specifically in charge of procuring the rights to classic rock
songs for television commercials. Now he was a chimney sweep. Given that most homes in Seattle
had lost their central heat and the winters were now longer and colder, he was seldom idle. “I help
keep my neighbors warm,” he said proudly. I know it sounds a little too Norman Rockwell, but I
hear stories like that all the time. “You see those shoes, I made them,” “That sweater, that’s my
sheep’s wool,” “Like the corn? My garden.” That was the upshot of a more localized system. It
gave people the opportunity to see the fruits of their labor, it gave them a sense of individual pride
to know they were making a clear, concrete contribution to victory, and it gave me a wonderful
feeling that I was part of that. I needed that feeling. It kept me sane for the other part of my job.
So much for “talent.” “Tools” are the weapons of war, and the industrial and logistical means by
which those weapons are constructed.
[He swivels in his chair, motioning to a picture above his desk. I lean closer and
see that it’s not a picture but a framed label.]
Ingredients:
molasses from the United States
anise from Spain
licorice from France
vanilla (bourbon) from Madagascar
cinnamon from Sri Lanka
cloves from Indonesia
wintergreen from China
pimento berry oil from Jamaica
balsam oil from Peru
And that’s just for a bottle of peacetime root beer. We’re not even talking about something like a
desktop PC, or a nuclear-powered aircraft carrier.
Ask anyone how the Allies won the Second World War. Those with very little knowledge might
answer that it was our numbers or generalship. Those without any knowledge might point to
techno-marvels like radar or the atom bomb. [Scowls.] Anyone with the most rudimentary
understanding of that conflict will give you three real reasons: first, the ability to manufacture
more materiel: more bullets, beans, and bandages than the enemy; second, the natural resources
available to manufacture that materiel; and third, the logistical means to not only transport those
resources to the factories, but also to transport the finished products out to the front lines. The
Allies had the resources, industry, and logistics of an entire planet. The Axis, on the other hand,
had to depend on what scant assets they could scrape up within their borders. This time we were
the Axis. The living dead controlled most of the world’s landmass, while American war production
depended on what could be harvested within the limits of the western states specifically. Forget
raw materials from safe zones overseas; our merchant fleet was crammed to the decks with
refugees while fuel shortages had dry-docked most of our navy.
We had some advantages. California’s agricultural base could at least erase the problem of
starvation, if it could be restructured. The citrus growers didn’t go quietly, neither did the
ranchers. The beef barons who controlled so much prime potential farmland were the worst. Did
you ever hear of Don Hill? Ever see the movie Roy Elliot did on him? It was when the infestation
hit the San Joaquin Valley, the dead swarming over his fences, attacking his cattle, tearing them
apart like African driver ants. And there he was in the middle of it all, shooting and hollering like
Gregory Peck in Duel in the Sun. I dealt with him openly and honestly. As with everyone else, I
gave him the choice. I reminded him that winter was coming and there were still a lot of very
hungry people out there. I warned him that when the hordes of starving refugees showed up to
finish what the living dead started, he’d have no government protection whatsoever. Hill was a
brave, stubborn bastard, but he wasn’t an idiot. He agreed to surrender his land and herd only on
the condition that his and everyone else’s breeding stock remained untouched. We shook on that.
Tender, juicy steaks—can you think of a better icon of our prewar artificial standard of living?
And yet it was that standard that ended up being our second great advantage. The only way to
supplement our resource base was recycling. This was nothing new. The Israelis had started when
they sealed their borders and since then each nation had adopted it to one degree or another.
None of their stockpiles, however, could even compare to what we had at our disposal. Think about
what life was like in the prewar America. Even those considered middle class enjoyed, or took for
granted, a level of material comfort unheard of by any other nation at any other time in human
history. The clothing, the kitchenware, the electronics, the automobiles, just in the Los Angeles
basin alone, outnumbered the prewar population by three to one. The cars poured in by the
millions, every house, every neighborhood. We had an entire industry of over a hundred thousand
employees working three shifts, seven days a week: collecting, cataloging, disassembling, storing,
and shipping parts and pieces to factories all over the coast. There was a little trouble, like with
the cattle ranchers, people not wanting to turn over their Hummers or vintage Italian midlife crisis
mobiles. Funny, no gas to run them but they still hung on anyway. It didn’t bother me too much.
They were a pleasure to deal with compared to the military establishment.
Of all my adversaries, easily the most tenacious were the ones in uniform. I never had direct
control over any of their R&D, they were free to green light whatever they wanted. But given that
almost all their programs were farmed out to civilian contractors and that those contractors
depended on resources controlled by DeStRes, I had de facto control. “You cannot mothball our
Stealth bombers,” they would yell. “Who the Blank do you think you are to cancel our production of
tanks?” At first I tried to reason with them: “The M-1 Abrams has a jet engine. Where are you
going to find that kind of fuel? Why do you need Stealth aircraft against an enemy that doesn’t
have radar?” I tried to make them see that given what we had to work with, as opposed to what we
were facing, we simply had to get the largest return on our investment or, in their language, the
most bang for our buck. They were insufferable, with their all-hours phone calls, or just showing up
at my office unannounced. I guess I can’t really blame them, not after how we all treated them
after the last brushfire war, and certainly not after almost having their asses handed to them at
Yonkers. They were teetering on the edge of total collapse, and a lot of them just needed
somewhere to vent.
[He grins confidently.]
I started my career trading on the floor of the NYSE, so I can yell as hard and long as any
professional drill sergeant. After each “meeting,” I’d expect the call, the one I’d been both
dreading and hoping for: “Mister Sinclair, this is the president, I just want to thank you for your
service and we’ll no longer be requiring…” [Chuckles.] It never came. My guess is no one else
wanted the job.
[His smile fades.]
I’m not saying that I didn’t make mistakes. I know I was too anal about the air force’s D-Corps. I
didn’t understand their safety protocols or what dirigibles could really accomplish in undead
warfare. All I knew was that with our negligible helium supply, the only cost-effective lift gas was
hydrogen and no way was I going to waste lives and resources on a fleet of modern-day
Hindenburgs. I also had to be persuaded, by the president, no less, to reopen the experimental
cold fusion project at Livermore. He argued that even though a breakthrough was, at best, still
decades away, “planning for the future lets our people know there will be one.” I was too
conservative with some projects, and with others I was far too liberal.
Project Yellow Jacket—I still kick myself when I think about that one. These Silicon Valley
eggheads, all of them geniuses in their own field, convinced me that they had a “wonder weapon”
that could win the war, theoretically, within forty-eight hours of deployment. They could build micro
missiles, millions of them, about the size of a .22 rimfire bullet, that could be scattered from
transport aircraft, then guided by satellites to the brain of every zombie in North America. Sounds
amazing, right? It did to me.
[He grumbles to himself.]
When I think of what we poured down that hole, what we could have produced instead…ahhh…no
point in dwelling on it now.
I could have gone head-to-head against the military for the duration of the war, but I’m grateful,
in the end, that I didn’t have to. When Travis D’Ambrosia became chairman of the Joint Chiefs, he
not only invented the resource-to-kill ratio, but developed a comprehensive strategy to employ it. I
always listened to him when he told me a certain weapons system was vital. I trusted his opinion in
matters like the new Battle Dress Uniform or the Standard Infantry Rifle.
What was so amazing to see was how the culture of RKR began to take hold among the rank and
file. You’d hear soldiers talking on the street, in bars, on the train; “Why have X, when for the same
price you could have ten Ys, which could kill a hundred times as many Zs.” Soldiers even began
coming up with ideas on their own, inventing more cost-effective tools than we could have
envisioned. I think they enjoyed it—improvising, adapting, outthinking us bureaucrats. The marines
surprised me the most. I’d always bought into the myth of the stupid jarhead, the knuckle-dragging,
locked-jaw, testosterone-driven Neanderthal. I never knew that because the Corps always has to
procure its assets through the navy, and because admirals are never going to get too fired up
about land warfare, that improvisation has had to be one of their most treasured virtues.
[Sinclair points above my head to the opposite wall. On it hangs a heavy steel rod
ending in what looks like a fusion of shovel and double-bladed battle-axe. Its
official designation is the Standard Infantry Entrenchment Tool, although, to
most, it is known as either the “Lobotomizer,” or simply, the “Lobo.”]
The leathernecks came up with that one, using nothing but the steel of recycled cars. We made
twenty-three million during the war.
[He smiles with pride.]
And they’re still making them today.
BURLINGTON, VERMONT
[Winter has come later this season, as it has every year since the end of the war.
Snow blankets the house and surrounding farmland and frosts the trees that
shade the dirt track by the river. Everything about this scene is peaceful, except
for the man with me. He insists on calling himself “the Whacko,” because
“everyone else calls me that, why shouldn’t you?” His stride is fast and
purposeful, the cane given to him by his doctor (and wife) serves only to stab at
the air.]
To be honest, I wasn’t surprised to be nominated for vice president. Everyone knew a coalition
party was inevitable. I’d been a rising star, at least until I “self-destructed.” That’s what they said
about me, right? All the cowards and hypocrites who’d rather die than see a real man express his
passion. So what if I wasn’t the world’s best politician? I said what I felt, and I wasn’t afraid to say
it loud and clear. That’s one of the main reasons I was the logical choice for copilot. We made a
great team; he was the light, I was the heat. Different parties, different personalities, and, let’s not
kid ourselves, different skin colors as well. I knew I wasn’t the first choice. I know who my party
secretly wanted. But America wasn’t ready to go that far, as stupid, ignorant, and infuriatingly
Neolithic as it sounds. They’d rather have a screaming radical for a VP than another one of “those
people.” So I wasn’t surprised at my nomination. I was surprised at everything else.
You mean the elections?
Elections? Honolulu was still a madhouse; soldiers, congressmen, refugees, all bumping into one
another trying to find something to eat or a place to sleep or just to find out what the hell was
going on. And that was paradise next to the mainland. The Rocky Line was just being established;
everything west of it was a war zone. Why go through all the trouble of elections when you could
have Congress simply vote for extended emergency powers? The attorney general had tried it
when he was mayor of New York, almost got away with it, too. I explained to the president that we
didn’t have the energy or resources to do anything but fight for our very existence.
What did he say?
Well, let’s just say he convinced me otherwise.
Can you elaborate?
I could, but I don’t want to mangle his words. The old neurons aren’t firing like they used to.
Please try.
You’ll fact-check with his library?
I promise.
Well…we were in his temporary office, the “presidential suite” of a hotel. He’d just been sworn in
on Air Force Two. His old boss was sedated in the suite next to us. From the window you could see
the chaos on the streets, the ships at sea lining up to dock, the planes coming in every thirty
seconds and ground crew pushing them off the runway once they landed to make room for new
ones. I was pointing to them, shouting and gesturing with the passion I’m most famous for. “We
need a stable government, fast!” I kept saying. “Elections are great in principle but this is no time
for high ideals.”
The president was cool, a lot cooler than me. Maybe it was all that military training…he said to
me, “This is the only time for high ideals because those ideals are all that we have. We aren’t just
fighting for our physical survival, but for the survival of our civilization. We don’t have the luxury
of old-world pillars. We don’t have a common heritage, we don’t have a millennia of history. All we
have are the dreams and promises that bind us together. All we have…[struggling to
remember]…all we have is what we want to be.” You see what he was saying. Our country only
exists because people believed in it, and if it wasn’t strong enough to protect us from this crisis,
then what future could it ever hope to have? He knew that America wanted a Caesar, but to be one
would mean the end of America. They say great times make great men. I don’t buy it. I saw a lot of
weakness, a lot of filth. People who should have risen to the challenge and either couldn’t or
wouldn’t. Greed, fear, stupidity, and hate. I saw it before the war, I see it today. My boss was a
great man. We were damn lucky to have him.
The business of elections really set the tone for his entire administration. So many of his
proposals looked crazy at first glance, but once you peeled back the first layer, you realized that
underneath there existed a core of irrefutable logic. Take the new punishment laws, those really
set me off. Putting people in stocks? Whipping them in town squares!?! What was this, Old Salem,
the Taliban’s Afghanistan? It sounded barbaric, un-American, until you really thought about the
options. What were you going to do with thieves and looters, put them in prison? Who would that
help? Who could afford to divert able-bodied citizens to feed, clothe, and guard other able-bodied
citizens? More importantly, why remove the punished from society when they could serve as such a
valuable deterrent? Yes, there was the fear of pain—the lash, the cane—but all of that paled when
compared to public humiliation. People were terrified of having their crimes exposed. At a time
when everyone was pulling together, helping each other out, working to protect and take care of
one another, the worst thing you could do to someone was to march them up into the public square
with a giant poster reading “I Stole My Neighbor’s Firewood.” Shame’s a powerful weapon, but it
depended on everyone else doing the right thing. No one is above the law, and seeing a senator
given fifteen lashes for his involvement in war profiteering did more to curb crime than a cop on
every street corner. Yes, there were the work gangs, but those were the recidivists, those who’d
been given chances time and time again. I remember the attorney general suggesting that we
dump as many of them into the infested zones as possible, rid ourselves of the drain and potential
hazard of their continued presence. Both the president and I opposed this proposition; my
objections were ethical, his were practical. We were still talking about American soil, infested yes,
but, hopefully one day to be liberated. “The last thing we needed,” he said “was to come up against
one of these ex-cons as The New Grand Warlord of Duluth.” I thought he was joking, but later, as I
saw the exact thing happen in other countries, as some exiled criminals rose to command their own
isolated, and in some cases, powerful fiefdoms, I realized we’d dodged one hell of a speeding
bullet. The work gangs were always an issue for us, politically, socially, even economically, but
what other choice did we have for those who just refused to play nice with others?
You did use the death penalty.
Only in extreme cases: sedition, sabotage, attempted political secession. Zombies weren’t the only
enemies, at least not in the beginning.
The Fundies?
We had our share of religious fundamentalists, what country didn’t? Many of them believed that we
were, in some way, interfering with God’s will.
[He chuckles.]
I’m sorry, I’ve gotta learn to be more sensitive, but for cryin’ out loud, you really think the
supreme creator of the infinite multiverse is going to have his plans unraveled by a few Arizona
National Guardsmen?
[He waves the thought away.]
They got a lot more press than they should have, all because that nut-bird tried to kill the
president. In reality, they were much more a danger to themselves, all those mass suicides, the
“mercy” child killings in Medford…terrible business, same with the “Greenies,” the leftie version
of the Fundies. They believed that since the living dead only consumed animals, but not plants, it
was the will of the “Divine Goddess” to favor flora over fauna. They made a little trouble, dumping
herbicide in a town’s water supply, booby-trapping trees so loggers couldn’t use them for war
production. That kind of ecoterrorism eats up headlines but didn’t really threaten our national
security. The Rebs, on the other hand: armed, organized political secessionists. That was easily our
most tangible danger. It was also the only time I ever saw the president worried. He wouldn’t let
on, not with that dignified, diplomatic veneer. In public, he treated it as just another “issue,” like
food rationing or road repair. He’d say in private…“They must be eliminated swiftly, decisively,
and by any means necessary.” Of course, he was only talking about those within the western safe
zone. These diehard renegades either had some beef with the government’s wartime policy or had
already planned to secede years before and were just using the crisis as their excuse. These were
the “enemies of our country,” the domestic ones anyone swearing to defend our country mentions
in his or her oath. We didn’t have to think twice about an appropriate response to them. But the
secessionists east of the Rockies, in some of the besieged, isolated zones…that’s when it got
“complicated.”
Why is that?
Because, as the saying went, “We didn’t leave America. America left us.” There’s a lot of truth to
that. We deserted those people. Yes, we left some Special Forces volunteers, tried to supply them
by sea and air, but from a purely moral standing, these people were truly abandoned. I couldn’t
blame them for wanting to go their own way, nobody could. That’s why when we began to reclaim
lost territory, we allowed every secessionist enclave a chance for peaceful reintegration.
But there was violence.
I still have nightmares, places like Bolivar, and the Black Hills. I never see the actual images, not
the violence, or the aftermath. I always see my boss, this towering, powerful, vital man getting
sicker and weaker each time. He’d survived so much, shouldered such a crushing burden. You
know, he never tried to find out what had happened to his relatives in Jamaica? Never even asked.
He was so fiercely focused on the fate of our nation, so determined to preserve the dream that
created it. I don’t know if great times make great men, but I know they can kill them.
WENATCHEE, WASHINGTON
[Joe Muhammad’s smile is as broad as his shoulders. While his day job is as the
owner of the town’s bicycle repair shop, his spare time is spent sculpting molten
metal into exquisite works of art. He is, no doubt, most famous for the bronze
statue on the mall in Washington, D.C., the Neighborhood Security Memorial of
two standing citizens, and one seated in a wheelchair.]
The recruiter was clearly nervous. She tried to talk me out of it. Had I spoken to the NRA
representative first? Did I know about all the other essential war work? I didn’t understand at
first; I already had a job at the recycling plant. That was the point of Neighborhood Security
Teams, right? It was a part-time, volunteer service for when you were home from work. I tried
explaining this to her. Maybe there was something I wasn’t getting. As she tried some other
half-hearted, half-assed excuses, I saw her eyes flick to my chair.
[Joe is disabled.]
Can you believe that? Here we were with mass extinction knocking on the door, and she’s trying
to be politically correct? I laughed. I laughed right in her face. What, did she think I just showed up
without knowing what was expected of me? Didn’t this dumb bitch read her own security manual?
Well, I’d read it. The whole point of the NST program was to patrol your own neighborhood,
walking, or, in my case, rolling down the sidewalk, stopping to check each house. If, for some
reason, you had to go inside, at least two members were always supposed to wait out in the street.
[Motions to himself.] Hell-o! And what did she think we were facing anyway? It’s not like we had
to chase them over fences and across backyards. They came to us. And if and when they did so,
let’s just say, for the sake of argument, there was more than we could handle? Shit, if I couldn’t roll
myself faster than a walking zombie, how could I have lasted this long? I stated my case very
clearly and calmly, and I even challenged her to present a scenario in which my physical state could
be an impediment. She couldn’t. There was some mumbling about having to check with her CO,
maybe I could come back tomorrow. I refused, told her she could call her CO, and his CO and
everyone right up to the Bear 1 himself, but I wasn’t moving until I got my orange vest. I yelled so
loud everyone in the room could hear. All eyes turned to me, then to her. That did it. I got my vest
and was out of there faster than anyone else that day.
Like I said, Neighborhood Security literally means patrolling the neighborhood. It’s a quasimilitary
outfit; we attended lectures and training courses. There were designated leaders and
fixed regulations, but you never had to salute or call people “sir” or shit like that. Armament was
pretty nonregulation as well. Mostly hand-to-hand jobs—hatchets, bats, a few crowbars and
machetes—we didn’t have Lobos yet. At least three people in your team had to have guns. I carried
an AMT Lightning, this little semiauto .22-caliber carbine. It had no kick so I could shoot without
having to lock down my wheels. Good gun, especially when ammo became standardized and reloads
were still available.
Teams changed depending on your schedule. It was pretty chaotic back then, DeStRes
reorganizing everything. Night shift was always tough. You forget how dark the night really is
without streetlights. There were barely any houselights, too. People went to bed pretty early back
then, usually when it got dark, so except for a few candles or if someone had a license for a
generator, like if they were doing essential war work from home, the houses were pitch-black. You
didn’t even have the moon or the stars anymore, too much crap in the atmosphere. We patrolled
with flashlights, basic civilian store-bought models; we still had batteries then, with red cellophane
on the end to protect our night vision. We’d stop at each house, knock, ask whoever was on watch if
everything was okay. The early months were a little unnerving because of the resettlement
program. So many people were coming out of the camps that each day you might get at least a
dozen new neighbors, or even housemates.
I never realized how good we had it before the war, tucked away in my little Stepford
suburbistan. Did I really need a three-thousand-square-foot house, three bedrooms, two baths, a
kitchen, living room, den, and home office? I’d lived alone for years and suddenly I had a family
from Alabama, six of them, just show up at my door one day with a letter from the Department of
Housing. It’s unnerving at first, but you get used to it quickly. I didn’t mind the Shannons, that was
the family’s name. We got along pretty well, and I always slept better with someone standing
watch. That was one of the new rules for people at home. Someone had to be the designated night
watchman. We had all their names on a list to make sure they weren’t squatters and looters. We’d
check their ID, their face, ask them if everything was all quiet. They usually said yes, or maybe
reported some noise we’d have to check out. By the second year, when the refugees stopped
coming and everyone got to know each other, we didn’t bother with lists and IDs anymore.
Everything was calmer then. That first year, when the cops were still re-forming and the safe
zones weren’t completely pacified…
[Shivers for dramatic effect.]
There were still a lot of deserted houses, shot up or broken into or just abandoned with the
doors left wide open. We’d put police tape across all doorways and windows. If any of them were
found snapped, that could mean a zombie was in the house. That happened a couple of times. I’d
wait outside, rifle ready. Sometimes you’d hear shouts, sometimes shots. Sometimes, you’d just
hear a moan, scuffling, then one of your teammates would come out with a bloody hand weapon
and a severed head. I had to put a few down myself. Sometimes, when the team was inside, and I
was watching the street, I’d hear a noise, a shuffling, a rasping, something dragging itself through
the bushes. I’d hit it with the light, call for backup, then take it down.
One time I almost got tagged. We were clearing a two-story job: four bed, four bath, partially
collapsed from where someone had driven a Jeep Liberty through the living room window. My
partner asked if it was cool to take a powder break. I let her go behind the bushes. My bad. I was
too distracted, too concerned with what was going on inside the house. I didn’t notice what was
behind me. Suddenly there was this tug on my chair. I tried to turn, but something had the right
wheel. I twisted, brought my light around. It was a “dragger,” the kind that’s lost its legs. It snarled
up at me from the asphalt, trying to climb over the wheel. The chair saved my life. It gave me the
second and a half I needed to bring my carbine around. If I’d been standing, it might have grabbed
my ankle, maybe even taken a chunk. That was the last time I slacked off at my job.
Zombies weren’t the only problem we had to deal with back then. There were looters, not so
much hardened criminals as just people who needed stuff to survive. Same with squatters; both
cases usually ended well. We’d just invite them home, give them what they needed, take care of
them until the housing folks could step in.
There were some real looters, though, professional bad guys. That was the only time I got hurt.
[He pulls down his shirt, exposing a circular scar the size of a prewar dime.]
Nine millimeter, right through the shoulder. My team chased him out of the house. I ordered him
to halt. That was the only time I ever killed someone, thank God. When the new laws came in,
conventional crime pretty much dried up altogether.
Then there were the ferals, you know, the homeless kids who’d lost their parents. We’d find them
curled up in basements, in closets, under beds. A lot of them had walked from as far away as back
east. They were in bad shape, all malnourished and sickly. A lot of times they’d run. Those were
the only times I felt bad, you know, that I couldn’t chase them. Someone else would go, a lot of
times they’d catch up, but not always.
The biggest problem were quislings.
Quislings?
Yeah, you know, the people that went nutballs and started acting like zombies.
Could you elaborate?
Well, I’m not a shrink, so I don’t know all the tech terms.
That’s all right.
Well, as I understand it, there’s a type of person who just can’t deal with a fight-or-die situation.
They’re always drawn to what they’re afraid of. Instead of resisting it, they want to please it, join
it, try to be like it. I guess that happens in kidnap situations, you know, like a Patty Hearst/
Stockholm Syndrome–type, or, like in regular war, when people who are invaded sign up for the
enemy’s army. Collaborators, sometimes even more die-hard than the people they’re trying to
mimic, like those French fascists who were some of Hitler’s last troops. Maybe that’s why we call
them quislings, like it’s a French word or something. 2
But you couldn’t do it in this war. You couldn’t just throw up your hands and say, “Hey, don’t kill
me, I’m on your side.” There was no gray area in this fight, no in between. I guess some people just
couldn’t accept that. It put them right over the edge. They started moving like zombies, sounding
like them, even attacking and trying to eat other people. That’s how we found our first one. He
was a male adult, midthirties. Dirty, dazed, shuffling down the sidewalk. We thought he was just in
Z-shock, until he bit one of our guys in the arm. That was a horrible few seconds. I dropped the Q
with a head shot then turned to check on my buddy. He was crumpled on the curb, swearing,
crying, staring at the gash in his forearm. This was a death sentence and he knew it. He was ready
to do himself until we discovered that the guy I shot had bright red blood pouring from his head.
When we checked his flesh we found he was still warm! You should have seen our buddy lose it. It’s
not every day you get a reprieve from the big governor in the sky. Ironically, he almost died
anyway. The bastard had so much bacteria in his mouth that it caused a near fatal staph infection.
We thought maybe we stumbled onto some new discovery but it turned out it’d been happening
for a while. The CDC was just about to go public. They even sent an expert up from Oakland to
brief us on what to do if we encountered more of them. It blew our minds. Did you know that
quislings were the reason some people used to think they were immune? They were also the
reason all those bullshit wonder drugs got so much hype. Think about it. Someone’s on Phalanx,
gets bit but survives. What else is he going to think? He probably wouldn’t know there was even
such a thing as quislings. They’re just as hostile as regular zombies and in some cases even more
dangerous.
How so?
Well, for one thing, they didn’t freeze. I mean, yeah, they would if they were exposed over time,
but in moderate cold, if they’d gone under while wearing warm clothes, they’d be fine. They also
got stronger from the people they ate. Not like zombies. They could maintain over time.
But you could kill them more easily.
Yes and no. You didn’t have to hit them in head; you could take out the lungs, the heart, hit them
anywhere, and eventually they’d bleed to death. But if you didn’t stop them with one shot, they’d
just keep coming until they died.
They don’t feel pain?
Hell no. It’s that whole mind-over-matter thing, being so focused you’re able to suppress relays to
the brain and all that. You should really talk to an expert.
Please continue.
Okay, well, that’s why we could never talk them down. There was nothing left to talk to. These
people were zombies, maybe not physically, but mentally you could not tell the difference. Even
physically it might be hard, if they were dirty enough, bloody enough, diseased enough. Zombies
don’t really smell that bad, not individually and not if they’re fresh. How do you tell one of these
from a mimic with a whopping dose of gangrene? You couldn’t. It’s not like the military would let us
have sniffer dogs or anything. You had to use the eye test.
Ghouls don’t blink, I don’t know why. Maybe because they use their senses equally, their brains
don’t value sight as much. Maybe because they don’t have as much bodily fluid they can’t keep
using it to coat the eyes. Who knows, but they don’t blink and quislings do. That’s how you spotted
them; back up a few paces, and wait a few seconds. Darkness was easier, you just shone a beam in
their faces. If they didn’t blink, you took them down.
And if they did?
Well, our orders were to capture quislings if possible, and use deadly force only in self-defense. It
sounded crazy, still does, but we rounded up a few, hog-tied them, turned them over to police or
National Guard. I’m not sure what they did with them. I’ve heard stories about Walla Walla, you
know, the prison where hundreds of them were fed and clothed and even medically cared for. [His
eyes flick to the ceiling.]
You don’t agree.
Hey, I’m not going there. You want to open that can of worms, read the papers. Every year some
lawyer or priest or politician tries to stoke that fire for whatever side best suits them. Personally,
I don’t care. I don’t have any feelings toward them one way or the other. I think the saddest thing
about them is that they gave up so much and in the end lost anyway.
Why is that?
’Cause even though we can’t tell the difference between them, the real zombies can. Remember
early in the war, when everybody was trying to work on a way to turn the living dead against one
another? There was all this “documented proof ” about infighting—eyewitness accounts and even
footage of one zombie attacking another. Stupid. It was zombies attacking quislings, but you never
would have known that to look at it. Quislings don’t scream. They just lie there, not even trying to
fight, writhing in that slow, robotic way, eaten alive by the very creatures they’re trying to be.
MALIBU, CALIFORNIA
[I don’t need a photograph to recognize Roy Elliot. We meet for coffee on the
restored Malibu Pier Fortress. Those around us also instantly recognize him,
but, unlike prewar days, keep a respectful distance.]
ADS, that was my enemy: Asymptomatic Demise Syndrome, or, Apocalyptic Despair Syndrome,
depending on who you were talking to. Whatever the label, it killed as many people in those early
stalemate months as hunger, disease, interhuman violence, or the living dead. No one understood
what was happening at first. We’d stabilized the Rockies, we’d sanitized the safe zones, and still we
were losing upwards of a hundred or so people a day. It wasn’t suicide, we had plenty of those. No,
this was different. Some people had minimal wounds or easily treatable ailments; some were in
perfect health. They would simply go to sleep one night and not wake up the next morning. The
problem was psychological, a case of just giving up, not wanting to see tomorrow because you
knew it could only bring more suffering. Losing faith, the will to endure, it happens in all wars. It
happens in peacetime, too, just not on this scale. It was helplessness, or at least, the perception of
helplessness. I understood that feeling. I directed movies all my adult life. They called me the boy
genius, the wunderkind who couldn’t fail, even though I’d done so often.
Suddenly I was a nobody, an F-6. The world was going to hell and all my vaunted talents were
powerless to stop it. When I heard about ADS, the government was trying to keep it quiet—I had to
find out from a contact at Cedars-Sinai. When I heard about it, something snapped. Like the time I
made my first Super 8 short and screened it for my parents. This I can do, I realized. This enemy I
can fight!
And the rest is history.
[Laughs.] I wish. I went straight to the government, they turned me down.
Really? I would think, given your career…
What career? They wanted soldiers and farmers, real jobs, remember? It was like “Hey, sorry, no
dice, but can I get your autograph?” Now, I’m not the surrendering type. When I believe in my
ability to do something, there is no such word as no. I explained to the DeStRes rep that it wouldn’t
cost Uncle Sam a dime. I’d use my own equipment, my own people, all I’d need from them was
access to the military. “Let me show the people what you’re doing to stop this,” I told him. “Let me
give them something to believe in.” Again, I was refused. The military had more important
missions right now than “posing for the camera.”
Did you go over his head?
To who? There were no boats to Hawaii and Sinclair was racing up and down the West Coast.
Anybody in any position to help was either physically unavailable or far too distracted with more
“important” matters.
Couldn’t you have become a freelance journalist, gotten a government
press pass?
It would have taken too long. Most mass media was either knocked out or federalized. What was
left had to rebroadcast public safety announcements, to make sure anyone just tuning in would
know what to do. Everything was still such a mess. We barely had passable roads, let alone the
bureaucracy to give me full-time journalist status. It might have taken months. Months, with a
hundred dying every day. I couldn’t wait. I had to do something immediately. I took a DV cam,
some spare batteries, and a solar-powered charger. My oldest son came with me as my sound man
and “first AD.” We traveled on the road for one week, just the two of us on mountain bikes, looking
for stories. We didn’t have to go far.
Just outside of Greater Los Angeles, in a town called Claremont, are five colleges—Pomona,
Pitzer, Scripps, Harvey Mudd, and Claremont Mckenna. At the start of the Great Panic, when
everyone else was running, literally, for the hills, three hundred students chose to make a stand.
They turned the Women’s College at Scripps into something resembling a medieval city. They got
their supplies from the other campuses; their weapons were a mix of landscaping tools and ROTC
practice rifles. They planted gardens, dug wells, fortified an already existing wall. While the
mountains burned behind them, and the surrounding suburbs descended into violence, those three
hundred kids held off ten thousand zombies! Ten thousand, over the course of four months, until
the Inland Empire could finally be pacified. 1 We were lucky to get there just at the tail end, just in
time to see the last of the undead fall, as cheering students and soldiers linked up under the
oversized, homemade Old Glory fluttering from the Pomona bell tower. What a story! Ninety-six
hours of raw footage in the can. I would have liked to have gone longer, but time was critical. One
hundred a day lost, remember.
We had to get this one out there as soon as possible. I brought the footage back to my house, cut
it together in my edit bay. My wife did the narration. We made fourteen copies, all on different
formats, and screened them that Saturday night at different camps and shelters all over LA. I
called it Victory at Avalon: The Battle of the Five Colleges.
The name, Avalon, comes from some stock footage one of the students had shot during the siege.
It was the night before their last, worst attack, when a fresh horde from the east was clearly
visible on the horizon. The kids were hard at work—sharpening weapons, reinforcing defenses,
standing guard on the walls and towers. A song came floating across the campus from the
loudspeaker that played constant music to keep morale up. A Scripps student, with a voice like an
angel, was singing the Roxy Music song. It was such a beautiful rendition, and such a contrast with
the raging storm about to hit. I laid it over my “preparing for battle” montage. I still get choked up
when I hear it.
How did it play with the audience?
It bombed! Not just the scene, but the whole movie; at least, that’s what I thought. I’d expected a
more immediate reaction. Cheering, applause. I would never have admitted this to anyone, even to
myself, but I had this egotistical fantasy of people coming up to me afterward, tears in their eyes,
grabbing my hands, thanking me for showing them the light at the end of the tunnel. They didn’t
even look at me. I stood by the doorway like some conquering hero. They just filed past silently
with their eyes on their shoes. I went home that night thinking, “Oh well, it was a nice idea, maybe
the potato farm in MacArthur Park can use another hand.”
What happened?
Two weeks went by. I got a real job, helping to reopen the road at Topanga Canyon. Then one day
a man rode up to my house. Just came in on horseback as if out of an old Cecil B. De Mille western.
He was a psychiatrist from the county health facility in Santa Barbara. They’d heard about the
success of my movie and asked if I had any extra copies.
Success?
That’s what I said. As it turns out, the very night after Avalon made its “debut,” ADS cases
dropped in LA by a whole 5 percent! At first they thought it might just be a statistical anomaly, until
a further study revealed that the decline was drastically noticeable only among communities where
the movie was shown!
And no one told you?
No one. [Laughs.] Not the military, not the municipal authorities, not even the people who ran the
shelters where it was continuing to be screened without my knowledge. I don’t care. The point is it
worked. It made a difference, and it gave me a job for the rest of the war. I got a few volunteers
together, as much of my old crew as I could find. That kid who shot the Claremont stock footage,
Malcolm Van Ryzin, yes, that Malcolm, 2 he became my DP. 3 We commandeered an abandoned
dubbing house in West Hollywood and started cranking them out by the hundreds. We’d put them
on every train, every caravan, every coastal ferry heading north. It took a while to get responses.
But when they came…
[He smiles, holds his hands up in thanks.]
Ten percent drop throughout the entire western safe zone. I was already on the road by then,
shooting more stories. Anacapa was already wrapped, and we were halfway through Mission
District. By the time Dos Palmos hit screens, and ADS was down 23 percent…only then did the
government finally take an interest in me.
Additional resources?
[Laughs.] No. I’d never asked for help and they sure weren’t going to give it. But I did finally get
access to the military and that opened up a whole new world.
Is that when you made Fire of the Gods?
[Nods.] The army had two functioning laser weapons programs: Zeus and MTHEL. Zeus was
originally designed for munitions clearing, zapping land mines and unexploded bombs. It was small
and light enough to be mounted in a specialized Humvee. The gunner sighted a target through a
coaxial camera in the turret. He placed the aim point on the intended surface, then fired a pulse
beam through the same optical aperture. Is that too technical?
Not at all.
I’m sorry. I became extremely immersed in the project. The beam was a weaponized version of
solid-state, industrial lasers, the kind used to cut steel in factories. It could either burn through a
bomb’s outer casing or heat it to a point that detonated the explosive package. The same principle
worked for zombies. On higher settings it punched right through their foreheads. On lower
settings, it literally boiled their brain till it exploded through the ears, nose, and eyes. The footage
we shot was dazzling, but Zeus was a popgun next to MTHEL.
The acronym stands for Mobile Tactical High Energy Laser, codesigned by the United States and
Israel to take out small incoming projectiles. When Israel declared self-quarantine, and when so
many terrorist groups were lobbing mortar rounds and rockets across the security wall, MTHEL
was what knocked them down. About the size and shape of a World War II searchlight, it was, in
fact, a deuterium fluoride laser, much more powerful than the solid state on Zeus. The effects were
devastating. It blasted flesh from bones that then heated white before shattering into dust. When
played at regular speed, it was magnificent, but at slo-mo…fire of the gods.
Is it true that the number of ADS cases were halved a month after the
movie’s release?
I think that might be an overstatement, but people were lined up on their off-hours. Some saw it
every night. The poster campaign showed a close-up of a zombie being atomized. The image was
lifted right from a frame in the movie, the one classic shot when the morning fog actually allowed
you to see the beam. The caption underneath read simply “Next.” It single-handedly saved the
program.
Your program.
No, Zeus and MTHEL.
They were in jeopardy?
MTHEL was due to close a month after shooting. Zeus had already been chopped. We had to beg,
borrow, and steal, literally, to get it reactivated just for our cameras. DeStRes had deemed both as
a gross waste of resources.
Were they?
Inexcusably so. The “M” in MTHEL’s “Mobile” really meant a convoy of specialized vehicles, all of
which were delicate, none truly all-terrain and each one completely dependent on the other.
MTHEL also required both tremendous power and copious amounts of highly unstable, highly toxic
chemicals for the lasering process.
Zeus was a little more economical. It was easier to cool, easier to maintain, and because it was
Humvee-mounted, it could go anywhere it was needed. The problem was, why would it be needed?
Even on high power, the gunner still had to hold a beam in place, on a moving target, mind you, for
several seconds. A good sharpshooter could get the job done in half the time with twice the kills.
That erased the potential for rapid fire, which was exactly what you needed in swarm attacks. In
fact, both units had a squad of riflemen permanently assigned to them, people protecting a
machine that is designed to protect people.
They were that bad?
Not for their original role. MTHEL kept Israel safe from terrorist bombardment, and Zeus actually
came out of retirement to clear unexploded ordnance during the army’s advance. As purpose-built
weapons, they were outstanding. As zombie killers, they were hopeless duds.
So why did you film them?
Because Americans worship technology. It’s an inherent trait in the national zeitgeist. Whether we
realize it or not, even the most indefatigable Luddite can’t deny our country’s technoprowess. We
split the atom, we reached the moon, we’ve filled every household and business with more gadgets
and gizmos than early sci-fi writers could have ever dreamed of. I don’t know if that’s a good thing,
I’m in no place to judge. But I do know that just like all those ex-atheists in foxholes, most
Americans were still praying for the God of science to save them.
But it didn’t.
But it didn’t matter. The movie was such a hit that I was asked to do a whole series. I called it
“Wonder Weapons,” seven films on our military’s cutting-edge technology, none of which made any
strategic difference, but all of which were psychological war winners.
Isn’t that…
A lie? It’s okay. You can say it. Yes, they were lies and sometimes that’s not a bad thing. Lies are
neither bad nor good. Like a fire they can either keep you warm or burn you to death, depending
on how they’re used. The lies our government told us before the war, the ones that were supposed
to keep us happy and blind, those were the ones that burned, because they prevented us from
doing what had to be done. However, by the time I made Avalon, everyone was already doing
everything they could possibly do to survive. The lies of the past were long gone and now the truth
was everywhere, shambling down their streets, crashing through their doors, clawing at their
throats. The truth was that no matter what we did, chances were most of us, if not all of us, were
never going to see the future. The truth was that we were standing at what might be the twilight of
our species and that truth was freezing a hundred people to death every night. They needed
something to keep them warm. And so I lied, and so did the president, and every doctor and priest,
every platoon leader and every parent. “We’re going to be okay.” That was our message. That was
the message of every other filmmaker during the war. Did you ever hear of The Hero City?
Of course.
Great film, right? Marty made it over the course of the Siege. Just him, shooting on whatever
medium he could get his hands on. What a masterpiece: the courage, the determination, the
strength, dignity, kindness, and honor. It really makes you believe in the human race. It’s better
than anything I’ve ever done. You should see it.
I have.
Which version?
I’m sorry?
Which version did you see?
I wasn’t aware…
That there were two? You need to do some homework, young man. Marty made both a wartime
and postwar version of The Hero City. The version you saw, it was ninety minutes?
I think.
Did it show the dark side of the heroes in The Hero City? Did it show the violence and the betrayal,
the cruelty, the depravity, the bottomless evil in some of those “heroes’” hearts? No, of course not.
Why would it? That was our reality and it’s what drove so many people to get snuggled in bed, blow
out their candles, and take their last breath. Marty chose, instead, to show the other side, the one
that gets people out of bed the next morning, makes them scratch and scrape and fight for their
lives because someone is telling them that they’re going to be okay. There’s a word for that kind of
lie. Hope.
PARNELL AIR NATIONAL GUARD BASE, TENNESSEE
[Gavin Blaire escorts me to the office of his squadron commander, Colonel
Christina Eliopolis. As much a legend for her temper as for her outstanding war
record, it is difficult to see how so much intensity can be compacted into her
diminutive, almost childlike frame. Her long black bangs and delicate facial
features only reinforce the picture of eternal youth. Then she removes her
sunglasses, and I see the fire behind her eyes.]
I was a Raptor driver, the FA-22. It was, hands down, the best air superiority platform ever built.
It could outfly and outfight God and all his angels. It was a monument to American technical
prowess…and in this war, that prowess counted for shit.
That must have been frustrating.
Frustrating? Do you know what it feels like to suddenly be told that the one goal you’ve worked
toward your whole life, that you’ve sacrificed and suffered for, that’s pushed you beyond limits you
never knew you had is now considered “strategically invalid”?
Would you say this was a common feeling?
Let me put it this way; the Russian army wasn’t the only service to be decimated by their own
government. The Armed Forces Reconstruction Act basically neutered the air force. Some DeStRes
“experts” had determined that our resource-to-kill ratio, our RKR, was the most lopsided of all the
branches.
Could you give me some example?
How about the JSOW, the Joint Standoff Weapon? It was a gravity bomb, guided by GPS and
Inertial Nav, that could be released from as far as forty miles away. The baseline version carried
one hundred and forty BLU-97B submunitions, and each bomblet carried a shaped charge against
armored targets, a fragmented case against infantry, and a zirconium ring to set the entire kill
zone ablaze. It had been considered a triumph, until Yonkers. 1 Now we were told that the price of
one JSOW kit—the materials, manpower, time, and energy, not to mention the fuel and ground
maintenance needed for the delivery aircraft—could pay for a platoon of infantry pukes who could
smoke a thousand times as many Gs. Not enough bang for our buck, like so many of our former
crown jewels. They went through us like an industrial laser. The B-2 Spirits, gone; the B-1 Lancers,
gone; even the old BUFFs, the B-52 Big Ugly Fat Fellows, gone. Throw in the Eagles, the Falcons,
the Tomcats, Hornets, JSFs, and Raptors, and you have more combat aircraft lost to the stroke of
a pen than to all the SAMs, Flak, and enemy fighters in history. 2 At least the assets weren’t
scrapped, thank God, just mothballed in warehouses or that big desert graveyard at AMARC. 3
“Long-term investment,” they called it. That’s the one thing you can always depend on; as we’re
fighting one war, we’re always preparing for the next one. Our airlift capacity, at least the
organization, was almost left intact.
Almost?
The Globemasters had to go, so did anything else powered by a “gas guzzling” jet. That left us with
prop-powered aircraft. I went from flying the closest thing to an X-Wing fighter, to the next best
thing to a U-Haul.
Was that the main mission of the air force?
Airborne resupply was our primary objective, the only one that really counted anymore.
[She points to a yellowed map on the wall.]
The base commander let me keep it, after what happened to me.
[The map is of the wartime continental United States. All land west of the
Rockies is shadowed a light gray. Amongst this gray are a variety of colored
circles.]
Islands in the Sea of Zack. Green denotes active military facilities. Some of them had been
converted into refugee centers. Some were still contributing to the war effort. Some were well
defended but had no strategic impact.
The Red Zones were labeled “Offensively Viable”: factories, mines, power plants. The army’d left
custodial teams during the big pullback. Their job was to guard and maintain these facilities for a
time when, if, we could add them to the overall war effort. The Blue Zones were civilian areas
where people had managed to make a stand, carve out a little piece of real estate, and figure some
way to live within its boundaries. All these zones were in need of resupply and that’s what the
“Continental Airlift” was all about.
It was a massive operation, not just in terms of aircraft and fuel, but organization as well.
Remaining in contact with all these islands, processing their demands, coordinating with DeStRes,
then trying to procure and prioritize all the materiel for each drop made it the statistically largest
undertaking in air force history.
We tried to stay away from consumables, things like food and medicine that required regular
deliveries. These were classified as DDs, dependency drops, and they got a backseat to SSDs,
self-sustaining drops, like tools, spare parts, and tools to make spare parts. “They don’t need fish,”
Sinclair used to say, “they need fishing poles.” Still, every autumn, we dropped a lot of fish, and
wheat, and salt, and dried vegetables and baby formula…Winters were hard. Remember how long
they used to be? Helping people to help themselves is great in theory, but you still gotta keep ’em
alive.
Sometimes you had to drop in people, specialists like doctors or engineers, people with the kind
of training you just can’t get from a how-to manual. The Blue Zones got a lot of Special Forces
instructors, not only to teach them how better to defend themselves, but to prepare them for the
day they might have to go on the offensive. I have a lot of respect for those guys. Most of them
knew it was for the duration; a lot of the Blue Zones didn’t have airstrips, so they had to parachute
in without any hope of pickup. Not all those Blue Zones remained secure. Some were eventually
overrun. The people we dropped in knew the risks they were taking. A lotta heart, all of them.
That goes for the pilots as well.
Hey, I’m not minimizing our risks at all. Every day we had to fly over hundreds, in some cases
thousands, of miles of infested territory. That’s why we had Purple Zones. [She refers to the last
color on the map. The purple circles are few and far between.] We set these up as refuel and
repair facilities. A lot of the aircraft didn’t have the range to reach remote drop zones on the East
Coast if in-flight refueling assets weren’t available. They helped reduce the number of ships and
crews lost en route. They brought our fleet survivability up to 92 percent. Unfortunately, I was
part of the other eight.
I’ll never be sure what exactly brought us down: mechanical malfunction or metal fatigue
combined with weather. It might have been the contents of our payload, mislabeled or mishandled.
That happened a lot more than anyone wanted to think about. Sometimes if hazardous materials
weren’t packaged properly, or, God forbid, some shit-for-brains QC inspector let his people
assemble their detonators before crating them for travel…that happened to a buddy of mine, just a
routine flight from Palmdale to Vandenberg, not even across an infested area. Two hundred Type
38 detonators, all fully assembled with their power cells accidentally running, all set to blow on the
same freq as our radio.
[She snaps her fingers.]
That could have been us. We were on a hop from Phoenix to the Blue Zone outside Tallahassee,
Florida. It was late October, almost full winter back then. Honolulu was trying to squeeze out just a
few more drops before the weather socked us in till March. It was our ninth haul that week. We
were all on “tweeks,” these little blue stims that kept you going without hampering your reflexes
or judgment. I guess they worked well enough, but they made me have to piss my kidneys out
every twenty minutes. My crew, the “guys,” used to give me a lot of grief, you know, girls always
having to go. I know they weren’t really putting the hate on, but I still tried to hold it as long as I
could.
After two hours of banging around in some seriously heavy turbulence, I finally broke down and
turned the stick over to my copilot. I’d just zipped up when suddenly there was this massive jolt
like God had just drop-kicked our tail…and suddenly our nose was dipping. The head on our C-130
wasn’t even really a toilet, just a portable chempot with a heavy, plastic shower curtain. That’s
probably what ended up saving my life. If I’d been trapped in a real compartment, maybe knocked
out or unable to reach the latch…Suddenly there was this screech, this overpowering blast of
high-pressure air and I was sucked out right through the rear of the aircraft, right past where the
tail should have been.
I was spiraling, out of control. I could just make out my ship, this gray mass shrinking and
smoking on its way down. I straightened myself out, hit my chute. I was still in a daze, my head
swimming, trying to catch my breath. I fumbled for my radio and started hollering for my crew to
punch out. I didn’t get an answer. All I could see was one other chute, the only other one that made
it out.
That was the worst moment, right there, just hanging helplessly. I could see the other chute,
above and north of me by about three and a half clicks. I looked for the others. I tried my radio
again, but wasn’t able to get a signal. I figured it had been damaged during my “exit.” I tried to get
my bearings, somewhere over southern Louisiana, a swampy wilderness that seemed to have no
end. I wasn’t sure exactly, my brain was still misfiring. At least I had sense enough to check the
bare essentials. I could move my legs, my arms, I wasn’t in pain or bleeding externally. I checked
to make sure my survival kit was intact, still strapped to my thigh, and that my weapon, my Meg, 4
was still jamming me in the ribs.
Did the air force prepare you for situations like these?
We all had to pass the Willow Creek Escape and Evade program in the Klamath Mountains in
California. It even had a few real Gs in there with us, tagged and tracked and placed at specific
marks to give us the “real feel.” It’s a lot like what they teach you in the civilian manual:
movement, stealth, how to take out Zack before he can howl your position. We all “made it,” lived,
I mean, although a couple of pilots washed out on a Section Eight. I guess they just couldn’t hack
the real feel. That never bothered me, being alone in hostile territory. That was standard
operating procedure for me.
Always?
You wanna talk about being alone in a hostile environment, try my four years at Colorado Springs.
But there were other women…
Other cadets, other competitors who happen to have the same genitalia. Trust me, when the
pressure kicked in, sisterhood punched out. No, it was me, only me. Self-contained, self-reliant, and
always, unquestionably self-assured. That’s the only thing that got me through four years of
Academy hell, and it was the only thing I could count on as I hit the mud in the middle of G country.
I unclasped my chute—they teach you not to waste time concealing it—and headed in the
direction of the other chute. It took me a couple hours, splashing through this cold slime that
numbed everything below my knees. I wasn’t thinking clearly, my head was still spinning. No
excuse, I know, but that’s why I didn’t notice that the birds had suddenly beat it in the opposite
direction. I did hear the scream though, faint and far away. I could see the chute tangled in the
trees. I started running, another no-no, making all that noise without stopping to listen for Zack. I
couldn’t see anything, just all these naked gray branches until they were right on top of me. If it
wasn’t for Rollins, my copilot, I’m sure I’da been a goner.
I found him dangling from his harness, dead, twitching. His flight suit had been torn open 5 and
his entrails were hanging…draped over five of them as they fed in this cloud of red-brown water.
One of them had managed to get its neck entangled in a section of small intestine. Every time it
moved it would jerk Rollins, ringing him like a fucking bell. They didn’t notice me at all. Close
enough to touch and they didn’t even look.
At least I had the brains to snap on my suppressor. I didn’t have to waste a whole clip, another
fuckup. I was so angry I almost started kicking their corpses. I was so ashamed, so blinded by
self-hate…
Self-hate?
I screwed the pooch! My ship, my crew…
But it was an accident. It wasn’t your fault.
How do you know that? You weren’t there. Shit, I wasn’t even there. I don’t know what happened. I
wasn’t doing my job. I was squatting over a bucket like a goddamn girl!
I found myself burning up, mentally. Fucking weakling, I told myself, fucking loser. I started to
spiral, not just hating myself, but hating myself for hating myself. Does that make any sense? I’m
sure I might have just stayed there, shaking and helpless and waiting for Zack.
But then my radio started squawking. “Hello? Hello? Is anyone out there? Anyone punch outta
that wreck?” It was a woman’s voice, clearly civilian by her language and tone.
I answered immediately, identified myself, and demanded that she respond in kind. She told me
she was a skywatcher, and her handle was “Mets Fan,” or just “Mets” for short. The Skywatch
system was this ad hoc network of isolated ham radio operators. They were supposed to report on
downed aircrews and do what they could to help with their rescue. It wasn’t the most efficient
system, mainly because there were so few, but it looked like today was my lucky day. She told me
that she had seen the smoke and falling wreckage of my Herc’ and even though she was probably
less than a day’s walk from my position, her cabin was heavily surrounded. Before I could say
anything she told me not to worry, that she’d already reported my position to search and rescue,
and the best thing to do was to get to open ground where I could rendezvous for pickup.
I reached for my GPS but it had been torn from my suit when I was sucked out of my ship. I had
a backup survival map, but it was so big, so unspecific, and my hump took me over so many states
that it was practically just a map of the U.S.…my head was still clouded with anger and doubt. I told
her I didn’t know my position, didn’t know where to go…
She laughed. “You mean you’ve never made this run before? You don’t have every inch of it
committed to memory? You didn’t see where you were as you were hanging by the silk?” She was
so sure of me, trying to get me to think instead of just spoon-feeding me the answers. I realized
that I did know this area well, that I had flown over it at least twenty times in the last three
months, and that I had to be somewhere in the Atchafalaya basin. “Think,” she told me, “what did
you see from your chute? Were there any rivers, any roads?” At first, all I could remember were
the trees, the endless gray landscape with no distinguishable features, and then gradually, as my
brain cleared, I remembered seeing both rivers and a road. I checked on the map and realized that
directly north of me was the I-10 freeway. Mets told me that was the best place for an S&R pickup.
She told me it shouldn’t take any longer than a day or two at best if I got a move on and stopped
burning daylight.
As I was about to leave, she stopped me and asked if there was anything I’d forgotten to do. I
remember that moment clearly. I turned back to Rollins. He was just starting to open his eyes
again. I felt like I should say something, apologize, maybe, then I put a round through his forehead.
Mets told me not to blame myself, and no matter what, not to let it distract me from the job I had
to do. She said, “Stay alive, stay alive and do your job.” Then she added, “And stop using up your
weekend minutes.”
She was talking about battery power—she didn’t miss a trick—so I signed off and started moving
north across the swamp. My brain was now on full burner, all my lessons from the Creek came
rolling back. I stepped, I halted, I listened. I stuck to dry ground where I could, and I made sure to
pace myself very carefully. I had to swim a couple times, that really made me nervous. Twice I
swear I could feel a hand just brush against my leg. Once, I found a road, small, barely two lanes
and in horrible disrepair. Still, it was better than trudging through the mud. I reported to Mets
what I’d found and asked if it would take me right to the freeway. She warned me to stay off it and
every other road that crisscrossed the basin. “Roads mean cars,” she said, “and cars mean Gs.”
She was talking about any bitten human drivers who died of their wounds while still behind the
wheel and, because a ghoul doesn’t have the IQ points to open a door or unbuckle a seatbelt, would
be doomed to spend the rest of their existence trapped in their cars.
I asked her what the danger of that was. Since they couldn’t get out, and as long as I didn’t let
them reach through an open window to grab me, what did it matter how many “abandoned” cars I
passed along the road. Mets reminded me that a trapped G was still able to moan and therefore
still able to call for others. Now I was really confused. If I was going to waste so much time ducking
a few back roads with a couple Zack-filled cars, why was I heading for a freeway that was sure to
be jammed with them?
She said, “You’ll be up above the swamp. How are more zombies gonna get to you?” Because it
was built several stories above the swamp, this section of the I-10 was the safest place in the whole
basin. I confessed I hadn’t thought of that. She laughed and said, “Don’t worry, honey. I have. Stick
with me and I’ll get you home.”
And I did. I stayed away from anything even resembling a road and stuck to as pure a wilderness
track as I could. I say “pure” but the truth was you couldn’t avoid all signs of humanity or what
could have been humanity a long time ago. There were shoes, clothes, bits of garbage, and
tattered suitcases and hiking gear. I saw a lot of bones on the patches of raised mud. I couldn’t tell
if they were human or animal. One time I found this rib cage; I’m guessing it was a gator, a big one.
I didn’t want to think about how many Gs it took to bring that bastard down.
The first G I saw was small, probably a kid, I couldn’t tell. Its face was eaten off, the skin, nose,
eyes, lips, even the hair and ears…not completely gone, but partially hanging or stuck in patches to
the exposed skull. Maybe there were more wounds, I couldn’t tell. It was stuck inside one of those
long civilian hiker’s packs, stuffed in there tight with the drawstring pulled right up around its neck.
The shoulder straps had gotten tangled on the roots of a tree, it was splashing around, half
submerged. Its brain must have been intact, and even some of the muscle fibers connecting the
jaw. That jaw started snapping as I approached. I don’t know how it knew I was there, maybe some
of the nasal cavity was still intact, maybe the ear canal.
It couldn’t moan, its throat had been too badly mangled, but the splashing might have attracted
attention, so I put it out of its misery, if it really was miserable, and tried not to think about it. That
was another thing they taught us at Willow Creek: don’t write their eulogy, don’t try to imagine
who they used to be, how they came to be here, how they came to be this. I know, who doesn’t do
that, right? Who doesn’t look at one of those things and just naturally start to wonder? It’s like
reading the last page of a book…your imagination just naturally spinning. And that’s when you get
distracted, get sloppy, let your guard down and end up leaving someone else to wonder what
happened to you. I tried to put her, it, out of my mind. Instead, I found myself wondering why it had
been the only one I’d seen.
That was a practical survival question, not just idle musings, so I got on the radio and asked Mets
if there was something I was missing here, if maybe there was some area I should be careful to
avoid. She reminded me that this area was, for the most part, depopulated because the Blue Zones
of Baton Rouge and Lafayette were pulling most of the Gs in either direction. That was bittersweet
comfort, being right between two of the heaviest clusters for miles. She laughed, again…“Don’t
worry about it, you’ll be fine.”
I saw something up ahead, a lump that was almost a thicket, but too boxy and shining in places. I
reported it to Mets. She warned me not to go near it, keep on going and keep my eyes on the
prize. I was feeling pretty good by this point, a little of the old me coming back.
As I got closer, I could see that it was a vehicle, a Lexus Hybrid SUV. It was covered in mud and
moss and sitting in the water up to its doors. I could see that the rear windows were blocked with
survival gear: tent, sleeping bag, cooking utensils, hunting rifle with boxes and boxes of shells, all
new, some still in their plastic. I came around the driver’s side window and caught the glint of a
.357. It was still clutched in the driver’s brown, shriveled hand. He was still sitting upright, looking
straight ahead. There was light coming through the side of his skull. He was badly decomposed, at
least a year, maybe more. He wore survival khakis, the kind you’d order from one of those
upscale, hunting/safari catalogs. They were still clean and crisp, the only blood was from the head
wound. I couldn’t see any other wound, no bites, nothing. That hit me hard, a lot harder than the
little faceless kid. This guy had had everything he needed to survive, everything except the will. I
know that’s supposition. Maybe there was a wound I couldn’t see, hidden by his clothes or the
advanced decomposition. But I knew it, leaning there with my face against the glass, looking at this
monument to how easy it was to give up.
I stood there for a moment, long enough for Mets to ask me what was happening. I told her what
I was seeing, and without pause, she told me to keep on going.
I started to argue. I thought I should at least search the vehicle, see if there was anything I
needed. She asked me, sternly, if there was anything I needed, not wanted. I thought about it,
admitted there wasn’t. His gear was plentiful, but it was civilian, big and bulky; the food needed
cooking, the weapons weren’t silenced. My survival kit was pretty thorough, and, if for some
reason I didn’t find a helo waiting at the I-10, I could always use this as an emergency supply
cache.
I brought up the idea of maybe using the SUV itself. Mets asked if I had a tow truck and some
jumper cables. Almost like a kid, I answered no. She asked, “Then what’s keeping you?” or
something like that, pushing me to get a move on. I told her to just wait a minute, I leaned my head
against the driver’s side window, I sighed and felt beat again, drained. Mets got on my ass, pushing
me. I snapped back for her to shut the fuck up, I just needed a minute, a couple seconds to…I don’t
know what.
I must have kept my thumb on the “transmit” button for a few seconds too long, because Mets
suddenly asked, “What was that?” “What?” I asked. She’d heard something, something on my end.
She’d heard it before you?
I guess so, because in another second, once I’d cleared my head and opened my ears, I began to
hear it too. The moan…loud and close, followed by the splashing of feet.
I looked up, through the car’s window, the hole in the dead man’s skull, and the window on the
other side, and that’s when I saw the first one. I spun around and saw five more coming at me from
all directions. And behind them were another ten, fifteen. I took a shot at the first one, the round
went wild.
Mets started squawking at me, demanding a contact report. I gave her a head count and she told
me to stay cool, don’t try to run, just stay put and follow what I’d learned at Willow Creek. I
started to ask how she knew about Willow Creek when she shouted for me to shut up and fight.
I climbed to the top of the SUV—you’re supposed to look for the closest physical defense—and
started to measure ranges. I lined up my first target, took a deep breath, and dropped him. To be a
fighter jock is to be able to make decisions as fast as your electrochemical impulses can carry
them. I’d lost that nanosecond timing when I hit the mud, now it was back. I was calm, I was
focused, all the doubt and weakness were gone. The whole engagement felt like ten hours, but I
guess in reality, it was more like ten minutes. Sixty-one in total, a nice thick ring of submerged
corpses. I took my time, checked my remaining ammo and waited for the next wave to come. None
did.
It was another twenty minutes before Mets asked me for an update. I gave her a body count and
she told me to remind her never to piss me off. I laughed, the first time since I’d hit the mud. I felt
good again, strong and confident. Mets warned me that all these distractions had erased any
chance of making it to the I-10 before nightfall, and that I should probably start thinking about
where I was gonna catch my forty.
I got as far away from the SUV as I could before the sky started to darken and found a decent
enough perch in the branches of a tall tree. My kit had this standard-issue microfiber hammock;
great invention, light and strong and with clasps to keep you from rolling out. That part was also
supposed to help calm you down, help you get to sleep faster…yeah, right! It didn’t matter that I’d
already been up for close to forty-eight hours, that I’d tried all the breathing exercises they taught
us at the Creek, or that I even slipped two of my Baby-Ls. 6 You’re only supposed to take one, but I
figured that was for lightweight wussies. I was me again, remember, I could handle it, and hey, I
needed to sleep.
I asked her, since there was nothing else to do, or think about, if it was okay to talk about her.
Who was she, really? How’d she end up in this isolated cabin in the middle of Cajun country? She
didn’t sound Cajun, she didn’t even have a southern accent. And how did she know so much about
pilot training without ever going through it herself? I was starting to get my suspicions, starting to
piece together a rough outline of who she really was.
Mets told me, again, that there would be plenty of time later for an episode of The View. Right
now I needed my sleep, and to check in with her at dawn. I felt the Ls kick in between “check” and
“in.” I was out by “dawn.”
I slept hard. The sky was already light by the time I opened my eyes. I’d been dreaming about,
what else, Zack. His moans were still echoing in my ears when I woke up. And then I looked down
and realized they weren’t dreams. There must have been at least a hundred of them surrounding
the tree. They were all reaching excitedly, all trying to climb over each other to get up to me. At
least they couldn’t ramp up, the ground wasn’t solid enough. I didn’t have the ammo to take all of
them out, and since a firefight might also buy time for more to show up, I decided it was best to
pack up my gear and execute my escape plan.
You had planned for this?
Not really planned, but they’d trained us for situations like this. It’s a lot like jumping from an
aircraft: pick your approximate landing zone, tuck and roll, keep loose, and get up as quick as you
can. The goal is to put some serious distance between you and your attackers. You take off running,
jogging, or even “speed walking”; yes, they actually told us to consider this as a low-impact
alternative. The point is to get far enough way to give you time to plan your next move. According
to my map, the I-10 was close enough for me to make a run for it, be spotted by a rescue chopper,
and be lifted off before these stink bags would ever catch up. I got on the radio, reported my
situation to Mets, and told her to signal S&R for an immediate pickup. She told me to be careful. I
crouched, I jumped, and cracked my ankle on a submerged rock.
I hit the water, facedown. Its chill was the only thing that kept me from blacking out from the
pain. I came up spluttering, choking, and the first thing I saw was the whole swarm coming at me.
Mets must have known something was up by the fact that I didn’t report my safe landing. Maybe
she asked me what had happened, although I don’t remember. I just remember her yelling at me to
get up and run. I tried putting weight on my ankle, but lightning shot up through my leg and spine.
It could bear the weight, but…I screamed so loud, I’m sure she heard me through her cabin’s
window. “Get out of there,” she was yelling…“GO!” I started limping, splashing away with upwards
of a hundred Gs on my ass. It must have been comical, this frantic race of cripples.
Mets yelled, “If you can stand on it, you can run on it! It’s not a weight-bearing bone! You can do
this!”
“But it hurts!” I actually said that, with tears running down my face, with Zack behind me howling
for his lunch. I reached the freeway, looming above the swamp like the ruins of a Roman aqueduct.
Mets had been right about its relative safety. Only neither of us had counted on my injury or my
undead tail. There was no immediate entrance so I had to limp to one of the small, adjoining roads
that Mets had originally warned me to avoid. I could see why as I began to get close. Wrecked and
rusting cars were piled up by the hundreds and every tenth one had at least one G locked inside.
They saw me and started to moan, the sound carried for miles in every direction.
Mets shouted, “Don’t worry about that now! Just get on the on-ramp and watch the fucking
grabbers!”
Grabbers?
The ones reaching through broken windows. On the open road, I at least had a chance of dodging
them, but on the on-ramp, you’re hemmed in on either side. That was the worst part, by far, those
few minutes trying to get up onto the freeway. I had to go in between the cars; my ankle wouldn’t
let me get on top of them. These rotting hands would reach out for me, grabbing my flight suit or
my wrist. Every head shot cost me seconds that I didn’t have. The steep incline was already
slowing me down. My ankle was throbbing, my lungs were aching, and the swarm was now gaining
on me fast. If it hadn’t been for Mets…
She was shouting at me the whole time. “Move your ass, you fuckin’ bitch!” She was getting
pretty raw by then. “Don’t you dare quit…don’t you DARE crap out on me!” She never let up,
never gave me an inch. “What are you, some weak little victim?” At that point I thought I was. I
knew I could never make it. The exhaustion, the pain, more than anything, I think, the anger at
fucking up so badly. I actually considered turning my pistol around, wanting to punish myself
for…you know. And then Mets really hit me. She roared, “What are you, your fucking mother!?!”
That did it. I hauled ass right up onto the interstate.
I reported to Mets that I’d made it, then asked, “Now what the fuck do I do?”
Her voice suddenly got very soft. She told me to look up. A black dot was heading at me from out
of the morning sun. It was following the freeway and grew very quickly into the form of a UH-60. I
let out a whoop and popped my signal flare.
The first thing I saw when they winched me aboard was that it was a civilian chopper, not
government Search and Rescue. The crew chief was a big Cajun with a thick goatee and
wraparound sunglasses. He asked, “Where de’ hell you come from?” Sorry if I butchered the
accent. I almost cried and punched him in his thigh-sized bicep. I laughed and said that they work
fast. He shot me a look like I didn’t know what I was talking about. It turned out later that this
wasn’t the rescue team but just a routine air shuttle between Baton Rouge and Lafayette. I didn’t
know at that moment, and I didn’t care. I reported to Mets that I got my pickup, that I was safe. I
thanked her for everything she’d done for me, and…and so I wouldn’t really start bawling, I tried
to cover with a joke about finally getting that episode of The View. I never got a response.
She sounds like a hell of a Skywatcher.
She was a hell of a woman.
You said you had your “suspicions” by this point.
No civilian, even a veteran Skywatcher, could know so much about what goes into wearing those
wings. She was just too savvy, too informed, the kind of baseline knowledge of someone who had
to have gone through it herself.
So she was a pilot.
Definitely; not air force—I would have known her—but maybe a squid or a jarhead. They’d lost as
many pilots as the air force on resupply hops like mine, and eight out of ten were never accounted
for. I’m sure that she must have run into a situation like mine, had to ditch, lost her crew, maybe
even blamed herself for it like me. Somehow she managed to find that cabin and spent the rest of
the war as one kick-ass Skywatcher.
That makes sense.
Doesn’t it?
[There is an awkward pause. I search her face, waiting for more.]
What?
They never found her.
No.
Or the cabin.
No.
And Honolulu never had any record of a Skywatcher with the call sign
Mets Fan.
You’ve done your homework.
I…
You probably also read my after-action report, right?
Yes.
And the psych evaluation they tacked on after my official debriefing.
Well…
Well, it’s bullshit, okay? So what if everything she told me was information I’d already been
briefed on, so what if the psych team “claim” my radio was knocked out before I hit the mud, and
so the fuck what if Mets is short for Metis, the mother of Athena, the Greek goddess with the
stormy gray eyes. Oh, the shrinks had a ball with that one, especially when they “discovered” that
my mother grew up in the Bronx.
And that remark she made about your mother?
Who the hell doesn’t have mother issues? If Mets was a pilot, she was a natural gambler. She knew
she had a good chance of scoring a hit with “mom.” She knew the risk, took her shot…Look, if they
thought I’d cracked up, why didn’t I lose my flight status? Why did they let me have this job?
Maybe she wasn’t a pilot herself, maybe she was married to one, maybe she’d wanted to be one
but never made it as far as I did. Maybe she was just a scared, lonely voice that did what she could
to help another scared lonely voice from ending up like her. Who cares who she was, or is? She
was there when I needed her, and for the rest of my life, she’ll always be with me.

PROVINCE OF BOHEFIA, THE EUROPE AN UNION
[It is called Kost, “the Bone,” and what it lacks in beauty it more than makes up
for in strength. Appearing to grow out of its solid rock foundation, this
fourteenth-century Gothic “Hrad” casts an intimidating shadow over the
Plakanek Valley, an image David Allen Forbes is keen to capture with his pencil
and paper. This will be his second book, Castles of the Zomhie War: The
Continent. The Englishman sits under a tree, his patchwork clothing and long
Scottish sword already adding to this Arthurian setting. He abruptly switches
gears as I arrive, from serene artist to painfully nervous storyteller.]
When I say that the New Wtrld dtesn’t h ave tur histtry tf fi xed ftrtificatitns, I’ m tnly referring
tt Ntrth America. T here are the Spanish ctastal ftrtresses , naturally, altng th e Caribbean, and
the tnes we and the French built in the Lesser Antilles. Then there are the Inca ruins in the Andes,
althtugh they never experienced direct sieges. 1 Alst, when I say “N trth America,” that dtes ntt
include the Mayan and Aztec ruins in Mexict—that business with the Battle tf Ku kulcan, althtugh I
supptse that’s Ttlte c, ntw, isn’t it, when thtse chaps held tff st many Zed Head s tn the steps tf
that blttdy great py ramid. St when I sa y “New Wtrld,” I’m really referring tt the United States
and Canada.
This isn’t an insult, ytu understand, plea se dtn’t take it as su ch. Ytu’re btth ytun g ctuntries, ytu
dtn’t have the histt ry tf institutitnal an archy we Eurtpeans suffered after the fall tf Rtme. Ytu’ve
always had standing, natitnal gtvernme nts with the ftrces c apable tf enftrcing law and trder.
I kntw that wasn’t true during ytur we stward expansitn t r ytur civil war, an d please, I’m ntt
disctunting thtse pr e–Civil War ftrtress es tr the experience s tf thtse defending them. I’d tne day
like tt visit Ftrt Jeff erstn. I hear thtse wht survived there had quite a time tf it. All I’m saying is,
in Eurtpe’s histtry, we had almtst a m illennia tf chats wh ere stmetimes the ctncept tf physical
safety sttpped at t he battlements tf y tur ltrd’s castle. D tes that make sens e? I’m ntt making
sense; can we start again?
No, no, this is fine. Please, continue.
Ytu’ll edit tut all the daft bits.
You got it.
Right then. Castles. Well…I don’t want for a moment to overstate their importance for the general
war effort. In fact, when you compare them to any other type of fixed fortification, modern,
modified, and so forth, their contribution does seem quite negligible, unless you’re like me, and
that contribution was what saved your life.
This doesn’t mean that a mighty fortress was naturally our God. For starters, you must
understand the inherent difference between a castle and a palace. A lot of so-called castles were
really nothing more than just great impressive homes, or else had been converted to such after
their defensive value had become obsolete. These once impregnable bastions now had so many
windows cut into the ground floor that it would have taken forever to brick them all up again. You’d
be better off in a modern block of flats with the staircase removed. And as far as those palaces
that were built as nothing more than status symbols, places like Chateau Ussé or Prague “Castle,”
they were little more than death traps.
Just look at Versailles. That was a first-rate cock-up. Small wonder the French government chose
to build their national memorial on its ashes. Did you ever read that poem by Renard, about the
wild roses that now grow in the memorial garden, their petals stained red with the blood of the
damned?
Not that a high wall was all you needed for long-term survival. Like any static defense, castles
had as many internal as external dangers. Just look at Muiderslot in Holland. One case of
pneumonia, that’s all it took. Throw in a wet, cold autumn, poor nutrition, and lack of any genuine
medications…Imagine what that must have been like, trapped behind those high stone walls, those
around you fatally ill, knowing your time was coming, knowing the only slim hope you had was to
escape. The journals written by some of the dying tell of people going mad with desperation,
leaping into that moat choked with Zed Heads.
And then there were fires like the ones at Braubach and Pierrefonds; hundreds trapped with
nowhere to run, just waiting to be charred by the flames or asphyxiated by the smoke. There were
also accidental explosions, civilians who somehow found themselves in possession of bombs but had
no idea how to handle or even store them. At Miskolc Diosgyor in Hungary, as I understand it,
someone got their hands on a cache of military-grade, sodium-based explosives. Don’t ask me what
exactly it was or why they had it, but nobody seemed to know that water, not fire, was the catalytic
agent. The story goes that someone was smoking in the armory, caused some small fire or
whatnot. The stupid sods thought they were preventing an explosion by dousing the crates in
water. It blew a hole right through the wall and the dead surged in like water through a breached
dam.
At least that was a mistake based on ignorance. I can’t even begin to forgive what happened at
Chateau de Fougeres. They were running low on supplies, thought that they could dig a tunnel
under their undead attackers. What did they think this was, The Great Escape? Did they have any
professional surveyors with them? Did they even understand the basics of trigonometry? The
bloody tunnel exit fell short by over half a kilometer, came up right in a nest of the damn things.
Stupid wankers hadn’t even thought to equip their tunnel with demolition charges.
Yes, there were cock-ups aplenty, but there were also some noteworthy triumphs. Many were
subjected to only short-term sieges, the good fortune of being on the right side of the line. Some in
Spain, Bavaria, or Scotland above the Antonine 2 only had to hold out for weeks, or even days. For
some, like Kisimul, it was only a question of getting through one rather dodgy night. But then there
were the true tales of victory, like Chenonceau in France, a bizarre little Disneyesque castle built
on a bridge over the Cher River. With both connections to land severed, and the right amount of
strategic forethought, they managed to hold their position for years.
They had enough supplies for years?
Oh good lord, no. They simply waited for first snowfall, then raided the surrounding countryside.
This was, I should imagine, standard procedure for almost anyone under siege, castle or not. I’m
sure those in your strategic “Blue Zones,” at least those above the snowline, operated in much the
same manner. In that way we were fortunate that most of Europe freezes in winter. Many of the
defenders I’ve spoken to have agreed that the inevitable onset of winter, long and brutal as it was,
became a lifesaving reprieve. As long as they didn’t freeze to death, many survivors took the
opportunity of frozen Zed Heads to raid the surrounding countryside for everything they’d need
for the warmer months.
It’s not surprising how many defenders chose to remain in their strongholds even with the
opportunity to flee, be it Bouillon in Belgium or Spis in Slovakia or even back home like Beaumaris
in Wales. Before the war, the place had been nothing but a museum piece, a hollow shell of roofless
chambers and high concentric walls. The town council should be given the VC for their
accomplishments, pooling resources, organizing citizens, restoring this ruin to its former glory.
They had just a few months before the crisis engulfed their part of Britain. Even more dramatic is
the story of Conwy, both a castle and medieval wall that protected the entire town. The inhabitants
not only lived in safety and relative comfort during the stalemate years, their access to the sea
allowed Conwy to become a springboard for our forces once we began to retake our country. Have
you ever read Camelot Mine?
[I shake my head.]
You must find yourself a copy. It’s a cracking good novel, based on the author’s own experiences
as one of the defenders of Caerphilly. He began the crisis on the second floor of his flat in Ludlow,
Wales. As his supplies ran out and the first snow fell, he decided to strike out in search of more
permanent lodgings. He came upon the abandoned ruin, which had already been the sight of a
halfhearted, and ultimately fruitless, defense. He buried the bodies, smashed the frozen Zed
Heads, and set about restoring the castle on his own. He worked tirelessly, in the most brutal
winter on record. By May, Caerphilly was prepared for the summer siege, and by the following
winter, it became a haven for several hundred other survivors.
[He shows me some of his sketches.]
A masterpiece, isn’t it, second largest in the British Isles.
What’s the first?
[He hesitates.]
Windsor.
Windsor was your castle.
Well, not mine personally.
I mean, you were there.
[Another pause.]
It was, from a defensive standpoint, as close as one could come to perfection. Before the war, it
was the largest inhabited castle in Europe, almost thirteen acres. It had its own well for water, and
enough storage space to house a decade’s worth of rations. The fire of 1992 led to a stateof-
the-art suppression system, and the subsequent terrorist threats upgraded security measures to
rival any in the UK. Not even the general public knew what their tax dollars were paying for:
bulletproof glass, reinforced walls, retractable bars, and steel shutters hidden so cleverly in
windowsills and door frames.
But of all our achievements at Windsor, nothing can rival the siphoning of crude oil and natural
gas from the deposit several kilometers beneath the castle’s foundation. It had been discovered in
the 1990s but never exploited for a variety of political and environmental reasons. You can believe
we exploited it, though. Our contingent of royal engineers rigged a scaffolding up and over our
wall, and extended it to the drilling site. It was quite an achievement, and you can see how it
became the precursor to our fortified motorways. On a personal level, I was just grateful for the
warm rooms, hot food, and, in a pinch…the Molotovs and flaming ditch. It’s not the most efficient
way to stop a Zed Head, I know, but as long as you’ve got them stuck and can keep them in the
fire…and besides, what else could we do when the bullets ran out and we were left with nothing
else but an odd lot of medieval hand weapons?
There were quite a bit of those about, in museums, personal collections…and not a decorative
dud among them. These were real, tough and tested. They became part of British life again,
ordinary citizens traipsing about with a mace or halberd or double-bladed battle-axe. I myself
became rather adept with this claymore, although you wouldn’t think of it to look at me.
[He gestures, slightly embarrassed, to the weapon almost as long as himself.]
It’s not really ideal, takes a lot of skill, but eventually you learn what you can do, what you never
thought you were capable of, what others around you are capable of.
[David hesitates before speaking. He is clearly uncomfortable. I hold out my
hand.]
Thank you so much for taking the time…
There’s…more.
If you’re not comfortable…
No, please, it’s quite all right.
[Takes a breath.] She…she wouldn’t leave, you see. She insisted, over the objections of
Parliament, to remain at Windsor, as she put it, “for the duration.” I thought maybe it was
misguided nobility, or maybe fear-based paralysis. I tried to make her see reason, begged her
almost on my knees. Hadn’t she done enough with the Balmoral Decree, turning all her estates into
protected zones for any who could reach and defend them? Why not join her family in Ireland or
the Isle of Man, or, at least, if she was insisting on remaining in Britain, supreme command HQ
north above the Antonine.
What did she say?
“The highest of distinctions is service to others.” [He clears his throat, his upper lip quivers
for a second.] Her father had said that; it was the reason he had refused to run to Canada during
the Second World War, the reason her mother had spent the blitz visiting civilians huddled in the
tube stations beneath London, the same reason, to this day, we remain a United Kingdom. Their
task, their mandate, is to personify all that is great in our national spirit. They must forever be an
example to the rest of us, the strongest, and bravest, and absolute best of us. In a sense, it is they
who are ruled by us, instead of the other way around, and they must sacrifice everything,
everything, to shoulder the weight of this godlike burden. Otherwise what’s the flipping point? Just
scrap the whole damn tradition, roll out the bloody guillotine, and be done with it altogether. They
were viewed very much like castles, I suppose: as crumbling, obsolete relics, with no real modern
function other than as tourist attractions. But when the skies darkened and the nation called, both
reawoke to the meaning of their existence. One shielded our bodies, the other, our souls.
ULITHI ATOLL, FEDERATED STATES OF MICRONESIA
[During World War II, this vast coral atoll served as the main forward base for
the United States Pacific Fleet. During World War Z, it sheltered not only
American naval vessels, but hundreds of civilian ships as well. One of those ships
was the UNS Ural, the first broadcast hub of Radio Free Earth. Now a museum to
the achievements of the project, she is the focus of the British documentary
Words at War. One of the subjects interviewed for this documentary is Barati
Palshigar.]
Ignorance was the enemy. Lies and superstition, misinformation, disinformation. Sometimes, no
information at all. Ignorance killed billions of people. Ignorance caused the Zombie War. Imagine if
we had known then what we know now. Imagine if the undead virus had been as understood as, say,
tuberculosis was. Imagine if the world’s citizens, or at least those charged with protecting those
citizens, had known exactly what they were facing. Ignorance was the real enemy, and cold, hard
facts were the weapons.
When I first joined Radio Free Earth, it was still called the International Program for Health and
Safety Information. The title “Radio Free Earth” came from the individuals and communities who
monitored our broadcasts.
It was the first real international venture, barely a few months after the South African Plan, and
years before the conference at Honolulu. Just like the rest of the world based their survival
strategies on Redeker, our genesis was routed in Radio Ubunye. 1
What was Radio Ubunye?
South Africa’s broadcasts to its isolated citizens. Because they didn’t have the resources for
material aid, the only assistance the government could render was information. They were the
first, at least, to my knowledge, to begin these regular, multilingual broadcasts. Not only did they
offer practical survival skills, they went so far as to collect and address each and every falsehood
circulating among their citizens. What we did was take the template of Radio Ubunye and adapt it
for the global community.
I came aboard, literally, at the very beginning, as the Ural’s reactors were just being put back
online. The Ural was a former vessel of the Soviet, then the Russian, Federal Navy. Back then the
SSV-33 had been many things: a command and control ship, a missile tracking platform, an
electronic surveillance vessel. Unfortunately, she was also a white elephant, because her systems,
they tell me, were too complicated even for her own crew. She had spent the majority of her
career tied to a pier at the Vladivostok naval base, providing additional electrical power for the
facility. I am not an engineer, so I don’t how they managed to replace her spent fuel rods or
convert her massive communication facilities to interface with the global satellite network. I
specialize in languages, specifically those of the Indian Subcontinent. Myself and Mister Verma,
just the two of us to cover a billion people…well…at that point it was still a billion.
Mister Verma had found me in the refugee camp in Sri Lanka. He was a translator, I was an
interpreter. We had worked together several years before at our country’s embassy in London. We
thought it had been hard work then; we had no idea. It was a maddening grind, eighteen,
sometimes twenty hours a day. I don’t know when we slept. There was so much raw data, so many
dispatches arriving every minute. Much of it had to do with basic survival: how to purify water,
create an indoor greenhouse, culture and process mold spore for penicillin. This mind-numbing
copy would often be punctuated with facts and terms that I had never heard of before. I’d never
heard the term “quisling” or “feral”; I didn’t know what a “Lobo” was or the false miracle cure of
Phalanx. All I knew was that suddenly there was a uniformed man shoving a collection of words
before my eyes and telling me “We need this in Marathi, and ready to record in fifteen minutes.”
What kind of misinformation were you combating?
Where do you want me to begin? Medical? Scientific? Military? Spiritual? Psychological? The
psychological aspect I found the most maddening. People wanted so badly to anthropomorphize the
walking blight. In war, in a conventional war that is, we spend so much time trying to dehumanize
the enemy, to create an emotional distance. We would make up stories or derogatory titles…when I
think about what my father used to call Muslims…and now in this war it seemed that everyone was
trying desperately to find some shred of a connection to their enemy, to put a human face on
something that was so unmistakably inhuman.
Can you give me some examples?
There were so many misconceptions: zombies were somehow intelligent; they could feel and adapt,
use tools and even some human weapons; they carried memories of their former existence; or they
could be communicated with and trained like some kind of pet. It was heartbreaking, having to
debunk one misguided myth after another. The civilian survival guide helped, but was still severely
limited.
Oh really?
Oh yes. You could see it was clearly written by an American, the references to SUVs and personal
firearms. There was no taking into account the cultural differences…the various indigenous
solutions people believed would save them from the undead.
Such as?
I’d rather not give too many details, not without tacitly condemning the entire people group from
which this “solution” originated. As an Indian, I had to deal with many aspects of my own culture
that had turned self-destructive. There was Varanasi, one of the oldest cities on Earth, near the
place where Buddha supposedly preached his first sermon and where thousands of Hindu pilgrims
came each year to die. In normal, prewar conditions, the road would be littered with corpses. Now
these corpses were rising to attack. Varanasi was one of the hottest White Zones, a nexus of living
death. This nexus covered almost the entire length of the Ganges. Its healing powers had been
scientifically assessed decades before the war, something to do with the high oxygenation rate of
the waters. 2 Tragic. Millions flocked to its shores, serving only to feed the flames. Even after the
government’s withdrawal to the Himalayas, when over 90 percent of the country was officially
overrun, the pilgrimages continued. Every country had a similar story. Every one of our
international crew had at least one moment when they were forced to confront an example of
suicidal ignorance. An American told us about how the religious sect known as “God’s Lambs”
believed that the rapture had finally come and the quicker they were infected, the quicker they
would go to heaven. Another woman—I won’t say what country she belonged to—tried her best to
dispel the notion that sexual intercourse with a virgin could “cleanse” the “curse.” I don’t know
how many women, or little girls, were raped as a result of this “cleansing.” Everyone was furious
with his own people. Everyone was ashamed. Our one Belgian crewmember compared it to the
darkening skies. He used to call it “the evil of our collective soul.”
I guess I have no right to complain. My life was never in danger, my belly was always full. I
might not have slept often but at least I could sleep without fear. Most importantly, I never had
had to work in the Ural’s IR department.
IR?
Information Reception. The data we were broadcasting did not originate aboard the Ural. It came
from all around the world, from experts and think tanks in various government safe zones. They
would transmit their findings to our IR operators who, in turn, would pass it along to us. Much of
this data was transmitted to us over conventional, open, civilian bands, and many of these bands
were crammed with ordinary people’s cries for help. There were millions of wretched souls
scattered throughout our planet, all screaming into their private radio sets as their children
starved or their temporary fortress burned, or the living dead overran their defenses. Even if you
didn’t understand the language, as many of the operators didn’t, there was no mistaking the human
voice of anguish. They weren’t allowed to answer back, either; there wasn’t time. All transmissions
had to be devoted to official business. I don’t want to know what that was like for the IR operators.
When the last broadcast came from Buenos Aires, when that famous Latin singer played that
Spanish lullaby, it was too much for one of our operators. He wasn’t from Buenos Aires, he wasn’t
even from South America. He was just an eighteen-year-old Russian sailor who blew his brains out
all over his instruments. He was the first, and since the end of the war, the rest of the IR operators
have followed suit. Not one of them is alive today. The last was my Belgian friend. “You carry those
voices with you,” he told me one morning. We were standing on the deck, looking into that brown
haze, waiting for a sunrise we knew we’d never see. “Those cries will be with me the rest of my
life, never resting, never fading, never ceasing their call to join them.”
THE DEMILITARIZED ZONE: SOUTH KOREA
[Hyungchol Choi, deputy director of the Korean Central Intelligence Agency,
gestures to the dry, hilly, unremarkable landscape to our north. One might
mistake it for Southern California, if not for the deserted pillboxes, fading
banners, and rusting, barbed wire fence that runs to either horizon.]
What happened? No one knows. No country was better prepared to repel the infestation than
North Korea. Rivers to the north, oceans to the east and west, and to the south [he gestures to
the Demilitarized Zone], the most heavily fortified border on Earth. You can see how
mountainous the terrain is, how easily defensible, but what you can’t see is that those mountains
are honeycombed with a titanic military-industrial infrastructure. The North Korean government
learned some very hard lessons from your bombing campaign of the 1950s and had been laboring
ever since to create a subterranean system that would allow their people to wage another war
from a secure location.
Their population was heavily militarized, marshaled to a degree of readiness that made Israel
look like Iceland. Over a million men and women were actively under arms with a further five in
reserve. That is over a quarter of the entire population, not to mention the fact that almost
everyone in the country had, at some point in their lives, undergone basic military training. More
important than this training, though, and most important for this kind of warfare was an almost
superhuman degree of national discipline. North Koreans were indoctrinated from birth to believe
that their lives were meaningless, that they existed only to serve the State, the Revolution, and
the Great Leader.
This is almost the polar opposite of what we experienced in the South. We were an open society.
We had to be. International trade was our lifeblood. We were individualists, maybe not as much as
you Americans, but we had more than our share of protests and public disturbances. We were such
a free and fractured society that we barely managed to implement the Chang Doctrine 1 during the
Great Panic. That kind of internal crisis would have been inconceivable in the North. They were a
people who, even when their government caused a near genocidal famine, would rather resort to
eating children 2 than raise even a whisper of defiance. This was the kind of subservience Adolf
Hitler could have only dreamed of. If you had given each citizen a gun, a rock, or even their bare
hands, pointed them at approaching zombies and said “Fight!” they would have done so down to
the oldest woman and smallest tot. This was a country bred for war, planned, prepared, and poised
for it since July 27, 1953. If you were going to invent a country to not only survive but triumph
over the apocalypse we faced, it would have been the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.
So what happened? About a month before our troubles started, before the first outbreaks were
reported in Pusan, the North suddenly, and inexplicably, severed all diplomatic relations. We
weren’t told why the rail line, the only overland link between our two sides, was suddenly closed,
or why some of our citizens who’d been waiting decades to see long lost relatives in the North had
their dreams abruptly shattered by a rubber stamp. No explanation of any kind was given. All we
got was their standard “matter of state security” brush-off.
Unlike many others, I wasn’t convinced that this was a prelude to war. Whenever the North had
threatened violence, they always rang the same bells. No satellite data, ours or the Americans,
showed any hostile intent. There were no troop movements, no aircraft fueling, no ship or
submarine deployment. If anything, our forces along the Demilitarized Zone began noticing their
opposite numbers disappearing. We knew them all, the border troops. We’d photographed each one
over the years, given them nicknames like Snake Eyes or Bulldog, even compiled dossiers on their
supposed ages, backgrounds, and personal lives. Now they were gone, vanished behind shielded
trenches and dugouts.
Our seismic indicators were similarly silent. If the North had begun tunneling operations or even
massed vehicles on the other side of “Z,” we would have heard it like the National Opera Company.
Panmunjom is the only area along the DMZ where opposing sides can meet for face-to-face
negotiations. We share joint custody of the conference rooms, and our troops posture for each
other over several meters of open courtyard. The guards were changed on a rotating basis. One
night, as the North Korean detachment marched into their barracks, no replacement unit marched
out. The doors were shut. The lights were extinguished. And we never saw them again.
We also saw a complete halt to human intelligence infiltration. Spies from the North were almost
as regular and predictable as the seasons. Most of the time they were easy to spot, wearing
out-of-date clothes or asking the price of goods that they should have already known. We used to
pick them up all the time, but since the outbreaks began, their numbers had dwindled to zero.
What about your spies in the North?
Vanished, all of them, right about the same time all our electronic surveillance assets went dark. I
don’t mean there was no disturbing radio traffic, I mean there was no traffic at all. One by one, all
the civilian and military channels began shutting down. Satellite images showed fewer farmers in
their fields, less foot traffic in city streets, even fewer “volunteer” laborers on many public works
projects, which is something that has never happened before. Before we knew it, there wasn’t a
living soul left from the Yalu to the DMZ. From a purely intelligence standpoint, it appeared as if
the entire country, every man, woman, and child in North Korea, had simply vanished.
This mystery only stoked our growing anxiety, given what we had to deal with at home. By now
there were outbreaks in Seoul, P’ohang, Taejon. There was the evacuation of Mokpo, the isolation
of Kangnung, and, of course, our version of Yonkers at Inchon, and all of it compounded by the
need to keep at least half our active divisions along our northern border. Too many in the Ministry
of National Defense were convinced that the Pyongyang was just aching for war, waiting eagerly
for our darkest moment to come thundering across the 38th Parallel. We in the intelligence
community couldn’t disagree more. We kept telling them that if they were waiting for our darkest
hour, then that hour had most certainly arrived.
Tae Han Min’guk was on the brink of national collapse. Plans were being secretly drafted for a
Japanese-style resettlement. Covert teams were already scouting locations in Kamchatka. If the
Chang Doctrine hadn’t worked…if just a few more units had broken, if a few more safe zones had
collapsed…
Maybe we owe our survival to the North, or at least to the fear of it. My generation never really
saw the North as a threat. I’m speaking of the civilians, you understand, those of my age who saw
them as a backward, starving, failed nation. My generation had grown up their entire lives in
peace and prosperity. The only thing they feared was a German-style reunification that would
bring millions of homeless ex-communists looking for a handout.
That wasn’t the case with those who came before us…our parents and grandparents…those who
lived with the very real specter of invasion hanging over them, the knowledge that at any moment
the alarms might sound, the lights might dim, and the bankers, schoolteachers, and taxi drivers
might be called to pick up arms and fight to defend their homeland. Their hearts and minds were
ever vigilant, and in the end, it was them, not us, who rallied the national spirit.
I’m still pushing for an expedition to the North. I’m still blocked at every turn. There’s too much
work to do, they tell me. The country is still in shambles. We also have our international
commitments, most importantly the repatriation of our refugees to Kyushu…. [Snorts.] Those
Japsare gonna owe us big-time.
I’m not asking for a recon in force. Just give me one helicopter, one fishing boat; just open the
gates at Panmunjom and let me walk through on foot. What if you trigger some booby trap? they
counter. What if it’s nuclear? What if you open the door to some underground city and twenty-three
million zombies come spewing out? Their arguments aren’t without merit. We know the DMZ is
heavily mined. Last month a cargo plane nearing their airspace was fired on by a surface-to-air
missile. The launcher was an automated model, the type they’d designed as a revenge weapon in
case the population had already been obliterated.
Conventional wisdom is that they must have evacuated to their subterranean complexes. If that
is true, then our estimates of the size and depth of those complexes were grossly inaccurate.
Maybe the entire population is underground, tooling away on endless war projects, while their
“Great Leader” continues to anesthetize himself with Western liquor and American pornography.
Do they even know the war is over? Have their leaders lied to them, again, and told them that the
world as they know it has ceased to be? Maybe the rise of the dead was a “good” thing in their
eyes, an excuse to tighten the yoke even further in a society built on blind subjugation. The Great
Leader always wanted to be a living God, and now, as master not only of the food his people eat,
the air they breathe, but the very light of their artificial suns, maybe his twisted fantasy has finally
become a reality. Maybe that was the original plan, but something went disastrously wrong. Look
what happened to the “mole city” underneath Paris. What if that occurred in the North on a
national level? Maybe those caverns are teeming with twenty-three million zombies, emaciated
automatons howling in the darkness and just waiting to be unleashed.
KYOTO, JAPAN
[The old photo of Kondo Tatsumi shows a skinny, acne-faced teenager with dull
red eyes and bleached blond highlights streaking his unkempt hair. The man I am
speaking to has no hair at all. Clean-shaven, tanned and toned, his clear, sharp
gaze never leaves mine. Although his manner is cordial and his mood light, this
warrior monk retains the composure of a predatory animal at rest.]
I was an “otaku.” I know that term has come to mean a great many things to a great many
people, but for me it simply meant “outsider.” I know Americans, especially young ones, must feel
trapped by societal pressure. All humans do. However, if I understand your culture correctly,
individualism is something to be encouraged. You revere the “rebel,” the “rogue,” those who stand
proudly apart from the masses. For you, individuality is a badge of honor. For us, it is a ribbon of
shame. We lived, particularly before the war, in a complex and seemingly infinite labyrinth of
external judgments. Your appearance, your speech, everything from the career you held to the
way you sneezed had to be planned and orchestrated to follow rigid Confucian doctrine. Some
either have the strength, or lack thereof, to accept this doctrine. Others, like myself, chose exile in
a better world. That world was cyber space, and it was tailor-made for Japanese otaku.
I can’t speak for your educational system, or, indeed, for that of any other country, but ours was
based almost entirely on fact retention. From the day we first set foot in a classroom, prewar
Japanese children were injected with volumes upon volumes of facts and figures that had no
practical application in our lives. These facts had no moral component, no social context, no human
connection to the outside world. They had no reason for existence other than that their mastery
allows ascension. Prewar Japanese children were not taught to think, we were taught to memorize.
You can understand how this education would easily lend itself to an existence in cyberspace. In a
world of information without context, where status was determined on its acquisition and
possession, those of my generation could rule like gods. I was a sensei, master over all I surveyed,
be it discovering the blood type of the prime minister’s cabinet, or the tax receipts of Matsumoto
and Hamada, 1 or the location and condition of all shin-gunto swords of the Pacific War. I didn’t
have to worry about my appearance, or my social etiquette, my grades, or my prospects for the
future. No one could judge me, no one could hurt me. In this world I was powerful, and more
importantly, I was safe!
When the crisis reached Japan, my clique, as with all the others, forgot our previous obsessions
and devoted our energies entirely to the living dead. We studied their physiology, behavior,
weaknesses, and the global response to their attack upon humanity. The last subject was my
clique’s specialty, the possibility of containment within the Japanese home islands. I collected
population statistics, transport networks, police doctrine. I memorized everything from the size of
the Japanese merchant fleet, to how many rounds the army’s Type 89 assault rifle held. No fact
was too small or obscure. We were on a mission, we barely slept. When school was eventually
cancelled, it gave us the ability to be wired in almost twenty-four hours a day. I was the first to
hack into Doctor Komatsu’s personal hard drive and read the raw data a full week before he
presented his findings to the Diet. This was a coup. It further elevated my status among those who
already worshipped me.
Doctor Komatsu first recommended the evacuation?
He did. Like us, he’d been compiling the same facts. But whereas we’d been memorizing them, he’d
been analyzing them. Japan was an overcrowded nation: one hundred and twenty-eight million
people jammed into less than three hundred and seventy thousand square kilometers of either
mountainous or overurbanized islands. Japan’s low crime rate gave it one of the relatively smallest
and most lightly armed police forces in the industrialized world. Japan was pretty much also a
demilitarized state. Because of American “protection,” our self-defense forces had not seen actual
combat since 1945. Even those token troops who were deployed to the Gulf almost never saw any
serious action and spent most of their occupation duty within the protected walls of their isolated
compound. We had access to all these bits of information, but not the wherewithal to see where
they were pointing. So it took us all by complete surprise when Doctor Komatsu publicly declared
that the situation was hopeless and that Japan had to be immediately evacuated.
That must have been terrifying.
Not at all! It set off an explosion of frenzied activity, a race to discover where our population
might resettle. Would it be the South, the coral atolls of the Central and South Pacific, or would we
head north, colonizing the Kuriles, Sakhalin, or maybe somewhere in Siberia? Whoever could
uncover the answer would be the greatest otaku in cyber history.
And there was no concern for your personal safety?
Of course not. Japan was doomed, but I didn’t live in Japan. I lived in a world of free-floating
information. The siafu, 2 that’s what we were calling the infected now, weren’t something to be
feared, they were something to be studied. You have no idea the kind of disconnect I was suffering.
My culture, my upbringing, and now my otaku lifestyle all combined to completely insulate me.
Japan might be evacuated, Japan might be destroyed, and I would watch it all happen from the
safety of my digital mountaintop.
What about your parents?
What about them? We lived in the same apartment, but I never really conversed with them. I’m
sure they thought I was studying. Even when school closed I told them I still had to prepare for
exams. They never questioned it. My father and I rarely spoke. In the mornings my mother would
leave a breakfast tray at my door, at night she would leave dinner. The first time she didn’t leave
a tray, I thought nothing of it. I woke up that morning, as I always did; gratified myself, as I always
did; logged on, as I always did. It was midday before I started to feel hungry. I hated those
feelings, hunger or fatigue or, the worst, sexual desire. Those were physical distractions. They
annoyed me. I reluctantly turned away from my computer and opened my bedroom door. No food.
I called for my mother. No answer. I went into the kitchen area, grabbed some raw ramen, and ran
back to my desk. I did it again, that night, and again the next morning.
You never questioned where your parents were?
The only reason I cared was because of the precious minutes I was wasting having to feed myself.
In my world too many exciting things were happening.
What about the other otaku? Didn’t they discuss their fears?
We shared facts not feelings, even when they started to disappear. I’d notice that someone had
stopped returning e-mail or else hadn’t posted for a while. I’d see that they hadn’t logged on in a
day or that their servers were no longer active.
And that didn’t scare you?
It annoyed me. Not only was I losing a source of information, I was losing potential praise for my
own. To post some new factoid about Japanese evacuation ports and to have fifty, instead of sixty,
responses was upsetting, then to have those fifty drop to forty-five, then to thirty…
How long did this go on for?
About three days. The last post, from another otaku in Sendai, stated that the dead were now
flowing out of Tohoku University Hospital, in the same cho as his apartment.
And that didn’t worry you?
Why should it? I was too busy trying to learn all I could about the evacuation process. How was it
going to be executed, what government organizations were involved? Would the camps be in
Kamchatka or Sakhalin, or both? And what was this I was reading about the rash of suicides that
was sweeping the country? 3 So many questions, so much data to mine. I cursed myself for having
to go to sleep that night.
When I woke up, the screen was blank. I tried to sign on. Nothing. I tried rebooting. Nothing. I
noticed that I was on backup battery. Not a problem. I had enough reserve power for ten hours at
full use. I also noticed that my signal strength was zero. I couldn’t believe it. Kokura, like all Japan,
had a state-of-the-art wireless network that was supposed to be fail-safe. One server might go
down, maybe even a few, but the whole net? I realized it must be my computer. It had to be. I got
out my laptop and tried to sign on. No signal. I cursed and got up to tell my parents that I had to
use their desktop. They still weren’t home. Frustrated, I tried to pick up the phone to call my
mother’s cell. It was cordless, dependent on wall power. I tried my cell. I got no reception.
Do you know what happened to them?
No, even to this day, I have no idea. I know they didn’t abandon me, I’m sure of it. Maybe my
father was caught out at work, my mother trapped while trying to go grocery shopping. They could
have been lost together, going to or coming back from the relocation office. Anything could have
happened. There was no note, nothing. I’ve been trying to find out ever since.
I went back into my parents’ room, just to make sure they weren’t there. I tried the phones
again. It wasn’t bad yet. I was still in control. I tried to go back online. Isn’t that funny? All I could
think about was trying to escape again, getting back to my world, being safe. Nothing. I started to
panic. “Now,” I started to say, trying to command my computer by force of will. “Now, now, NOW!
NOW! NOW!” I started beating the monitor. My knuckles split, the sight of my own blood terrified
me. I’d never played sports as a child, never been injured, it was all too much. I picked up the
monitor and threw it against the wall. I was crying like a baby, shouting, hyperventilating. I started
to wretch and vomited all over the floor. I got up and staggered to the front door. I don’t know
what I was looking for, just that I had to get out. I opened the door and stared into darkness.
Did you try knocking at the neighbor’s door?
No. Isn’t that odd? Even at the height of my breakdown, my social anxiety was so great that
actually risking personal contact was still taboo. I took a few steps, slipped, and fell into something
soft. It was cold and slimy, all over my hands, my clothes. It stank. The whole hallway stank. I
suddenly became aware of a low, steady scraping noise, like something was dragging itself across
the hallway toward me.
I called out, “Hello?” I heard a soft, gurgling groan. My eyes were just beginning to adjust to the
darkness. I began to make out a shape, large, humanoid, crawling on its belly. I sat there
paralyzed, wanting to run but at the same time wanting to…to know for sure. My doorway was
casting a narrow rectangle of dim gray light against the far wall. As the thing moved into that light,
I finally saw its face, perfectly intact, perfectly human, except for the right eye that hung by the
stem. The left eye was locked on mine and its gurgling moan became a choked rasp. I jumped to my
feet, sprang back inside my apartment, and slammed the door behind me.
My mind was finally clear, maybe for the first time in years, and I suddenly realized that I could
smell smoke and hear faint screams. I went over to the window and threw the curtains open.
Kokura was engulfed in hell. The fires, the wreckage…the siafu were everywhere. I watched
them crash through doors, invade apartments, devour people cowering in corners or on balconies.
I watched people leap to their deaths or break their legs and spines. They lay on the pavement,
unable to move, wailing in agony as the dead closed in around them. One man in the apartment
directly across from me tried to fight them off with a golf club. It bent harmlessly around a
zombie’s head before five others pulled him to the floor.
Then…a pounding at the door. My door. This…[shakes his fist] bom-bombom-bom…from the
bottom, near the floor. I heard the thing groaning outside. I heard other noises, too, from the other
apartments. These were my neighbors, the people I’d always tried to avoid, whose faces and
names I could barely remember. They were screaming, pleading, struggling, and sobbing. I heard
one voice, either a young woman or a child on the floor above me, calling someone by name,
begging them to stop. But the voice was swallowed in a chorus of moans. The banging at my door
became louder. More siafu had shown up. I tried to move the living room furniture against the
door. It was a waste of effort. Our apartment was, by your standards, pretty bare. The door began
to crack. I could see its hinges straining. I figured I had maybe a few minutes to escape.
Escape? But if the door was jammed…
Out the window, onto the balcony of the apartment below. I thought I could tie bedsheets into a
rope…[smiles sheepishly]…I’d heard about it from an otaku who studied American prison breaks.
It would be the first time I ever applied any of my archived knowledge.
Fortunately the linen held. I climbed out of my apartment and started to lower myself down to
the apartment below. Immediately my muscles started cramping. I’d never paid much attention to
them and now they were reaping their revenge. I struggled to control my motions, and to not think
about the fact that I was nineteen floors up. The wind was terrible, hot and dry from all the fires. A
gust picked me up and slammed me against the side of the building. I bounced off the concrete and
almost lost my grip. I could feel the bottom of my feet bumping against the balcony’s railing and it
took all the courage I had to relax enough to climb down just those few extra feet. I landed on my
ass, panting and coughing from the smoke. I could hear sounds from my apartment above, the dead
that had broken through the front door. I looked up at my balcony and saw a head, the one-eyed
siafu was squeezing himself through the opening between the rail and the balcony floor. It hung
there for a moment, half out, half in, then gave another lurch toward me and slid over the side. I’ll
never forget that it was still reaching for me as it fell, this nightmare flash of it suspended in
midair, arms out, hanging eyeball now flying upward against its forehead.
I could hear the other siafu groaning on the balcony above and turned to see if there were any in
this apartment with me. Fortunately, I saw that the front door had been barricaded like mine.
However, unlike mine, there weren’t any sounds of attackers outside. I was also comforted by the
layer of ash on the carpet. It was deep and unbroken, telling me that no one or nothing had walked
across this floor for a couple days. For a moment I thought I might be alone, and then I noticed the
smell.
I slid the bathroom door open and was blown back by this invisible, putrid cloud. The woman was
in her tub. She had slit her wrists, long, vertical slices along the arteries to make sure the job was
done right. Her name was Reiko. She was the only neighbor I’d made any effort to know. She was a
high-priced hostess at a club for foreign businessmen. I’d always fantasized about what she’d look
like naked. Now I knew.
Strangely enough, what bothered me most was that I didn’t know any prayers for the dead. I’d
forgotten what my grandparents had tried to teach me as a little kid, rejected it as obsolete data.
It was a shame, how out of touch I was with my heritage. All I could do was stand there like an idiot
and whisper an awkward apology for taking some of her sheets.
Her sheets?
For more rope. I knew I couldn’t stay there for very long. Besides the health hazard of a dead
body, there was no telling when the siafu on that floor would sense my presence and attack the
barricade. I had to get out of this building, get out of the city, and hopefully try to find a way to get
out of Japan. I didn’t have a fully thought-out plan yet. I just knew I had to keep going, one floor at
a time, until I reached the street. I figured stopping at a few of the apartments would give me a
chance to gather supplies, and as dangerous as my sheet-rope method was, it couldn’t be any
worse than the siafu that would almost certainly be lurking in the building’s hallways and
stairwells.
Wouldn’t it be more dangerous once you reached the streets?
No, safer. [Catches my expression.] No, honestly. That was one of the things I’d learned online.
The living dead were slow and easy to outrun or even outwalk. Indoors, I might run the risk of
being trapped in some narrow choke point, but out in the open, I had infinite options. Better still,
I’d learned from online survivor reports that the chaos of a full-blown outbreak could actually work
to one’s advantage. With so many other frightened, disorganized humans to distract the siafu, why
would they even notice me? As long as I watched my step, kept up a brisk pace, and didn’t have the
misfortune to be hit by a fleeing motorist or stray bullet, I figured I had a pretty good chance of
navigating my way through the chaos on the streets below. The real problem was getting there.
It took me three days to make it all the way down to the ground floor. This was partially due to
my disgraceful physical stamina. A trained athlete would have found my makeshift rope antics a
challenge so you can imagine what they were for me. In retrospect it’s a miracle I didn’t plunge to
my death or succumb to infection with all the scrapes and scratches I endured. My body was held
together with adrenaline and pain medication. I was exhausted, nervous, horribly sleep deprived. I
couldn’t rest in the conventional sense. Once it got dark I would move everything I could against
the door, then sit in a corner, crying, nursing my wounds, and cursing my frailty until the sky began
to lighten. I did manage to close my eyes one night, even drift off to sleep for a few minutes, but
then the banging of a siafu against the front door sent me scurrying out the window. I spent the
remainder of that night huddled on the balcony of the next apartment. Its sliding glass door was
locked and I just didn’t have the strength to kick it in.
My second delay was mental, not physical, specifically my otaku’s obsessive-compulsive drive to
find just the right survival gear, no matter how long it took. My online searches had taught me all
about the right weapons, clothing, food, and medicine. The problem was finding them in an
apartment complex of urban salarymen.
[Laughs.]
I made quite a sight, shimmying down that sheet-rope in a businessman’s raincoat and Reiko’s
bright, pink, vintage “Hello Kitty” schoolbag. It had taken a long time, but by the third day I had
almost everything I needed, everything except a reliable weapon.
There wasn’t anything?
[Smiles.] This was not America, where there used to be more firearms than people. True
fact—an otaku in Kobe hacked this information directly from your National Rifle Association.
I meant a hand tool, a hammer, a crowbar…
What salaryman does his own home maintenance? I thought of a golf club—there were many of
those—but I saw what the man across the way had tried to do. I did find an aluminum baseball bat,
but it had seen so much action that it was too bent out of shape to be effective. I looked
everywhere, believe me, but there was nothing hard or strong or sharp enough I could use to
defend myself. I also reasoned that once I made it to the street, I might have better luck—a
truncheon from a dead policeman or even a soldier’s firearm.
Those were the thoughts that almost got me killed. I was four floors from the ground, almost,
literally, at the end of my rope. Each section I made extended for several floors, just enough length
to allow me to gather more sheets. This time I knew would be the last. By now I had my entire
escape plan worked out: land on the fourth-floor balcony, break into the apartment for a new set of
sheets (I’d given up looking for a weapon by then), slide down to the sidewalk, steal the most
convenient motorcycle (even though I had no idea how to ride one), streaking off like some
old-timey bosozoku, 4 and maybe even grab a girl or two along the way. [Laughs.] My mind was
barely functional by that point. If even the first part of the plan had worked and I did manage to
make it to the ground in that state…well, what matters is that I didn’t.
I landed on the fourth-floor balcony, reached for the sliding door, and looked up right into the
face of a siafu. It was a young man, midtwenties, wearing a torn suit. His nose had been bitten off,
and he dragged his bloody face across the glass. I jumped back, grabbed on to my rope, and tried
to climb back up. My arms wouldn’t respond, no pain, no burning—I mean they had just reached
their limit. The siafu began howling and beating his fists against the glass. In desperation, I tried to
swing myself from side to side, hoping to maybe rappel against the side of the building and land on
the balcony next to me. The glass shattered and the siafu charged for my legs. I pushed off from
the building, letting go of the rope and launching myself with all my might…and I missed.
The only reason we are speaking now is that my diagonal fall carried me onto the balcony below
my target. I landed on my feet, stumbled forward, and almost went toppling off the other side. I
stumbled into the apartment and immediately looked around for any siafu. The living room was
empty, the only piece of furniture a small traditional table propped up against the door. The
occupant must have committed suicide like the others. I didn’t smell anything foul so I guessed he
must have thrown himself out of the window. I reasoned that I was alone, and just this small
measure of relief was enough to cause my legs to give out from under me. I slumped against the
living room wall, almost delirious with fatigue. I found myself looking at a collection of photographs
decorating the opposite wall. The apartment’s owner had been an old man, and the photographs
told of a very rich life. He’d had a large family, many friends, and had traveled to what seemed
every exciting and exotic locale around the world. I’d never even imagined leaving my bedroom,
let alone even leading that kind of life. I promised myself that if I ever made it out of this
nightmare, I wouldn’t just survive, I would live!
My eyes fell on the only other item in the room, a Kami Dana, or traditional Shinto shrine.
Something was on the floor beneath it, I guessed a suicide note. The wind must have blown it off
when I entered. I didn’t feel right just leaving it there. I hobbled across the room and stooped to
pick it up. Many Kami Dana have a small mirror in the center. My eye caught a reflection in that
mirror of something shambling out of the bedroom.
The adrenaline kicked in just as I wheeled around. The old man was still there, the bandage on
his face telling me that he must have reanimated not too long ago. He came at me; I ducked. My
legs were still shaky and he managed to catch me by the hair. I twisted, trying to free myself. He
pulled my face toward his. He was surprisingly fit for his age, muscle equal to, if not superior to,
mine. His bones were brittle though, and I heard them crack as I grabbed the arm that caught me.
I kicked him in the chest, he flew back, his broken arm was still clutching a tuft of my hair. He
knocked against the wall, photographs falling and showering him with glass. He snarled and came
at me again. I backed up, tensed, then grabbed him by his one good arm. I jammed it into his back,
clamped my other hand around the back of his neck, and with a roaring sound I didn’t even know I
could make, I shoved him, ran him, right onto the balcony and over the side. He landed face up on
the pavement, his head still hissing up at me from his otherwise broken body.
Suddenly there was a pounding on the front door, more siafu that’d heard our scuffle. I was
operating on full instinct now. I raced into the old man’s bedroom and began ripping the sheets off
his bed. I figured it wouldn’t take too many, just three more stories and then…then I stopped,
frozen, as motionless as a photograph. That’s what had caught my attention, one last photograph
that was on the bare wall in his bedroom. It was black and white, grainy, and showed a traditional
family. There was a mother, father, a little boy, and what I guessed had to be the old man as a
teenager in uniform. Something was in his hand, something that almost stopped my heart. I bowed
to the man in the photograph and said an almost tearful “Arigato.”
What was in his hand?
I found it at the bottom of a chest in his bedroom, underneath a collection of bound papers and the
ragged remains of the uniform from the photo. The scabbard was green, chipped, army-issue
aluminum and an improvised, leather grip had replaced the original sharkskin, but the
steel…bright like silver, and folded, not machine stamped…a shallow, tori curvature with a long,
straight point. Flat, wide ridge lines decorated with the kiku-sui, the Imperial chrysanthemum, and
an authentic, not acid-stained, river bordering the tempered edge. Exquisite workmanship, and
clearly forged for battle.
[I motioned to the sword at his side. Tatsumi smiles.]
KYOTO, JAPAN
[Sensei Tomonaga Ijiro knows exactly who I am seconds before I enter the room.
Apparently I walk, smell, and even breathe like an American. The founder of
Japan’s Tatenokai, or “Shield Society,” greets me with both a bow and
handshake, then invites me to sit before him like a student. Kondo Tatsumi,
Tomonaga’s second in command, serves us tea then sits beside the old master.
Tomonaga begins our interview with an apology for any discomfort I might feel
about his appearance. The sensei’s lifeless eyes have not functioned since his
adolescence.]
I am “hibakusha.” I lost my sight at 11:02 A.M., August 9, 1945, by your calendar. I was standing
on Mount Kompira, manning the air-raid warning station with several other boys from my class. It
was overcast that day, so I heard, rather than saw, the B-29 passing close overhead. It was only a
single B-san, probably a reconnaissance flight, and not even worth reporting. I almost laughed
when my classmates jumped into our slit trench. I kept my eyes fixed above the Urakami Valley,
hoping to maybe catch a glimpse of the American bomber. Instead, all I saw was the flash, the last
thing I would ever see.
In Japan, hibakusha, “survivors of the bomb,” occupied a unique rung in our nation’s social
ladder. We were treated with sympathy and sorrow: victims and heroes and symbols for every
political agenda. And yet, as human beings, we were little more than social outcasts. No family
would allow their child to marry us. Hibakusha were unclean, blood in Japan’s otherwise pristine
genetic onsen. 1 I felt this shame on a deeply personal level. Not only was I hibakusha, but my
blindness also made me a burden.
Out the sanatorium’s windows I could hear the sounds of our nation struggling to rebuild itself.
And what was my contribution to this effort, nothing!
So many times I tried inquiring about some manner of employment, some work no matter how
small or demeaning. No one would have me. I was still hibakusha, and I learned so many polite
ways to be rejected. My brother begged me to come and stay with him, insisting that he and his
wife would take care of me and even find some “useful” task around the house. For me that was
even worse than the sanatorium. He had just gotten back from the army and they were trying to
have another baby. To impose on them at such a time was unthinkable. Of course, I considered
ending my own life. I even attempted it on many occasions. Something prevented me, staying my
hand each time I groped for the pills or broken glass. I reasoned it was weakness, what else could
it be? A hibakusha, a parasite, and now a dishonorable coward. There was no end to my shame in
those days. As the emperor had said in his surrender speech to our people, I was truly “enduring
the unendurable.”
I left the sanatorium without informing my brother. I didn’t know where I was heading, only that
I had to get as far from my life, my memories, myself, as possible. I traveled, begged mostly…I
had no more honor to lose…until I settled in Sapporo on the island of Hokkaido. This cold,
northern wilderness has always been Japan’s least populated prefecture, and with the loss of
Sakhalin and the Kuriles, it became, as the Western saying goes, “the end of the line.”
In Sapporo, I met an Ainu gardener, Ota Hideki. The Ainu are Japan’s oldest indigenous group,
and even lower on our social ladder than the Koreans.
Maybe that is why he took pity on me, another pariah cast out by the tribe of Yamato. Maybe it
was because he had no one to pass his skills along to. His own son had never returned from
Manchuria. Ota-san worked at the Akakaze, a former luxury hotel that now served as a
repatriation center for Japanese settlers from China. At first the administration complained that
they had no more funds to hire another gardener. Ota-san paid me out of his own pocket. He was
my teacher and only friend, and when he died, I considered following him. But, coward that I was, I
could not bring myself to do it. Instead I simply continued to exist, working silently in the earth as
the Akakaze went from a repatriation center to a luxury hotel and Japan went from conquered
rubble to economic superpower.
I was still working at the Akakaze when I heard of the first domestic outbreak. I was trimming
the Western-style hedges near the restaurant, when I overheard several of the guests discussing
the Nagumo murders. According to their conversation, a man had slain his wife, then set upon the
corpse like some kind of wild dog. This was the first time I had heard the term “African rabies.” I
tried to ignore it and get on with my work, but the next day there were more conversations, more
hushed voices across the lawn and beside the pool. Nagumo was old news compared to the much
more serious outbreak at Sumitomo Hospital in Osaka. And the next day there was Nagoya, then
Sendai, then Kyoto. I tried to push their conversations from my mind. I had come to Hokkaido to
escape from the world, to live out my days in shame and ignominy.
The voice that finally convinced me of danger came from the hotel’s manager, a stiff,
no-nonsense salaryman with a very formal manner of speech. After the outbreak in Hirosaki, he
held a staff meeting to try to debunk, once and for all, these wild rumors about dead bodies coming
back to life. I had only his voice to rely on, and you can tell everything about a person by what
happens when he opens his mouth. Mister Sugawara was pronouncing his words far too carefully,
particularly his hard, sharp consonants. He was overcompensating for a previously conquered
speech impediment, a condition that only threatened to rise in the presence of great anxiety. I had
listened to this verbal defense mechanism before from the seemingly unflappable Sugawara-san,
first during the ’95 quake, and again in ’98 when North Korea had sent a long-range, nuclearcapable
“test missile” streaking over our homeland. Sugawara-san’s articulation had been almost
imperceptible then, now it shrieked louder than the air-raid sirens of my youth.
And so, for the second time in my life, I fled. I considered warning my brother, but so much time
had passed, I had no idea how to reach him or even if he was still alive. That was the last, and
probably the greatest of all my dishonorable acts, the heaviest weight I will carry to my grave.
Why did you run? Were you afraid for your life?
Of course not! If anything I welcomed it! To die, to finally be put out of my lifelong misery was
almost too good to be true…What I feared was, once again, becoming a burden to those around
me. To slow someone down, to take up valuable space, to put other lives in danger if they tried to
save an old blind man who wasn’t worth saving…and what if those rumors about the dead
returning to life were true? What if I were to find myself infected and awake from death to
threaten the lives of my fellow countrymen? No, that was not going to be the fate of this disgraced
hibakusha. If I was to meet my death, it should be in the same manner as I had lived my life.
Forgotten, isolated, and alone.
I left at night and began hitchhiking south down Hokkaido’s DOO Expressway. All I had with me
was a water bottle, a change of clothes, and my ikupasuy, 2 a long, flat shovel similar to a Shaolin
spade but which also served for many years as my walking stick. There was still a sizable amount
of road traffic in those days—our oil from Indonesia and the Gulf was still flowing—and many truck
drivers and private motorists were kind enough to give me a “ride.” With each and every one, our
conversation turned to the crisis: “Did you hear that the Self Defense Force has been mobilized?”;
“The government’s going to have to declare a state of emergency”; “Did you hear there was an
outbreak last night, right here in Sapporo?” No one was sure what the next day would bring, how
far the calamity would spread, or who would be its next victim, and yet, no matter whom I spoke to
or how terrified they sounded, each conversation would inevitably end with “But I’m sure the
authorities will tell us what to do.” One truck driver said, “Any day now, you’ll see, if you just wait
patiently and don’t make a public fuss.” That was the last human voice I heard, the day before I
left civilization and trekked into the Hiddaka Mountains.
I was very familiar with this national park. Ota-san had taken me here every year to collect
sansai, the wild vegetables that attract botanists, hikers, and gourmet chefs from all over the
home islands. As a man who often rises in the middle of the night knows the exact location of every
item in his darkened bedroom, I knew every river and every rock, every tree and patch of moss. I
even knew every onsen that bubbled to the surface, and therefore never wanted for a naturally
hot and cleansing mineral bath. Every day I told myself “This is the perfect place to die, soon I will
have an accident, a fall of some kind, or perhaps I will become ill, contract some sickness or eat a
poisoned root, or maybe I will finally do the honorable thing and just stop eating altogether.” And
yet, every day, I foraged and bathed, dressed warmly and minded my steps. As much as I longed
for death, I continued to take whatever measures necessary to prevent it.
I had no way of knowing what was happening to the rest of my country. I could hear distant
sounds, helicopters, fighter planes, the steady, high-altitude whine of civilian jetliners. Perhaps I
was wrong, I thought, perhaps the crisis was over. For all I knew, the “authorities” had been
victorious, and the danger was rapidly fading into memory. Perhaps my alarmist departure had
done nothing more than create a welcome job opening back at the Akakaze and perhaps, one
morning, I would be roused by the barking voices of angry park rangers, or the giggles and
whispers of schoolchildren on a nature hike. Something did arouse me from my sleep one morning,
but not a collection of giggling students, and no, it wasn’t one of them either.
It was a bear, one of the many large, brown higuma roaming the Hokkaido wilderness. The
higuma had originally migrated from the Kamchatka Peninsula and bore the same ferocity and raw
power of their Siberian cousins. This one was enormous, I could tell by the pitch and resonance of
his breathing. I judged him to be no more than four or five meters from me. I rose slowly, and
without fear. Next to me lay my ikupasuy. It was the closest thing I had to a weapon, and, I
suppose, if I had thought to use it as such, it might have made a formidable defense.
You didn’t use it.
Nor did I want it. This animal was much more than just a random, hungry predator. This was fate, I
believed. This encounter could only be the will of the kami.
Who is Kami?
What is kami. The kami are the spirits that inhabit each and every facet of our existence. We pray
to them, honor them, hope to please them and curry their favor. They are the same spirits that
drive Japanese corporations to bless the site of a soon-to-be constructed factory, and the Japanese
of my generation to worship the emperor as a god. The kami are the foundation of Shinto, literally
“The Way of the Gods,” and worship of nature is one of its oldest, and most sacred principles.
That is why I believed their will was at work that day. By exiling myself into the wilderness, I had
polluted nature’s purity. After dishonoring myself, my family, my country, I had at last taken that
final step and dishonored the gods. Now they had sent an assassin to do what I had been unable to
for so long, to erase my stink. I thanked the gods for their mercy. I wept as I prepared myself for
the blow.
It never came. The bear stopped panting then released a high, almost childlike whimper. “What is
wrong with you?” I actually said to a three-hundred-kilogram carnivore. “Go on and finish me!” The
bear continued to whine like a frightened dog, then tore away from me with the speed of hunted
prey. It was then that I heard the moan. I spun, tried to focus my ears. From the height of his
mouth, I could tell he was taller than me. I heard one foot dragging across the soft, moist earth and
air bubbling from a gaping wound in its chest.
I could hear it reaching out to me, groaning and swiping at empty air. I managed to dodge its
clumsy attempt and snatched up my ikupasuy. I centered my attack on the source of the creature’s
moan. I struck quickly, and the crack vibrated up through my arms. The creature fell back upon the
earth as I released a triumphant shout of “Ten Thousand Years!”
It is difficult for me to describe my feelings at this moment. Fury had exploded within my heart,
a strength and courage that drove away my shame as the sun drives the night from heaven. I
suddenly knew the gods had favored me. The bear hadn’t been sent to kill me, it had been sent to
warn me. I didn’t understand the reason right then, but I knew I had to survive until the day when
that reason was finally revealed.
And that is what I did for the next few months: I survived. I mentally divided the Hiddaka range
into a series of several hundred chi-tai. 3 Each chi-tai contained some object of physical security—a
tree or tall, flat rock—some place I could sleep in peace without the danger of immediate attack. I
slept always during the day, and only traveled, foraged, or hunted at night. I did not know if the
beasts depended on their sight as much as human beings, but I wasn’t going to give them even the
most infinitesimal advantage. 4
Losing my vision had also prepared me for the act of ever-vigilant mobility. Those with sight
have a tendency to take walking for granted; how else could they trip over something they’ve
clearly seen? The fault lies not in the eyes, but in the mind, a lazy thought process spoiled by a
lifetime of optic nerve dependency. Not so for those like me. I already had to be on guard for
potential danger, to be focused, alert, and “watching my step,” so to speak. Simply adding one
more threat was no bother at all. Every time I walked, it was for no longer than several hundred
paces. I would halt, listen to and smell the wind, perhaps even press my ear to the ground. This
method never failed me. I was never surprised, never caught off guard.
Was there ever a problem with long-range detection, not being able to
see an attacker several miles away?
My nocturnal activity would have prevented the use of healthy eyesight, and any beast several
kilometers away was no more a threat to me than I was to it. There was no need to be on my guard
until they entered what you might call my “circle of sensory security,” the maximum range of my
ears, nose, fingertips, and feet. On the best of days, when the conditions were right and Haya-ji 5
was in a helpful mood, that circle extended as far as half a kilometer. On the worst of days, that
range might drop to no more than thirty, possibly fifteen paces. These incidents were infrequent at
best, occurring if I had done something to truly anger the kami, although I can’t possibly imagine
what that would be. The beasts were a great help as well, always being courteous enough to warn
me before attacking.
That howling alarm that ignites the moment they detect prey would not only alert me to the
presence of an attacking creature, but even to the direction, range, and exact position of the
attack. I would hear that moan wafting across the hills and fields and know that, in perhaps half an
hour or so, one of the living dead would be paying me a visit. In instances such as these I would
halt, then patiently prepare myself for the attack. I would unclasp my pack, stretch my limbs,
sometimes just find a place to sit quietly and meditate. I always knew when they were getting close
enough to strike. I always took the time to bow and thank them for being so courteous to warn me.
I almost felt sorry for the poor mindless filth, to come all this way, slowly and methodically, only to
end their journey with a split skull or severed neck.
Did you always kill your enemy on the first strike?
Always.
[He gestures with an imaginary ikupasuy.]
Thrust forward, never swing. At first I would aim for the base of the neck. Later, as my skills
grew with time and experience, I learned to strike here…
[He places his hand horizontally against the indentation between the forehead
and nose.]
It was a little harder than simple decapitation, all that thick tough bone, but it did serve to
destroy the brain, as opposed to decapitation where the living head would always require a
secondary blow.
What about multiple attackers? Was that more of a problem?
Yes, in the beginning. As their numbers swelled, I began to find myself increasingly surrounded.
Those early battles were…“untidy.” I must admit, I allowed my emotions to rule my hand. I was the
typhoon, not the lightning bolt. During one melee at “Tokachi-dake,” I dispatched forty-one in as
many minutes. I was washing bodily fluids from my clothes for a fortnight. Later, as I began to
exercise more tactical creativity, I allowed the gods to join me on the battlefield. I would lead
groups of beasts to the base of a tall rock, where I would crush their skulls from above. I might
even find a rock that allowed them to climb up after me, not all at once, you understand, one by
one, so I could knock them back into the jagged outcroppings below. I was sure to thank the spirit
of each rock, or cliff, or waterfall that carried them over thousand-meter drops. This last incident
was not something I cared to make a habit of. It was a long and arduous climb to retrieve the body.
You went after the corpse?
To bury it. I couldn’t just leave it there, desecrating the stream. It would not have been…“proper.”
Did you retrieve all the bodies?
Every last one. That time, after Tokachi-dake, I dug for three days. The heads I always separated;
most of the time I just burned them, but at Tokachi-dake, I threw them into the volcanic crater
where Oyamatsumi’s 6 rage could purge their stench. I did not completely understand why I
committed these acts. It just felt correct, to separate the source of the evil.
The answer came to me on the eve of my second winter in exile. This would be my last night in
the branches of a tall tree. Once the snow fell, I would return to the cave where I had spent the
previous winter. I had just settled in comfortably, waiting for dawn’s warmth to lull me to sleep,
when I heard the sound of footsteps, too quick and energetic to be a beast. Haya-ji had decided to
be favorable that night. He brought the smell of what could only be a human being. I had come to
realize that the living dead were surprisingly bereft of odor. Yes, there was the subtle hint of
decomposition, stronger, perhaps, if the body had been turned for some time, or if chewed flesh
had pushed through its bowels and collected in a rotting heap in its undergarments. Other than
this, though, the living dead possessed what I refer to as a “scentless stink.” They produced no
sweat, no urine, or conventional feces. They did not even carry the bacteria within their stomach
or teeth that, in living humans, would have fouled their breath. None of this was true of the
two-legged animal rapidly approaching my position. His breath, his body, his clothes, all had clearly
not been washed for some time.
It was still dark so he did not notice me. I could tell that his path would take him directly
underneath the limbs of my tree. I crouched slowly, quietly. I wasn’t sure if he was hostile, insane,
or even recently bitten. I was taking no chances.
[At this point, Kondo chimes in.]
KONDO: He was on me before I knew it. My sword went flying, my feet collapsed from under me.
TOMONAGA: I landed between his shoulder blades, not hard enough to do any permanent damage,
but enough to knock the wind out of his slight, malnourished frame.
KONDO: He had me on my stomach, my face in the dirt, the blade of his shovel-thing pressed tightly
against the back of my neck.
TOMONAGA: I told him to lie still, that I would kill him if he moved.
KONDO: I tried to speak, gasping between coughs that I was friendly, that I didn’t even know he was
there, that all I wanted to do was pass along and be on my way.
TOMONAGA: I asked him where he was going.
KONDO: I told him Nemuro, the main Hokkaido port of evacuation, where there might still be one
last transport, or fishing boat, or…something that might still be left to get me to Kamchatka.
TOMONAGA: I did not understand. I ordered him to explain.
KONDO: I described everything, about the plague, the evacuation. I cried when I told him that Japan
had been completely abandoned, that Japan was nai.
TOMONAGA: And suddenly I knew. I knew why the gods had taken my sight, why they sent me to
Hokkaido to learn how to care for the land, and why they had sent the bear to warn me.
KONDO: He began to laugh as he let me up and helped to brush the dirt from my clothing.
TOMONAGA: I told him that Japan had not been abandoned, not by those whom the gods had chosen
to be its gardeners.
KONDO: At first I didn’t understand…
TOMONAGA: So I explained that, like any garden, Japan could not be allowed to wither and die. We
would care for her, we would preserve her, we would annihilate the walking blight that infested
and defiled her and we would restore her beauty and purity for the day when her children would
return to her.
KONDO: I thought he was insane, and told him so right to his face. The two of us against millions of
siafu?
TOMONAGA: I handed his sword back to him; its weight and balance felt familiar to the touch. I told
him that we might be facing fifty million monsters, but those monsters would be facing the gods.
CIENFUEGOS, CUBA
[Seryosha Garcia Alvarez suggests I meet him at his office. “The view is
breathtaking,” he promises. “You will not be disappointed.” On the sixty-ninth
floor of the Malpica Savings and Loans building, the second-tallest building in
Cuba after Havana’s José Martí Towers, Señor Alvarez’s corner office overlooks
both the glittering metropolis and bustling harbor below. It is the “magic hour”
for energy-independent buildings like the Malpica, that time of the day when it’s
photovoltaic windows capture the setting sun with their almost imperceptible
magenta hue. Señor Alvarez was right. I am not disappointed.]
Cuba won the Zombie War; maybe that’s not the most humble of statements, given what
happened to so many other countries, but just look at where we were twenty years ago as opposed
to where we are now.
Before the war, we lived in a state of quasi-isolation, worse than during the height of the cold
war. At least in my father’s day you could count on what amounted to economic welfare from the
Soviet Union and their ComEcon puppets. Since the fall of the communist bloc, though, our
existence was one of constant deprivation. Rationed food, rationed fuel…the closest comparison I
can make is that of Great Britain during the Blitz, and like that other besieged island, we too lived
under the dark cloud of an ever-present enemy.
The U.S. blockade, while not as constricting as during the cold war, nonetheless sought to
suffocate our economic lifeblood by punishing any nation that attempted free and open trade. As
successful as the U.S. strategy was, its most resounding triumph was allowing Fidel to use our
northern oppressor as an excuse to remain in power. “You see how hard your life is,” he would say.
“The blockade has done this to you, the Yankees have done this to you, and without me, they would
be storming our beaches even now!” He was brilliant, Machiavelli’s most favored son. He knew we
would never remove him while the enemy was at the gates. And so we endured the hardships and
the oppression, the long lines and the hushed voices. This was the Cuba I grew up in, the only Cuba
I could ever imagine. That is, until the dead began to rise.
Cases were small and immediately contained, mostly Chinese refugees and a few European
businessmen. Travel from the United States was still largely prohibited, so we were spared the
initial blow of first-wave mass migration. The repressive nature of our fortress society allowed the
government to take steps to ensure that the infection was never allowed to spread. All internal
travel was suspended, and both the regular army and territorial militias were mobilized. Because
Cuba had such a high percentage of doctors per capita, our leader knew the true nature of the
infection weeks after the first outbreak was reported.
By the time of the Great Panic, when the world finally woke up to the nightmare breaking down
their doors, Cuba had already prepared itself for war.
The simple fact of geography spared us the danger of large-scale, overland swarms. Our
invaders came from the sea, specifically from an armada of boat people. Not only did they bring
the contagion, as we have seen throughout the world, there were also those who believed in ruling
their new homes as modern-day conquistadors.
Look at what happened in Iceland, a prewar paradise, so safe and secure they never found the
need to maintain a standing army. What could they do when the American military withdrew? How
could they stop the torrent of refugees from Europe and western Russia? Is it no mystery how that
once idyllic arctic haven became a cauldron of frozen blood, and why, to this day, it is still the most
heavily infested White Zone on the planet? That could have been us, easily, had it not been for the
example set by our brothers in the smaller Windward and Leeward Islands.
Those men and women, from Anguilla to Trinidad, can proudly take their place as some of the
greatest heroes of the war. They first eradicated multiple outbreaks along their archipelago, then,
with barely a moment to catch their collective breaths, repelled not only seaborne zombies, but an
endless flood of human invaders, too. They spilled their blood so that we did not have to. They
forced our would-be latifundista to reconsider their plans for conquest, and realize that if a few
civilians armed with nothing but small arms and machetes could defend their homelands so
tenaciously, what would they find on the shores of a country armed with everything from main
battle tanks to radar-guided antiship missiles?
Naturally, the inhabitants of the Lesser Antilles were not fighting for the best interests of the
Cuban people, but their sacrifices did allow us the luxury of setting our own terms. Any seeking
sanctuary would find themselves greeted with the saying so common among Norteamericano
parents, “While under my roof, you will obey my rules.”
Not all of the refugees were Yankees; we had our share from mainland Latin America, from
Africa, and western Europe, Spain especially—many Spaniards and Canadians had visited Cuba
either on business or holiday. I had gotten to know a few of them before the war, nice people,
polite, so different from the East Germans of my youth who used to toss handfuls of candy in the
air and laugh while we children scrambled for it like rats.
The majority of our boat people, however, originated from the United States. Every day more
would arrive, by large ship or private craft, even on homemade rafts that brought an ironic smile
to our faces. So many of them, a total of five million, equal to almost half of our indigenous
population, and along with all the other nationalities, they were placed under the jurisdiction of the
government’s “Quarantine Resettlement Program.”
I would not go so far as to call the Resettlement Centers prison camps. They could not compare
to the lives suffered by our political dissidents; the writers and teachers…I had a “friend” who was
accused of being a homosexual. His stories from prison cannot compare to even the harshest
Resettlement Center.
It was not easy living, however. These people, no matter what their prewar occupation or status,
were initially put to work as field hands, twelve to fourteen hours a day, growing vegetables in
what had once been our state-run sugar plantations. At least the climate was on their side. The
temperature was dropping, the skies were darkening. Mother Nature was kind to them. The
guards, however, were not. “Be glad you’re alive,” they’d shout after each slap or kick. “Keep
complaining and we’ll throw you to the zombies!”
Every camp had a rumor about the dreaded “zombie pits,” the hole in which they’d throw the
“troublemakers.” The DGI [the General Intelligence Directorate] had even planted prisoners
in the general population to spread stories about how they personally witnessed men being
lowered, headfirst, into the boiling lake of ghouls. This was all just to keep everyone in line, you
see, none of it was actually true…though…there were stories about the “Miami whites.” The
majority of American Cubanos were welcomed home with open arms. I myself had several
relatives living in Daytona who just barely escaped with their lives. The tears of so many reunions
in those early, frantic days could have filled the Caribbean Sea. But that first wave of
postrevolution immigrants—the affluent elite who had flourished under the old regime and who
spent the rest of their lives trying to topple everything we’d worked so hard to build—as far as
those aristos were concerned…I am not saying there is any proof that they were thrown to the
ghouls by their fat, reactionary, Bacardi blanka drinking asses…But if they were, they can suck
Batista’s balls in hell.
[A thin, satisfied smile crosses his lips.]
Of course, we couldn’t have actually attempted this kind of punishment with your people. Rumors
and threats were one thing, but physical action…push a people, any people too far, and you risk the
possibility of revolt. Five million Yankees, all rising in open revolution? Unthinkable. It already
took too many troops to maintain the camps, and that was the initial success of the Yankee invasion
of Cuba.
We simply didn’t have the manpower to guard five million detainees and almost four thousand
kilometers of coastline. We couldn’t fight a war on two fronts. And so the decision was made to
dissolve the centers and allow 10 percent of the Yankee detainees to work outside the wire on a
specialized parole program. These detainees would do the jobs Cubanos no longer wanted—day
laborers, dish washers, and street cleaners—and while their wages would be next to nothing, their
labor hours would go to a point system that allowed them to buy the freedom of other detainees.
It was an ingenious idea—some Florida Cubano came up with it—and the camps were drained in
six months. At first the government tried to keep track of all of them, but that soon proved
impossible. Within a year they had almost fully integrated, the “Nortecubanos,” insinuating
themselves into every facet of our society.
Officially the camps had been created to contain the spread of “infection,” but that wasn’t the
kind spread by the dead.
You couldn’t see this infection at first, not when we were still under siege. It was still behind
closed doors, still spoken in whispers. Over the next several years what occurred was not so much
a revolution as an evolution, an economic reform here, a legalized, privately owned newspaper
there. People began to think more boldly, talk more boldly. Slowly, quietly, the seeds began to
take root. I’m sure Fidel would have loved to bring his iron fist crashing down on our fledgling
freedoms. Perhaps he might have, if world events had not shifted in our favor. It was when the
world governments decided to go on the attack that everything changed forever.
Suddenly we became “the Arsenal of Victory.” We were the breadbasket, the manufacturing
center, the training ground, and the springboard. We became the air hub for both North and South
America, the great dry dock for ten thousand ships. 1 We had money, lots of it, money that created
an overnight middle class, and a thriving, capitalist economy that needed the refined skills and
practical experience of the Nortecubanos.
We shared a bond I don’t think can ever be broken. We helped them reclaim their nation, and
they helped us reclaim ours. They showed us the meaning of democracy…freedom, not just in
vague, abstract terms, but on a very real, individually human level. Freedom isn’t just something
you have for the sake of having, you have to want something else first and then want the freedom
to fight for it. That was the lesson we learned from the Nortecubanos. They all had such grand
dreams, and they’d lay down their lives for the freedom to make those dreams come true. Why
else would El Jefe be so damned afraid of them?
I’m not surprised that Fidel knew the tides of freedom were coming to sweep him out of power. I
am surprised at how well he rode the wave.
[He laughs, gesturing to a photo on the wall of an aged Castro speaking in the
Parque Central.]
Can you believe the cojones of that son of a bitch, to not only embrace the country’s new
democracy, but to actually take credit for it? Genius. To personally preside over the first free
elections of Cuba where his last official act was to vote himself out of power. That is why his legacy
is a statue and not a bloodstain against a wall. Of course our new Latin superpower is anything but
idyllic. We have hundreds of political parties and more special-interest groups than sands on our
beaches. We have strikes, we have riots, we have protests, it seems, almost every day. You can see
why Che ducked out right after the revolution. It’s a lot easier to blow up trains than to make them
run on time. What is it that Mister Churchill used to say? “Democracy is the worst form of
government, except for all the others.” [He laughs.]
PATRIOT’S MEMORIAL, THE FORBIDDEN CITY, BEIJING, CHINA
[I suspect Admiral Xu Zhicai has chosen this particular spot on the off chance
that a photographer would be present. Although no one since the war has ever
remotely questioned either his or his crew’s patriotism, he is taking no chances
for the eyes of “foreign readers.” Initially defensive, he consents to this
interview only on the condition that I listen objectively to “his” side of the story,
a demand he clings to even after I explain that there is no other.]
[Note: For the sake of clarity, Western naval designations have replaced the
authentic Chinese.]
We were not traitors—I say this before I’ll say anything else. We loved our country, we loved our
people, and while we may not have loved those who ruled both, we were unwaveringly loyal to our
leadership.
We never would have imagined doing what we did had not the situation become so desperate. By
the time Captain Chen first voiced his proposal, we were already on the brink. They were in every
city, every village. In the nine and a half million square kilometers that made up our country, you
couldn’t find one centimeter of peace.
The army, arrogant bastards that they were, kept insisting that they had the problem under
control, that every day was the turning point and before the next snow fell upon the earth they
would have the entire country pacified. Typical army thinking: overaggressive, overconfident. All
you need is a group of men, or women, give them matching clothes, a few hours training,
something that passes for a weapon, and you have an army, not the best army, but still an army
nonetheless.
That can’t happen with the navy, any navy. Any ship, no matter how crude, requires considerable
energy and materials to create. The army can replace its cannon fodder in hours; for us, it might
take years. This tends to make us more pragmatic than our compatriots in green. We tend to look
at a situation with a bit more…I don’t want to say caution, but perhaps more strategic
conservatism. Withdraw, consolidate, husband your resources. That was the same philosophy as
the Redeker Plan, but of course, the army wouldn’t listen.
They rejected Redeker?
Without the slightest consideration or internal debate. How could the army ever lose? With their
vast stockpiles of conventional armaments, with their “bottomless well” of manpower…“bottomless
well,” unforgivable. Do you know why we had such a population explosion during the 1950s?
Because Mao believed it was the only way to win a nuclear war. This is truth, not propaganda. It
was common knowledge that when the atomic dust eventually settled, only a few thousand
American or Soviet survivors would be overwhelmed by tens of millions of Chinese. Numbers, that
was the philosophy of my grandparents’ generation, and it was the strategy the army was quick to
adopt once our experienced, professional troops were devoured in the outbreak’s early stages.
Those generals, sick, twisted old criminals sitting safely in their bunker and ordering wave after
wave of conscripted teenagers into battle. Did they even think that every dead soldier was now a
live zombie? Did they ever realize that, instead of drowning them in our bottomless well, we were
the ones drowning, choking to death as the most populous nation on Earth found itself, for the first
time in history, in danger of becoming fatally outnumbered?
That was what pushed Captain Chen over the edge. He knew what would happen if the war
continued along its course, and what our chances for survival would be. If he thought that there
was any hope, he would have grabbed a rifle and hurled himself at the living dead. He was
convinced that soon there would be no more Chinese people, and perhaps, eventually, no more
people anywhere. That was why he made his intentions known to his senior officers, declaring that
we might be the only chance of preserving something of our civilization.
Did you agree with his proposal?
I didn’t even believe it at first. Escape in our boat, our nuclear submarine? This wasn’t just
desertion, slinking out in the middle of a war to save our own pathetic skins. This was stealing one
of the motherland’s most valuable national assets. The Admiral Zheng He was only one of three
ballistic missiles subs and the newest of what the West referred to as the Type 94. She was the
child of four parents: Russian assistance, black-market technology, the fruits of anti-American
espionage, and, let us not forget, the culmination of nearly five thousand years of continuous
Chinese history. She was the most expensive, the most advanced, the most powerful machine our
nation had ever constructed. To simply steal her, like a lifeboat from the sinking ship of China, was
inconceivable. It was only Captain Chen’s force of personality, his deep, fanatical patriotism that
convinced me of our only alternative.
How long did it take to prepare?
Three months. It was hell. Qingdao, our home port, was in a constant state of siege. More and
more army units were called in to maintain order, and each was just a little less trained, a little less
equipped, a little younger, or older, than the one that came before it. Some of the surface ship
captains had to donate “expendable” crew to shore up base defenses. Our perimeter was under
attack almost every day. And through all of this we had to prepare and provision the boat for sea.
It was supposed to be a routinely scheduled patrol; we had to smuggle on board both emergency
supplies and family members.
Family members?
Oh yes, that was the cornerstone of the plan. Captain Chen knew the crew wouldn’t leave port
unless their families could come with them.
How was that possible?
To find them or to smuggle them aboard?
Both.
Finding them was difficult. Most of us had family scattered throughout the country. We did our best
to communicate with them, get a phone line working or send word with an army unit headed in that
direction. The message was always the same: we’d be heading back out on patrol soon and their
presence was required at the ceremony. Sometimes we’d try to make it more urgent, as if
someone was dying and needed to see them. That was the best we could do. No one was allowed to
go out and physically get them: too risky. We didn’t have multiple crews like you do on your missile
boats. Every rating would be missed at sea. I pitied my shipmates, the agony of their waiting. I was
lucky that my wife and children…
Children? I thought…
That we were only allowed one child? That law was modified years before the war, a practical
solution to the problem of an imbalanced nation of only-child sons. I had twin daughters. I was
lucky. My wife and children were already on base when the trouble started.
What about the captain? Did he have family?
His wife had left him in the early eighties. It was a devastating scandal, especially in those days. It
still astounds me how he managed to both salvage his career and raise his son.
He had a son? Did he come with you?
[Xu evades the question.]
The worst part for many others was the waiting, knowing that even if they managed to make it
to Qingdao, there was a very good chance that we might have already sailed. Imagine the guilt.
You ask your family to come to you, perhaps leave the relative safety of their preexisting hideout,
and arrive only to be abandoned at the dock.
Did many of them show up?
More than one would have guessed. We smuggled them aboard at night, wearing uniforms.
Some—children and the elderly—were carried in supply crates.
Did the families know what was happening? What you were intending
to do?
I don’t believe so. Every member of our crew had strict orders to keep silent. Had the MSS even
had a whiff of what we were up to, the living dead would have been the least of our fears. Our
secrecy also forced us to depart according to our routine patrol schedule. Captain Chen wanted so
badly to wait for stragglers, family members who might be perhaps only a few days, a few hours,
away! He knew it might have jeopardized everything, however, and reluctantly gave the order to
cast off. He tried to hide his feelings and I think, in front of most, he might have gotten away with
it. I could see it in his eyes though, reflecting the receding fires of Qingdao.
Where were you headed?
First to our assigned patrol sector, just so everything would initially seem normal. After that, no
one knew.
A new home, at least for the time being, was out of the question. By this point the blight had
spread to every corner of the planet. No neutral country, no matter how remote, could guarantee
our safety.
What about coming over to our side, America, or another Western
country?
[He flashes a cold, hard stare.]
Would you? The Zheng carried sixteen JL-2 ballistic missiles; all but one carried four multiple
reentry warheads, with a ninety-kiloton yield. That made her equivalent to one of the strongest
nations in the world, enough power to murder entire cities with just the turn of a key. Would you
turn that power over to another country, the one country up until that point that had used nuclear
weapons in anger? Again, and for the last time, we were not traitors. No matter how criminally
insane our leadership might have been, we were still Chinese sailors.
So you were alone.
All alone. No home, no friends, no safe harbor no matter how harsh the storm. The Admiral Zheng
He was our entire universe: heaven, earth, sun, and moon.
That must have been very difficult.
The first few months passed as though it was merely a regular patrol. Missile subs are designed to
hide, and that’s what we did. Deep and silent. We weren’t sure if our own attack subs were out
looking for us. In all probability our government had other worries. Still, regular battle drills were
conducted and the civilians trained in the art of noise discipline. The chief of the boat even rigged
special soundproofing for the mess hall so it could be both a schoolroom and play area for the
children. The children, especially the younger ones, had no idea what was happening. Many of
them had even traveled with their families across infested areas, some barely escaping with their
lives. All they knew was that the monsters were gone, banished to their occasional nightmares.
They were safe now, and that’s all that mattered. I guess that is how we all felt those first few
months. We were alive, we were together, we were safe. Given what was happening to the rest of
the planet, what more could we want?
Did you have some way of monitoring the crisis?
Not immediately. Our goal was stealth, avoiding both commercial shipping lanes and submarine
patrol sectors…ours, and yours. We speculated, though. How fast was it spreading? Which
countries were the most affected? Was anyone using the nuclear option? If so, that would be the
end for all of us. In a radiated planet, the walking dead might be the only creatures left “alive.” We
weren’t sure what high doses of radiation would do to a zombie’s brain. Would it eventually kill
them, riddling their gray matter with multiple, expanding tumors? That would be the case for a
regular human brain, but since the living dead contradicted every other law of nature, why should
this reaction be any different? Some nights in the wardroom, speaking in low voices over our
off-duty tea, we conjured images of zombies as fast as cheetahs, as agile as apes, zombies with
mutated brains that grew and throbbed and burst from the confines of their skulls. Lieutenant
Commander Song, our reactor officer, had brought aboard his watercolors and had painted the
scene of a city in ruins. He tried to say that it wasn’t any city in particular but we all recognized
the twisted remains of the Pudong skyline. Song had grown up in Shanghai. The broken horizon
glowed a dull magenta against the pitch-black sky of nuclear winter. A rain of ash peppered the
islands of debris that rose from lakes of melted glass. Snaking through the center of this
apocalyptic backdrop was a river, a greenish-brown snake that rose up into a head of a thousand
interconnected bodies: cracked skin, exposed brain, flesh dripping from bony arms that reached
out from openmouthed faces with red, glowing eyes. I don’t know when Commander Song began
his project, only that he secretly unveiled it to a few of us after our third month at sea. He never
intended to show it to Captain Chen. He knew better. But someone must have talked and the Old
Man soon put a stop to it.
Song was ordered to paint over his work with something cheerful, a summer sunset over Lake
Dian. He then followed up with several more “positive” murals on any space of exposed bulkhead.
Captain Chen also ordered a halt to all off-duty speculation. “Detrimental to the morale of the
crew.” I think it pushed him, though, to reestablish some semblance of contact with the outside
world.
Semblance as in active communication, or passive surveillance?
The latter. He knew Song’s painting and our apocalyptic discussions were the result of our
long-term isolation. The only way to quell any further “dangerous thought” was to replace
speculation with hard facts. We’d been in total blackout for almost a hundred days and nights. We
needed to know what was happening, even if it was as dark and hopeless as Song’s painting.
Up until this point, our sonar officer and his team were the only ones with any knowledge of the
world beyond our hull. These men listened to the sea: the currents, the “biologics” such as fish and
whales, and the distant thrashing of nearby propellers. I said before that our course had taken us
to the most remote recesses of the world’s oceans. We had intentionally chosen areas where no
ship would normally be detected. Over the previous months, however, Liu’s team had been
collecting an increasing number of random contacts. Thousands of ships were now crowding the
surface, many of them with signatures that did not match our computer archive.
The captain ordered the boat to periscope depth. The ESM mast went up and was flooded with
hundreds of radar signatures; the radio mast suffered a similar deluge. Finally the scopes, both the
search and main attack periscopes, broke the surface. It’s not like you see in the movies, a man
flipping down the handles and staring through a telescopic eyepiece. These scopes don’t penetrate
the inner hull. Each one is a video camera with its signal relayed to monitors throughout the boat.
We couldn’t believe what we were seeing. It was as if humanity was putting everything they had to
sea. We spotted tankers, freighters, cruise ships. We saw tugboats towing barges, we saw
hydrofoils, garbage scows, bottom dredgers, and all of this within the first hour.
Over the next few weeks, we observed dozens of military vessels, too, any of which could have
probably detected us, but none of which seemed to care. You know the USS Saratoga? We saw her,
being towed across the South Atlantic, her flight deck now a tent city. We saw a ship that had to be
HMS Victory, plying the waves under a forest of improvised sails. We saw the Aurora, the actual
World War I–era heavy cruiser whose mutiny had sparked the Bolshevik Revolution. I don’t know
how they got her out of Saint Petersburg, or how they found enough coal to keep her boilers lit.
There were so many beat-up hulks that should have been retired years ago: skiffs, ferries, and
lighters that had spent their careers on quiet lakes or inland rivers, coastal crafts that should have
never left the harbor for which they’d been designed. We saw a floating dry dock the size of an
overturned skyscraper, her deck now stuffed with construction scaffolding that served as
makeshift apartments. She was drifting aimlessly, no tug or support vessel in sight. I don’t know
how those people survived, or even if they survived. There were a lot of drifting ships, their fuel
bunkers dry, no way to generate power.
We saw many small private boats, yachts, and cabin cruisers that had lashed themselves
together to form giant directionless rafts. We saw many purpose-built rafts as well, made from
logs or tires.
We even came across a nautical shantytown constructed atop hundreds of garbage bags filled
with Styrofoam packing peanuts. It reminded us all of the “Ping-Pong Navy,” the refugees who,
during the Cultural Revolution, had tried to float to Hong Kong on sacks filled with Ping-Pong balls.
We pitied these people, pitied what could only be their hopeless fate. To be adrift in the middle of
the ocean, and prey to hunger, thirst, sunstroke, or the sea herself…Commander Song called it
“humanity’s great regression.” “We came from the sea,” he would say, “and now we’re running
back.” Running was an accurate term. These people clearly hadn’t put any thought into what they
would do once they reached the “safety” of the waves. They just figured it was better than being
torn apart back on land. In their panic they probably didn’t realize they were just prolonging the
inevitable.
Did you ever try to help them? Give them food or water, maybe tow
them…
To where? Even if we had some idea where the safe ports might have been, the captain wouldn’t
dare take the risk of detection. We didn’t know who had a radio, who might be listening to that
signal. We still didn’t know if we were a hunted boat. And there was another danger: the immediate
threat of the undead. We saw a lot of infested ships, some where the crews were still fighting for
their lives, some where the dead were the only crew left. One time off Dakar, Senegal, we came
across a forty-five-thousand-ton luxury liner called the Nordic Empress. Our search scope’s optics
were powerful enough to see every bloody handprint smeared on the ballroom’s windows, every
fly that settled on the deck’s bones and flesh. Zombies were falling into the ocean, one every
couple of minutes. They would see something in the distance, a low-flying aircraft, I think, or even
the feather of our scope, and try to reach for it. It gave me an idea. If we surfaced a few hundred
meters away, and did everything we could to lure them over the side, we might be able to clear the
ship without firing a shot. Who knows what the refugees might have brought aboard with them?
The Nordic Empress might turn out to be a floating replenishment depot. I presented my proposal
to the master at arms and together we approached the captain.
What did he say?
“Absolutely not.” There was no way of knowing how many zombies were onboard the dead liner.
Even worse, he motioned to the video screen and pointed to some of the zombies falling
overboard. “Look,” he said, “not all of them are sinking.” He was right. Some had reanimated
wearing life jackets, while others were beginning to bloat up with decomposition gases. That was
the first time I had ever seen a floating ghoul. I should have realized then that they would become
a common occurrence. Even if 10 percent of the refugee ships were infested, that was still 10
percent of several hundred thousand vessels. There were millions of zombies falling randomly into
the sea, or else pouring in by the hundreds when one of those old hulks capsized in rough weather.
After a storm, they would blanket the surface to the horizon, rising waves of bobbing heads and
flailing arms. Once we raised the search scope and were confronted with this distorted,
greenish-gray haze. At first we thought it was an optical malfunction, as if we’d hit some floating
debris, but then the attack scope confirmed that we’d speared one of them right under the rib
cage. And it was still struggling, probably even after we lowered the scope. If ever something
brought the threat home…
But you were underwater? How could they…
If we surfaced and one was caught on deck, or on the bridge. The first time I cracked the hatch, a
fetid, waterlogged claw darted in and had me by the sleeve. I lost my footing, fell onto the lookout
below me, and landed on the deck with the severed arm still clamped to my uniform. Above me,
silhouetted in the bright disc of the open hatch, I could see the arm’s owner. I reached for my
sidearm, fired straight up without thinking. We were showered in bone and bits of brain. We were
lucky…if any of us had had any kind of open wound…I deserved the reprimand I got, although I
deserved worse. From that point on, we always did a thorough scope sweep after surfacing. I
would say that, at least one in every three instances, a few of them were crawling about on the
hull.
Those were the observation days, when all we did was look and listen to the world around us.
Besides the scopes we could monitor both civilian radio traffic and even some satellite television
broadcasts. It wasn’t a pretty picture. Cities were dying, whole countries. We listened to the last
report from Buenos Aires, the evacuation of the Japanese home islands, too. We heard sketchy
information about mutinies in the Russian military. We heard after reports of the “limited nuclear
exchange” between Iran and Pakistan, and we marveled, morbidly, at how we had been so sure
that either you, or the Russians, would be the ones to turn the key. There were no reports from
China, no illegal or even official government broadcasts. We were still detecting naval
transmissions, but all the codes had been shifted since our departure. While this presented
something of a personal threat—we didn’t know if our fleet had orders to hunt down and sink
us—at least it proved our whole nation hadn’t disappeared into the stomachs of the undead. At this
point in our exile any news was welcome.
Food was becoming an issue, not immediately, but soon enough to begin considering options.
Medicine was a bigger problem; both our Western-style drugs and various traditional herb
remedies were beginning to run low because of the civilians. Many of them had special medical
needs.
Mrs. Pei, the mother of one of our torpedo men, was suffering from chronic bronchial problems,
an allergic reaction to something on the boat, the paint or perhaps machine oil, something you
couldn’t simply remove from the environment. She was consuming our decongestants at an
alarming rate. Lieutenant Chin, the boat’s weapons officer suggested, matter-of-factly, that the old
woman be euthanized. The captain responded by confining him to quarters, for a week, on
half-rations, with all but the most life-threatening sickness to go untreated by the boat’s
pharmacist. Chin was a coldhearted bastard, but at least his suggestion brought our options into
the light. We had to prolong our supply of consumables, if not find a way of recycling them
altogether.
Raiding derelicts was still strictly forbidden. Even when we spotted what looked like a deserted
vessel, at least a few zombies could be heard banging belowdecks. Fishing was a possibility, but we
had neither the material to rig any kind of net, nor were we willing to spend hours on the surface
dropping hooks and lines over the side.
The solution came from the civilians, not the crew. Some of them had been farmers or herbalists
before the crisis, and a few had brought little bags of seeds. If we could provide them with the
necessary equipment, they might be able to start raising enough food to stretch our existing
provisions for years. It was an audacious plan, but not completely without merit. The missile room
was certainly large enough for a garden. Pots and troughs could be hammered out of existing
materials, and the ultraviolet lamps we used for the crew’s vitamin D treatment could serve as
artificial sunlight.
The only problem was soil. None of us knew anything about hydroponics, aeroponics, or any
other alternate agricultural method. We needed earth, and there was only one way to get it. The
captain had to consider this carefully. Trying to deploy a shore party was as dangerous as, if not
more than, attempting to board an infested ship. Before the war, more than half of all human
civilization lived at or near the world’s coastlines. The infestation only increased this number as
refugees sought to flee by water.
We began our search off the mid-Atlantic coast of South America, from Georgetown, Guyana,
then down the coasts of Surinam, and French Guyana. We found several stretches of uninhabited
jungle, and at least by periscope observation, the coast appeared to be clear. We surfaced and
made a second, visual sweep from the bridge. Again, nothing. I requested permission to take a
landing party ashore. The captain was not yet convinced. He ordered the foghorn blown…loud and
long…and then they came.
Just a few at first, tattered, wide-eyed, stumbling out of the jungle. They didn’t seem to notice
the shoreline, the waves knocking them over, pushing them back up on the beach or pulling them
out to sea. One was dashed against a rock, his chest crushed, broken ribs stabbing through the
flesh. Black foam shot from his mouth as he howled at us, still trying to walk, to crawl, in our
direction. More came, a dozen at a time; within minutes we had over a hundred plunging into the
surf. This was the case everywhere we surfaced. All those refugees who’d been too unlucky to
make it to the open ocean now formed a lethal barrier along every stretch of coastline we visited.
Did you ever try to land a shore party?
[Shakes his head.] Too dangerous, even worse than the infested ships. We decided that our only
choice was to find soil on an offshore island.
But you must have known what was happening on the world’s islands.
You would be surprised. After leaving our Pacific patrol station, we restricted our movements to
either the Atlantic or the Indian Ocean. We’d heard transmissions or made visual observations of
many of those specks of land. We learned about the overcrowding, the violence…we saw the gun
flashes from the Windward Islands. That night, on the surface, we could smell the smoke as it
drifted east from the Caribbean. We could also hear islands that weren’t so lucky. The Cape
Verdes, off the coast of Senegal, we didn’t even see them before we heard the wails. Too many
refugees, too little discipline; it only takes one infected soul. How many islands remained
quarantined after the war? How many frozen, northern rocks are still deeply and dangerously in
the white?
Returning to the Pacific was our most likely option, but that would also bring us right back up to
our country’s front door.
Again, we still did not know if the Chinese navy was hunting us or even if there was still a
Chinese navy. All we knew was that we needed stores and that we craved direct contact with other
human beings. It took some time to convince the captain. The last thing he wanted was a
confrontation with our navy.
He was still loyal to the government?
Yes. And then there was…a personal matter.
Personal? Why?
[He skirts the question.]
Have you ever been to Manihi?
[I shake my head.]
You couldn’t ask for a more ideal image of a prewar tropical paradise. Flat, palm-covered islands
or “motus” form a ring around a shallow, crystal-clear lagoon. It used to be one of the few places
on Earth where they cultured authentic black pearls. I had bought a pair for my wife when we
visited Tuamotus for our honeymoon, so my firsthand knowledge made this atoll the most likely
destination.
Manihi had changed utterly since I was a newly married ensign. The pearls were gone, the
oysters were eaten, and the lagoon was crowded with hundreds of small, private boats. The motus
themselves were paved with either tents or ramshackle huts. Dozens of improvised canoes either
sailed or rowed back and forth between the outer reef and the dozen or so large ships that were
anchored in deeper water. The whole scene was typical of what, I guess, postwar historians are
now calling “the Pacific Continent,” the refugee island culture that stretched from Palau to French
Polynesia. It was a new society, a new nation, refugees from all over the world uniting under the
common flag of survival.
How did you integrate yourself into that society?
Through trade. Trade was the central pillar of the Pacific Continent. If your boat had a large
distillery, you sold fresh water. If it had a machine shop, you became a mechanic. The Madrid
Spirit, a liquefied natural gas carrier, sold its cargo off for cooking fuel. That was what gave Mister
Song his idea for our “market niche.” He was Commander Song’s father, a hedge-fund broker from
Shenzhen. He came up with the idea of running floating power lines into the lagoon and leasing the
electricity from our reactor.
[He smiles.]
We became millionaires, or…at least the barter equivalent: food, medicine, any spare part we
needed or the raw materials to manufacture them. We got our greenhouse, along with a miniature
waste recovery plant to turn our own night soil into valuable fertilizer. We “bought” equipment for
a gymnasium, a full wet bar, and home entertainment systems for both the enlisted mess and
wardroom. The children were lavished with toys and candy, whatever was left, and most
importantly, continuing education from several of the barges that had been converted into
international schools. We were welcomed into any home, onto any boat. Our enlisted men, and
even some of the officers, were given free credit on any one of the five “comfort” boats anchored
in the lagoon. And why not? We lit up their nights, we powered their machinery. We brought back
long forgotten luxuries like air conditioners and refrigerators. We brought computers back online
and gave most of them the first hot shower they’d had in months. We were so successful that the
island council even allowed us a reprieve, although we politely refused, from taking part in the
island’s perimeter security.
Against seaborne zombies?
They were always a danger. Every night they would wander up onto the motus or try to drag
themselves up the anchor line of a low-lying boat. Part of the “citizenship dues” for staying at
Manihi was to help patrol the beaches and boats for zombies.
You mentioned anchor lines. Aren’t zombies poor climbers?
Not when water counteracts gravity. Most of them only have to follow an anchor chain up to the
surface. If that chain leads to a boat whose deck is only centimeters above the water line…there
were at least as many lagoon as beach attacks. Nights were always worse. That was another
reason we were so welcome. We could take back the darkness, both above and below the surface.
It is a chilling sight to point a flashlight at the water and see the bluish-green outline of a zombie
crawling up an anchor line.
Wouldn’t the light tend to attract even more of them?
Yes, definitely. Night attacks almost doubled once mariners began leaving their lights on. The
civilians never complained though, and neither did the island’s council. I think that most people
would rather face the light of a real enemy than the darkness of their imagined fears.
How long did you stay in Manihi?
Several months. I don’t know if you would call them the best months of our lives, but at the time it
certainly felt that way. We began to let our guard down, to stop thinking of ourselves as fugitives.
There were even some Chinese families, not Diaspora or Taiwanese, but real citizens of the
People’s Republic. They told us that the situation had gotten so bad that the government was
barely keeping the country together. They couldn’t see how, when over half the population was
infected and the army’s reserves were continuing to evaporate, they had the time or assets to
devote any energy to find one lost sub. For a little while, it looked as if we could make this small
island community our home, reside here until the end of the crisis or, perhaps, the end of the
world.
[He looks up at the monument above us, built on the very spot where,
supposedly, the last zombie in Beijing had been destroyed.]
Song and I had shore patrol duty, the night it happened. We’d stopped by a campfire to listen to
the islanders’ radio. There was some broadcast about a mysterious natural disaster in China. No
one knew what it was yet, and there were more than enough rumors to keep us guessing. I was
looking at the radio, my back to the lagoon, when the sea in front of me suddenly began to glow. I
turned just in time to see the Madrid Spirit explode. I don’t know how much natural gas she still
carried, but the fireball skyrocketed high into the night, expanding and incinerating all life on the
two closest motus. My first thought was “accident,” a corroded valve, a careless deckhand.
Commander Song had been looking right at it though, and he’d seen the streak of the missile. A
half second later, the Admiral Zheng’s foghorn sounded.
As we raced back to the boat, my wall of calm, my sense of security, came crashing down around
me. I knew that missile had come from one of our subs. The only reason it had hit the Madrid was
because she sat much higher in water, presenting a larger radar outline. How many had been
aboard? How many were on those motus? I suddenly realized that every second we stayed put the
civilian islanders in danger of another attack. Captain Chen must have been thinking the same
thing. As we reached the deck, the orders to cast off were sounded from the bridge. Power lines
were cut, heads counted, hatches dogged. We set course for open water and dived at battle
stations.
At ninety meters we deployed our towed array sonar and immediately detected hull popping
noises of another sub changing depth. Not the flexible “pop-groooaaan-pop” of steel but the quick
“pop-pop-pop” of brittle titanium. Only two countries in the world used titanium hulls in their attack
boats: the Russian Federation and us. The blade count confirmed it was ours, a new Type 95
hunter-killers. Two were in service by the time we left port. We couldn’t tell which one.
Was that important?
[Again, he does not answer.]
At first, the captain wouldn’t fight. He chose to bottom the boat, set her down on a sandy plateau
at the bare limit of our crush depth. The Type 95 began banging away with its active sonar array.
The sound pulses echoed through the water, but couldn’t get a fix on us because of the ocean floor.
The 95 switched to a passive search, listening with its powerful hydrophone array for any noise we
made. We reduced the reactor to a marginal output, shut down all unnecessary machinery, and
ceased all crew movement within the boat. Because passive sonar doesn’t send out any signals,
there was no way of knowing where the 95 was, or even if it was still around. We tried to listen for
her propeller, but she’d gone as silent as us. We waited for half an hour, not moving, barely
breathing.
I was standing by the sonar shack, my eyes on the overhead, when Lieutenant Liu tapped me on
the shoulder. He had something on our hull-mounted array, not the other sub, something closer, all
around us. I plugged in a pair of headphones and heard a scraping noise, like scratching rats. I
silently motioned for the captain to listen. We couldn’t make it out. It wasn’t bottom flow, the
current was too mild for that. If it was sea life, crabs or some other biologic contact, there would
have to be thousands of them. I began to suspect something…I requested a scope observation,
knowing the transient noise might alert our hunter. The captain agreed. We gritted our teeth as the
tube slid upward. Then, the image.
Zombies, hundreds of them, were swarming over the hull. More were arriving each second,
stumbling across the barren sand, climbing over each other to claw, scrape, actually bite the
Zheng’s steel.
Could they have gotten in? Opened a hatch or…
No, all hatches are sealed from the inside and torpedo tubes are protected by external bow caps.
What concerned us, however, was the reactor. It was cooled by circulating seawater. The intakes,
although not large enough for a man to fit through, can easily be blocked by one. Sure enough, one
of our warning lights began to silently flash over the number four intake. One of them had ripped
the guard off and was now thoroughly lodged in the conduit. The reactor’s core temperature began
to rise. To shut it down would leave us powerless. Captain Chen decided that we had to move.
We lifted off the bottom, trying to be as slow and quiet as possible. It wasn’t enough. We began to
detect the sound of the 95’s propeller. She’d heard us and was moving in to attack. We heard her
torpedo tubes being flooded, and the click of her outer doors opening. Captain Chen ordered our
own sonar to “go active,” pinging our exact location but giving us a perfect firing solution on the
95.
We fired at the same time. Our torpedoes passed each other, as both subs tried to get away. The
95 was a little bit faster, a little more maneuverable, but the one thing they didn’t have was our
captain. He knew exactly how to avoid the oncoming “fish,” and we ducked them easily right about
the time our own found their targets.
We heard the 95’s hull screech like a dying whale, bulkheads collapsing as compartments
imploded one after the other. They tell you it happens too fast for the crew to know; either the
shock of the pressure change renders them unconscious or the explosion can actually cause the air
to ignite. The crew dies quickly, painlessly, at least, that’s what we hoped. One thing that wasn’t
painless was to watch the light behind my captain’s eyes die with the sounds of the doomed sub.
[He anticipates my next question, clenching his fist and exhaling hard through
his nose.]
Captain Chen raised his son alone, raised him to be a good sailor, to love and serve the state, to
never question orders, and to be the finest officer the Chinese navy had ever seen. The happiest
day of his life was when Commander Chen Zhi Xiao received his first command, a brand-new Type
95 hunter-killer.
The kind that attacked you?
[Nods.] That was why Captain Chen would have done anything to avoid our fleet. That was why it
was so important to know which sub had attacked us. To know is always better, no matter what the
answer might be. He had already betrayed his oath, betrayed his homeland, and now to believe
that that betrayal might have led him to murder his own son…
The next morning when Captain Chen did not appear for first watch, I went to his cabin to check
on him. The lights were dim, I called his name. To my relief, he answered, but when he stepped into
the light…his hair had lost its color, as white as prewar snow. His skin was sallow, his eyes sunken.
He was truly an old man now, broken, withered. The monsters that rose from the dead, they are
nothing compared to the ones we carry in our hearts.
From that day on, we ceased all contact with the outside world. We headed for the arctic ice, the
farthest, darkest, most desolate void we could find. We tried to continue with our day-to-day life:
maintaining the boat; growing food; schooling, raising, and comforting our children as best we
could. With the captain’s spirit gone, so went the spirit of the Admiral Zheng’s crew. I was the only
one who ever saw him during those days. I delivered his meals, collected his laundry, briefed him
daily on the condition of the boat, then relayed his orders to the rest of the crew. It was routine,
day in, day out.
Our monotony was only broken one day when sonar detected the approaching signature of
another 95-class attack sub. We went to battle stations, and for the first time we saw Captain Chen
leave his cabin. He took his place in the attack center, ordered a firing solution plotted, and tubes
one and two loaded. Sonar reported that the enemy sub had not responded in kind. Captain Chen
saw this as our advantage. There was no questioning in his mind this time. This enemy would die
before it fired. Just before he gave the order, we detected a signal on the “gertrude,” the American
term for an underwater telephone. It was Commander Chen, the captain’s son, proclaiming
peaceful intentions and requesting that we stand down from GQ. He told us about the Three
Gorges Dam, the source of all the “natural disaster” rumors we’d heard about in Manihi. He
explained that our battle with the other 95 had been part of a civil war that the dam’s destruction
had sparked. The sub that attacked us had been part of the loyalist forces. Commander Chen had
sided with the rebels. His mission was to find us and escort us home. I thought the cheer was going
to carry us right to the surface. As we broke through the ice and the two crews ran to each other
under the arctic twilight, I thought, finally, we can go home, we can reclaim our country and drive
out the living dead. Finally, it’s over.
But it wasn’t.
There was still one last duty to perform. The Politburo, those hated old men who had caused so
much misery already, were still holed up in their leadership bunker in Xilinhot, still controlling at
least half of our country’s dwindling ground forces. They would never surrender, everyone knew
this; they would keep their mad hold on power, squandering what was left of our military. If the
civil war dragged on any longer, the only beings left in China would be the living dead.
And you decided to end the fighting.
We were the only ones who could. Our land-based silos were overrun, our air force was grounded,
our two other missile boats had been caught still tied to the piers, waiting for orders like good
sailors as the dead swarmed through their hatches. Commander Chen informed us that we were
the only nuclear asset left in the rebellion’s arsenal. Every second we delayed wasted a hundred
more lives, a hundred more bullets that could be thrown against the undead.
So you fired on your homeland, in order to save it.
One last burden to shoulder. The captain must have noticed me shaking the moment before we
launched. “My order,” he declared, “my responsibility.” The missile carried a single, massive, multimegaton
warhead. It was a prototype warhead, designed to penetrate the hardened surface of
your NORAD facility in Cheyenne Mountain, Colorado. Ironically, the Politburo’s bunker had been
designed to emulate Cheyenne Mountain in almost every detail. As we prepared to get under way,
Commander Chen informed us that Xilinhot had taken a direct hit. As we slid beneath the surface,
we heard that the loyalist forces had surrendered and reunified with the rebels to fight the real
enemy.
Did you know they had begun instituting their own version of the
South African Plan?
We heard the day we emerged from under the ice pack. That morning I came on watch and found
Captain Chen already in the attack center. He was in his command chair, a cup of tea next to his
hand. He looked so tired, silently watching the crew around him, smiling as a father smiles at the
happiness of his children. I noticed his tea had grown cold and asked if he would like another cup.
He looked up at me, still smiling, and shook his head slowly. “Very good, sir,” I said, and prepared
to resume my station. He reached out and took my hand, looked up into, but did not recognize, my
face. His whisper was so soft I could barely hear it.
What?
“Nice boy, Zhi Xiao, such a good boy.” He was still holding my hand when he closed his eyes
forever.
SYDNEY, AUSTRALIA
[Clearwater Memorial is the newest hospital to be constructed in Australia and
the largest one built since the end of the war. Terry Knox’s room is on the
seventeenth floor, the “Presidential Suite.” His luxurious surroundings and
expensive, almost unobtainable medication are the least his government can do
for the first and, to date, only Australian commander of the International Space
Station. In his words, “Not bad for the son of an Andamooka opal miner.”
His withered body seems to liven during our conversation. His face regains
some of its color.]
I wish some of the stories they tell about us were true. Makes us sound all the more heroic.
[Smiles.] Truth is, we weren’t “stranded,” not in terms of being suddenly or unexpectedly trapped
up there. Nobody had a better view of what was happening than us. No one was surprised when
the replacement crew from Baikonur failed to launch, or when Houston ordered us to pile into the
X-38 1 for evacuation. I wish I could say that we violated orders or physically fought with one
another over who should stay. What really happened was much more mundane and reasonable. I
ordered the scientific team, and any other nonessential personnel, back to Earth, then gave the
rest of the crew the choice to remain behind. With the X-38 reentry “lifeboat” gone, we would be
technically stranded, but when you think of what was at stake then, I can’t imagine any of us
wanting to leave.
The ISS is one of the greatest marvels of human engineering. We’re talking about an orbital
platform so large it could be seen from Earth with the naked eye. It’d taken sixteen countries over
ten years, a couple hundred space walks, and more money than anyone without job security would
admit to finally complete her. What would it take to build another one, if another one could ever be
built?
Even more important than the station was the incalculable, and equally irreplaceable, value of
our planet’s satellite network. Back then there were over three thousand in orbit, and humanity
depended on them for everything from communications to navigation, from surveillance to
something even as mundane yet vital as regular and reliable weather prediction. This network was
as important to the modern world as roads had been in ancient times, or rail lines during the
industrial age. What would happen to humanity if these all-important links just started dropping out
of the sky?
Our plan was never to save them all. That was unrealistic and unnecessary. All we had to do was
concentrate on the systems most vital to the war effort, just a few dozen birds that had to remain
aloft. That alone was worth the risk of staying.
Were you ever promised a rescue?
No, and we didn’t expect it. The issue wasn’t how we were going to get back to Earth, it was how
we could manage to stay alive up there. Even with all our tanked O2 and emergency perchlorate
candles, 2 even with our water recycling system 3 operating at peak capacity, we only had enough
food for roughly twenty-seven months, and that was including the test animals in the lab modules.
None of them were being used to test any kind of vaccines so their flesh was still edible. I can still
hear their little shrieks, still see the spots of blood floating in micro gravity. Even up there, you
couldn’t escape the blood. I tried to be scientific about it, calculating the nutritional value of every
floating red globule I sucked out of the air. I kept insisting that it was all for the good of the
mission and not my own ravenous hunger.
Tell me more about the mission. If you were trapped on the station,
how did you manage to keep the satellites in orbit?
We used the “Jules Verne Three” ATV, 4 the last supply pod launched before French Guyana was
overrun. It was originally designed as a one-way vehicle, to be filled with trash after depositing its
cargo, then sent back to Earth to burn up in the atmosphere. 5 We modified it with manual flight
controls and a pilot’s couch. I wish we could have fixed it with a proper viewport. Navigating by
video wasn’t fun; neither was having to do my Extra Vehicular Activities, my space walks, in a
reentry suit because there wasn’t room for a proper EVA kit.
Most of my excursions were to the ASTRO, 6 which was basically just a petrol station in space.
Satellites, the military, surveillance type, sometimes have to change orbit in order to acquire new
targets. They do that by firing their maneuvering thrusters and using up their small amount of
hydrazine fuel. Before the war, the American military realized it was more cost-effective to have a
refueling station already in orbit rather than sending up a lot of manned missions. That’s where
ASTRO came in. We modified it to refuel some of the other satellites as well, the civilian models
that need just the occasional top-off to boost back up from a decaying orbit. It was a marvelous
machine: a real time-saver. We had a lot of technology like that. There was the “Canadarm,” the
fifty-foot robotic inchworm that performed necessary maintenance tasks along the station’s outer
skin. There was “Boba,” the VR-operated robonaut we fitted with a thruster pack so he could work
both around the station and away from it on a satellite. We also had a little squadron of PSAs, 7
these free-floating robots, about the shape and size of a grapefruit. All of this wondrous technology
was designed to make our jobs easier. I wish they hadn’t worked so well.
We had maybe an hour a day, maybe even two, where there was nothing to do. You could sleep,
you could exercise, you could reread the same books, you could listen to Radio Free Earth or to
the music we’d brought with us (over and over and over again). I don’t know how many times I
listened to that Redgum song: “God help me, I was only nineteen.” It was my father’s favorite,
reminded him of his time in Vietnam. I prayed that all that army training was helping to keep him
and my mum alive now. I hadn’t heard anything from him, or anyone else in Oz since the
government had relocated to Tasmania. I wanted to believe they were all right, but watching what
was happening on Earth, as most of us did during our off-duty hours, made it almost impossible to
have hope.
They say that during the cold war, American spy birds could read the copy of Pravda in a Soviet
citizen’s hands. I’m not sure if that’s entirely true. I don’t know the tech specs of that generation of
hardware. But I can tell you that these modern ones whose signals we pirated from their relay
birds—these could show muscles tear and bones snap. You could read the lips of victims crying out
for mercy, or the color of their eyes when they bulged with their last breath. You could see at what
point red blood began to turn brown, and how it looked on gray London cement as opposed to
white, Cape Cod sand.
We had no control over what the spy birds chose to observe. Their targets were determined by
the U.S. military. We saw a lot of battles—Chongqing, Yonkers; we watched a company of Indian
troops try to rescue civilians trapped in Ambedkar Stadium in Delhi, then become trapped
themselves and retreat to Gandhi Park. I watched their commander form his men into a square,
the kind the Limeys used in colonial days. It worked, at least for a little while. That was the only
frustrating part about satellite surveillance; you could only watch, not listen. We didn’t know that
the Indians were running out of ammunition, only that the Zed Heads were starting to close in. We
saw a helo hover overhead and watched as the commander argued with his subordinates. We didn’t
know it was General Raj-Singh, we didn’t even know who he was. Don’t listen to what the critics
say about that man, about how he buggered off when things got too hot. We saw it all. He did try to
put up a fight, and one of his blokes did smash him in the face with a rifle butt. He was out cold
when they hauled him into that waiting chopper. It was a horrible feeling, seeing it all so close and
yet unable to do anything.
We had our own observation gear, both the civilian research birds and the equipment right there
on the station. The images they gave us weren’t half as powerful as the military versions, but they
were still frighteningly clear. They gave us our first look at the mega swarms over central Asia and
the American Great Plains. Those were truly massive, miles across, like the American buffalo must
have once been.
We watched the evacuation of Japan and couldn’t help but marvel at the scale. Hundreds of ships,
thousands of small boats. We lost count of how many helicopters buzzed back and forth from the
rooftops to the armada, or how many jetliners made their final run north to Kamchatka.
We were the first ones to discover zombie holes, the pits that the undead dig when they’re going
after burrowing animals. At first we thought they were just isolated incidents until we noticed that
they were spreading all over the world; sometimes more than one would appear in close proximity
to the next. There was a field in southern England—I guess there must have been a high
concentration of rabbits—that was just riddled with holes, all different depths and sizes. Many of
them had large, dark stains around them. Although we couldn’t zoom in close enough, we were
pretty sure it was blood. For me that was the most terrifying example of our enemy’s drive. They
displayed no conscious thought, just sheer biological instinct. I once watched a Zed Head go after
something, probably a golden mole, in the Namib Desert. The mole had burrowed deep in the slope
of a dune. As the ghoul tried to go after it, the sand kept pouring down and filling the hole. The
ghoul didn’t stop, didn’t react in any way, it just kept going. I watched it for five days, the fuzzy
image of this G digging, and digging, and digging, then suddenly one morning just stopping, getting
up, and shuffling away as if nothing had happened. It must have lost the scent. Good on the mole.
For all our enhanced optics, nothing had quite the same impact as the naked eye. To just look
through the view port down on our fragile little biosphere. To see the massive ecological
devastation makes one understand how the modern environmental movement began with the
American space program. There were so many fires, and I don’t just mean the buildings, or the
forests, or even the oil rigs blazing out of control—bleeding Saudis actually went ahead and did it 8
—I mean the campfires as well, what had to be at least a billion of them, tiny orange specks
covering the Earth where electric lights had once been. Every day, every night, it seemed like the
whole planet was burning. We couldn’t even begin to calculate the ash count but we guesstimated it
was equivalent to a low-grade nuclear exchange between the United States and former Soviet
Union, and that’s not including the actual nuclear exchange between Iran and Pakistan. We
watched and recorded those as well, the flashes and fires that gave me eye spots for days. Nuclear
autumn was already beginning to set in, the gray-brown shroud thickening each day.
It was like looking down on an alien planet, or on Earth during the last great mass extinction.
Eventually conventional optics became useless in the shroud, leaving us with only thermal or radar
sensors. Earth’s natural face vanished behind a caricature of primary colors. It was through one of
these systems, the Aster sensor aboard the Terra Satellite, that we saw the Three Gorges Dam
collapse.
Roughly ten trillion gallons of water, carrying debris, silt, rocks, trees, cars, houses, and
house-sized pieces of the dam itself! It was alive, a brown and white dragon racing to the East
China Sea. When I think of the people in its path…trapped in barricaded buildings, unable to
escape the tidal wave because of the Zed Heads right outside their doors. No one knows how many
people died that night. Even today, they’re still finding bodies.
[One of his skeletal hands balls into a fist, the other presses the “self-medicate”
button.]
When I think about how the Chinese leadership tried to explain it all away…Have you ever read
a transcript of the Chinese president’s speech? We actually watched the broadcast from a pirated
signal off their Sinosat II. He called it an “unforeseen tragedy.” Really? Unforeseen? Was it
unforeseen that the dam had been built on an active fault line? Was it unforeseen that the
increased weight of a giant reservoir had induced earthquakes in the past 9 and that cracks had
already been detected in the foundation months before the dam was completed?
He called it an “unavoidable accident.” Bastard. They had enough troops to wage open warfare
in almost every major city, but they couldn’t spare a couple of traffic cops to protect against a
catastrophe waiting to happen? No one could imagine the repercussions of abandoning both the
seismic warning stations and the emergency spillway controls? And then to try to change their
story halfway through, to say that they’d actually done everything they could to protect the dam,
that, at the time of the disaster, valiant troops of the PLA had given their lives to defend it. Well,
I’d been personally observing Three Gorges for over a year leading up to the disaster and the only
PLA soldiers I ever saw had given their lives a long, long time ago. Did they really expect their
own people to buy such a blatant lie? Did they really expect anything less than all-out rebellion?
Two weeks after the start of the revolution, we received our first and only signal from the
Chinese space station, Yang Liwei. It was the only other manned facility in orbit, but couldn’t
compare to such an exquisite masterpiece as ours. It was more of a slapdash job, Shenzhou
modules and Long March fuel tanks cobbled together like a giant version of the old American
Skylab.
We’d been trying to contact them for months. We weren’t even sure if there was a crew. All we
got was a recorded message in perfect Hong Kong English to keep our distance lest we invite a
response of “deadly force.” What an insane waste! We could have worked together, traded
supplies, technical expertise. Who knows what we could have accomplished if we had only chucked
the politics and come together as human bloody beings.
We’d convinced ourselves that the station had never been inhabited at all, that their deadly force
warning was just a ruse. We couldn’t have been more surprised when the signal came over our ham
radio. 10 It was a live human voice, tired, frightened, and cutting out after only a few seconds. It
was all I needed to board the Verne and head over to the Yang.
As soon as it came over the horizon I could tell that its orbit had shifted radically. As I closed the
distance, I could see why. Their escape pod had blown its hatch, and because it was still docked to
the primary airlock, the entire station had depressurized in seconds. As a precaution, I requested
docking clearance. I got nothing. As I came aboard, I could see that even though the station was
clearly large enough for a crew of seven or eight, it only had the bunk space and personal kits for
two. I found the Yang packed with emergency supplies, enough food, water, and O2 candles for at
least five years. What I couldn’t figure out at first was why. There was no scientific equipment
aboard, no intelligence-gathering assets. It was almost like the Chinese government had sent these
two men into space for no other purpose than to exist. Fifteen minutes into my floatabout, I found
the first of several scuttling charges. This space station was little more than a giant Orbital Denial
Vehicle. If those charges were to detonate, the debris from a four-hundred-metric-ton space station
would not only be enough to damage or destroy any other orbiting platform, but any future space
launch would be grounded for years. It was a “Scorched Space” policy, “if we can’t have it, neither
can anyone else.”
All the station’s systems were still operational. There had been no fire, no structural damage, no
reason I could see to cause the accident of the escape pod’s hatch. I found the body of a lone
taikonaut with his hand still clinging to the hatch release. He was wearing one of their pressurized
escape suits, but the faceplate had been shattered by a bullet. I’m guessing the shooter was blown
out into space. I’d like to believe that the Chinese revolution wasn’t just restricted to Earth, that
the man who’d blown the hatch was also the one who had attempted to signal us. His mate must
have stuck by the old guard. Maybe Mister Loyalist had been ordered to set off the scuttling
charges. Zhai—that was the name on his personal effects—Zhai had tried to blast his mate into
space and had caught a round in the process. Makes for a good tale, I think. That’s how I’m going
to remember it.
Is that how you were able to extend your endurance? By using the
supplies aboard the Yang?
[He gives me a thumbs-up.] We cannibalized every inch of it for spares and materials. We would
have liked to have merged the two platforms together but we didn’t have the tools or manpower
for such an undertaking. We might been able to use the escape pod to return to Earth. It had a heat
shield and room for three. It was very tempting. But the station’s orbit was decaying rapidly, and
we had to make a choice then and there, escape to Earth or resupply the ISS. You know which
choice we made.
Before we finally abandoned her, we laid our friend Zhai to rest. We strapped his body into its
bunk, brought his personal kit back to the ISS, and said a few words in his honor as the Yang
burned up in the Earth’s atmosphere. For all we knew he might have been the loyalist, not the
rebel, but either way, his actions allowed us to stay alive. Three more years we remained in orbit,
three more years that wouldn’t have been possible without the Chinese consumables.
I still think it’s one of the war’s great ironies that our replacement crew ended up arriving in a
privately owned civilian vehicle. Spacecraft Three, the ship originally designed for prewar orbital
tourism. The pilot, with his cowboy hat and big, confident Yankee grin. [He tries his best Texas
accent.] “Anyone order takeout?” [He laughs, then winces and self-medicates again.]
Sometimes I’m asked if we regretted our decision to stay aboard. I can’t speak for my mates. On
their deathbeds they both said they’d do it all over again. How can I disagree? I don’t regret the
physical therapy that followed, getting to know my bones again and remembering why the good
Lord gave us legs in the first place. I don’t regret being exposed to so much cosmic radiation, all
those unprotected EVAs, all that time with inadequate shielding in the ISS. I don’t regret this. [He
motions to the hospital room and machinery attached to his body.] We made our choice,
and, I’d like to think, we made a difference in the end. Not bad for the son of an Andamooka opal
miner.
[Terry Knox died three days after this interview.]
ANCUD, ISLA GRANDE DE CHILOE, CHILE
[While the official capital has returned to Santiago, this onetime refugee base
now remains the economic and cultural center of the country. Ernesto Olguin
calls the beach house on the island’s Peninsula de Lacuy home, although his
duties as a merchant ship’s master keep him at sea for most of the year.]
The history books call it “The Honolulu Conference,” but really it should have been called the
“Saratoga Conference” because that’s all any of us had a chance to see. We spent fourteen days in
those cramped compartments and dank stuffy passageways. USS Saratoga: from aircraft carrier,
to decommissioned hulk, to evacuee transport barge, to floating United Nations HQ.
It also shouldn’t have been called a conference. If anything, it was more like an ambush. We were
supposed to be exchanging warfighting tactics and technology. Everyone was anxious to see the
British method of fortified motorways, which was almost as exciting as that live demonstration of
Mkunga Lalem. 1 We were also supposed to be attempting to reintroduce some measure of
international trade. That was my task, specifically, to integrate the remnants of our navy into the
new international convoy structure. I wasn’t really sure what to expect from my time aboard
Super Sara. I don’t think anyone could have expected what actually happened.
On the first day of the conference, we’d assembled for the introductions. I was hot and tired and
wishing to God we could just get on without all the tiresome speeches. And then the American
ambassador rose, and the whole world came to a screeching halt.
It was time to go on the attack, he said, to all get out from behind our established defenses and
begin retaking infested territory. At first I thought he simply meant isolated operations: securing
more inhabitable islands or, perhaps, even reopening the Suez/Panama canal zones. My
supposition didn’t last very long. He made it very clear that this was not going to be a series of
minor tactical incursions. The United States intended to go permanently on the offensive, marching
forward every day, until, as he put it, “every trace was sponged, and purged, and, if need be,
blasted from the surface of the Earth.” Maybe he thought ripping off Churchill would give it some
kind of emotional punch. It didn’t. Instead, the room spontaneously combusted into argument.
One side asked why in hell should we risk even more lives, suffer even one more unnecessary
casualties when all we had to do was remain safe and sedentary while our enemy simply rotted
away. Wasn’t it happening already? Weren’t the earliest cases starting to show signs of advanced
decomposition? Time was on our side, not theirs. Why not let nature do all the work for us?
The other side countered that not all the living dead were rotting away. What about the later
cases, the ones still strong and healthy? Couldn’t just one restart the plague all over again? And
what about those who prowled countries above the snowline? How long would we have to wait for
them? Decades? Centuries? Would refugees from these countries ever have a chance of returning
home?
And that’s when it got ugly. Many of the colder countries were what you used to call “First
World.” One of the delegates from a prewar “developing” country suggested, rather hotly, that
maybe this was their punishment for raping and pillaging the “victim nations of the south.” Maybe,
he said, by keeping the “white hegemony” distracted with their own problems, the undead invasion
might allow the rest of the world to develop “without imperialist intervention.” Maybe the living
dead had brought more than just devastation to the world. Maybe in the end, they had brought
justice for the future. Now, my people have little love for the northern gringos, and my family
suffered enough under Pinochet to make that animosity personal, but there comes a point where
private emotions must give way to objective facts. How could there be a “white hegemony” when
the most dynamic prewar economies were China and India, and the largest wartime economy was
unquestionably Cuba? How could you call the colder countries a northern issue when so many
people were just barely surviving in the Himalayas, or the Andes of my own Chile? No, this man,
and those who agreed with him, weren’t talking about justice for the future. They just wanted
revenge for the past.
[Sighs.] After all we’d been through, we still couldn’t take our heads from out of our asses or
our hands from around each other’s throats.
I was standing next to the Russian delegate, trying to prevent her from climbing over her seat,
when I heard another American voice. It was their president. The man didn’t shout, didn’t try to
restore order. He just kept going in that calm, firm tone that I don’t think any world leader has
since been able to duplicate. He even thanked his “fellow delegates” for their “valued opinions”
and admitted that, from a purely military perspective, there was no reason to “push our luck.”
We’d fought the living dead to a stalemate and, eventually, future generations might be able to
reinhabit the planet with little or no physical danger. Yes, our defensive strategies had saved the
human race, but what about the human spirit?
The living dead had taken more from us than land and loved ones. They’d robbed us of our
confidence as the planet’s dominant life-form. We were a shaken, broken species, driven to the
edge of extinction and grateful only for a tomorrow with perhaps a little less suffering than today.
Was this the legacy we would leave to our children, a level of anxiety and self-doubt not seen since
our simian ancestors cowered in the tallest trees? What kind of world would they rebuild? Would
they rebuild at all? Could they continue to progress, knowing that they had been powerless to
reclaim their future? And what if that future saw another rise of the living dead? Would our
descendants rise to meet them in battle, or simply crumple in meek surrender and accept what
they believe to be their inevitable extinction? For this reason alone, we had to reclaim our planet.
We had to prove to ourselves that we could do it, and leave that proof as this war’s greatest
monument. The long, hard road back to humanity, or the regressive ennui of Earth’s once-proud
primates. That was the choice, and it had to be made now.
So typically Norteamericano, reaching for the stars with their asses still stuck in the mud. I
guess, if this was a gringo movie, you’d see some idiot get up and start clapping slowly, then the
others would join in and then we’d see a tear roll down someone’s cheek or some other contrived
bullshit like that. Everyone was silent. No one moved. The president announced that we would
recess for the afternoon to consider his proposal, then reconvene at dusk for a general vote.
As naval attaché, I wasn’t allowed to participate in that vote. While the ambassador decided the
fate of our beloved Chile, I had nothing to do but enjoy the Pacific sunset. I sat on the flight deck,
wedged in between the windmills and solar cells, killing time with my opposite numbers from
France and South Africa. We tried not to talk shop, searching for any common subject as far from
the war as we could get. We thought we were safe with wine. As luck might have it, each of us had
either lived near, worked on, or had family connected with a vineyard: Aconcagua, Stellenboch,
and Bordeaux. Those were our bonding points and, as with everything else, they led right back to
the war.
Aconcagua had been destroyed, burned to the ground during our country’s disastrous
experiments with napalm. Stellenboch was now growing subsistence crops. Grapes were
considered a luxury when the population was close to starvation. Bordeaux was overrun, the dead
crushing its soil underfoot like almost all of continental France. Commander Emile Renard was
morbidly optimistic. Who knows, he said, what the nutrients of their corpses would do for the soil?
Maybe it would even improve on the overall taste once Bordeaux was retaken, if it was retaken.
As the sun began to dip, Renard took something from his kit bag, a bottle of Chateau Latour, 1964.
We couldn’t believe our eyes. The ’64 was an extremely rare prewar vintage. By sheer chance, the
vineyard had had a bumper crop that season and had chosen to harvest its grapes in late August as
opposed to the traditional early September. That September was marked by early, devastating
rains, which inundated the other vineyards and elevated Chateau Latour to almost Holy Grail
status. The bottle in Renard’s hand might be the last of its kind, the perfect symbol of a world we
might never see again. It was the only personal item he’d managed to save during the evacuation.
He carried it with him everywhere, and was planning to save it for…ever, possibly, seeing as it
looked like none of any vintage would ever be made again. But now, after the Yankee president’s
speech…
[He involuntarily licks his lips, tasting the memory.]
It hadn’t traveled that well, and the plastic mugs didn’t help. We didn’t care. We savored every
sip.
You were pretty confident about the vote?
Not that it would be unanimous, and I was damn right. Seventeen “No” votes and thirty-one
“Abstain.” At least the no voters were willing to suffer the long-term consequences of their
decision…and they did. When you think that the new UN only consisted of seventy-two delegates,
the showing of support was pretty poor. Not that it mattered for me or my other two amateur
“sommeliers.” For us, our countries, our children, the choice had been made: attack.

ABOARD THE MAURO ALTIERI,
THREE THOUSA,D FEET ABOVE VAALAJARVI, FI,LA,D
[I stand next to General D’Ambrosia in the CIC, the Combat Information Center,
of Europe’s answer to the massive U.S. D-29 command and control dirigible. The
crew work silently at their glowing monitors. Occasionally, one of them speaks
into a headset, a quick, whispered acknowledgment in French, German, Spanish,
or Italian. The general leans over the video chart table, watching the entire
operation from the closest thing to a God’s-eye view.]
“Attack”—whew I first heard that word, my gut reactiow was “oh shit.” Does that surprise you?
[Before I can answer…]
Sure it does. You probably expected “the brass” to be just champiwg at the bit, all that blood awd
guts, “hold ’em by the wose while we kick ’em iw the ass” crap.
[Shakes his head.] I dow’t kwow who created the stereotype of the hard-chargiwg, dim-witted,
high school football coach of a geweral officer. Maybe it was Hollywood, or the civiliaw press, or
maybe we did it to ourselves by allowiwg those iwsipid, egocewtric clowws—the MacArthurs awd
Halseys awd Curtis E. LeMays—to defiwe our image to the rest of the couwtry. Poiwt is, that’s the
image of those iw uwiform, awd it couldwt’ be further from the truth. I was scared to death of takiwg
our armed forces ow the offewsive, more so because it wouldw’t be my ass hawgwi g out iw the fire.
I’d owly be sewdiwg tohers out to die, awd here’s what I’d be sewdiwg them up agawi st.
[He turns to another screen on the far wall, nodding to an operator, and the
image dissolves into a wartime map of the continental United States.]
Two hundred million zombies 1 . Who can even visualize that type of number, let alone combat it?
At least this time around we knew what we were combating, but when you added up all the
experience, all the data we’d compiled on their origin, their physiology, their strengths, their
weaknesses, their motives, and their mentality, it still presented us with a very gloomy prospect
for victory.
The book of war, the one we’ve been writing since one ape slapped another, was completely
useless in this situation. We had to write a new one from scratch.
All armies, be they mechanized or mountain guerilla, have to abide by three basic restrictions:
they have to be bred, fed, and led. Bred: you need warm bodies, or else you don’t have an army;
fed: once you’ve got that army, they’ve got to be supplied; and led: no matter how decentralized
that fighting force is, there has to be someone among them with the authority to say “follow me.”
Bred, fed, and led; and none of these restrictions applied to the living dead.
Did you ever read All Quiet on the Western Front? Remarque paints a vivid picture of Germany
becoming “empty,” meaning that toward the end of the war, they were simply running out of
soldiers. You can fudge the numbers, send the old men and little boys, but eventually you’re going
to hit the ceiling…unless every time you killed an enemy, he came back to life on your side. That’s
how Zack operated, swelling his ranks by thinning ours! And it only worked one way. Infect a
human, he becomes a zombie. Kill a zombie, he becomes a corpse. We could only get weaker, while
they might actually get stronger.
All human armies need supplies, this army didn’t. No food, no ammo, no fuel, not even water to
drink or air to breathe! There were no logistics lines to sever, no depots to destroy. You couldn’t
just surround and starve them out, or let them “wither on the vine.” Lock a hundred of them in a
room and three years later they’ll come out just as deadly.
It’s ironic that the only way to kill a zombie is to destroy its brain, because, as a group, they have
no collective brain to speak of. There was no leadership, no chain of command, no communication
or cooperation on any level. There was no president to assassinate, no HQ bunker to surgically
strike. Each zombie is its own, self-contained, automated unit, and this last advantage is what truly
encapsulates the entire conflict.
You’ve heard the expression “total war”; it’s pretty common throughout human history. Every
generation or so, some gasbag likes to spout about how his people have declared “total war”
against an enemy, meaning that every man, woman, and child within his nation was committing
every second of their lives to victory. That is bullshit on two basic levels. First of all, no country or
group is ever 100 percent committed to war; it’s just not physically possible. You can have a high
percentage, so many people working so hard for so long, but all of the people, all of the time? What
about the malingerers, or the conscientious objectors? What about the sick, the injured, the very
old, the very young? What about when you’re sleeping, eating, taking a shower, or taking a dump?
Is that a “dump for victory”? That’s the first reason total war is impossible for humans. The second
is that all nations have their limits. There might be individuals within that group who are willing to
sacrifice their lives; it might even be a relatively high number for the population, but that
population as a whole will eventually reach its maximum emotional and physiological breaking
point. The Japanese reached theirs with a couple of American atomic bombs. The Vietnamese might
have reached theirs if we’d dropped a couple more, 2 but, thank all holy Christ, our will broke
before it came to that. That is the nature of human warfare, two sides trying to push the other past
its limit of endurance, and no matter how much we like to talk about total war, that limit is always
there…unless you’re the living dead.
For the first time in history, we faced an enemy that was actively waging total war. They had no
limits of endurance. They would never negotiate, never surrender. They would fight until the very
end because, unlike us, every single one of them, every second of every day, was devoted to
consuming all life on Earth. That’s the kind of enemy that was waiting for us beyond the Rockies.
That’s the kind of war we had to fight.
DENVER, COLORADO, USA
[We have just finished dinner at the Wainios. Allison, Todd’s wife, is upstairs
helping their son, Addison, with his homework. Todd and I are downstairs in the
kitchen, doing the dishes.]
It was kinda like stepping back in time, the new army, I mean. It couldn’t have been any more
different from the one I’d fought, and almost died with, at Yonkers. We weren’t mechanized
anymore—no tanks, no arty, no tread jobs 1 at all, not even the Bradleys. Those were still in
reserve, being modified for when we’d have to take back the cities. No, the only wheeled vehicles
we had, the Humvees and a few M-trip-Seven ASVs, 2 were used to carry ammo and stuff. We
hoofed it, all the way, marching in column like you see in Civil War paintings. There was a lot of
references to “the Blue” versus “the Gray,” mainly because of Zack’s skin color and the shade of
our new BDUs. They didn’t bother with camo schemes anymore; in any case, what was the point?
And, I guess, navy blue was the cheapest dye they had back then. The BDU itself looked more like
a SWAT team’s coverall. It was light and comfortable and interwoven with Kevlar, I think it was
Kevlar, 3 bite-proof threads. It had the option of gloves and a hood that would cover your whole
face. Later, in urban hand-to-hand, that option saved a lot of lives.
Everything had kind of a retro feel about it. Our Lobos looked like something out of, I don’t
know, Lord of the Rings? Standard orders were to use it only when necessary, but, trust me, we
made it necessary a lot. It just felt good, you know, swingin’ that solid hunk a’ steel. It made it
personal, empowering. You could feel the skull split. A real rush, like you were taking back your
life, you know? Not that I minded pulling the trigger.
Our primary weapon was the SIR, standard infantry rifle. The wood furniture made it look like a
World War II gun; I guess composite materials were too hard to mass-produce. I’m not sure where
the SIR supposedly came from. I’ve heard it was a modcop of the AK. I’ve also heard that it was a
stripped-down version of the XM 8, which the army was already planning as its next-gen assault
weapon. I’ve even heard that it was invented, tested, and first produced during the siege of the
Hero City, and the plans were transmitted to Honolulu. Honestly, I don’t know, and I so don’t care.
It might have kicked hard, and it only fired on semi, but it was super accurate and it never, ever
jammed! You could drag it through the mud, leave it in the sand, you could drop it in saltwater and
let it sit there for days. No matter what you did to this baby, it just wouldn’t let you down. The only
bells and whistles it had was a conversion kit of extra parts, furniture, and additional barrels of
different lengths. You could go long-range sniper, midrange rifle, or close-combat carbine, all in the
same hour, and without reaching farther than your ruck. It also had a spike, this little flip-out job,
about eight inches long, that you could use in a pinch if your Lobo wasn’t handy. We used to joke
“careful, you’ll poke somebody’s eye out,” which, of course, we did plenty. The SIR made a pretty
good close combat weapon, even without the spike, and when you add all the other things that
made it so awesome, you can see why we always referred to it, respectfully, as “Sir.”
Our staple ammo was the NATO 5.56 “Cherry PIE.” PIE stands for pyrotechnically initiated
explosive. Outstanding design. It would shatter on entry into Zack’s skull and fragments would fry
its brain. No risk of spreading infected gray matter, and no need for wasteful bonfires. On BS 4
duty, you didn’t even have to decap before you buried them. Just dig the trench and roll the whole
body in.
Yeah, it was a new army, as much the people as anything else. Recruitment had changed, and
being a grunt meant something very different now. You still had the old requirements—physical
stamina, mental competence, the motivation and discipline to master difficult challenges in extreme
conditions—but all that was mouse farts if you couldn’t hack long-term Z-shock. I saw a lot of good
friends just lose it under the strain. Some of them collapsed, some turned their weapons on
themselves, some on their buddies. It didn’t have anything to do with being brave or anything like
that. I once read this British SAS survival guide that talked all about the “warrior” personality,
how your family’s supposed to be emotionally and financially stable, and how you’re not even
supposed to be attracted to girls when you’re real young. [Grunts.] Survival guides…[Jerks his
hand in a masturbatory movement.]
But the new faces, they could have been from anywhere: your neighbor, your aunt, that geeky
substitute teacher, or that fat, lazy slob at the DMV. From former insurance salesmen to a guy who
I’m damn sure was Michael Stipe, although I never got him to admit it. I guess it all made sense;
anyone who couldn’t roll wouldn’t have made it this far in the first place. Everyone was already a
veteran in some sense. My battle buddy, Sister Montoya, fifty-two years old, she’d been a nun, still
was I guess. Five three and a buck even, she’d protected her whole Sunday school class for nine
days with nothing but a six-foot iron candlestick. I don’t know how she managed to hump that ruck,
but she did, without complaining, from our assembly area in Needles, all the way to our contact
site just outside of Hope, New Mexico.
Hope. I’m not kidding, the town was actually named Hope.
They say the brass chose it because of the terrain, clear and open with the desert in front and
the mountains in back. Perfect, they said, for an opening engagement, and that the name had
nothing to do with it. Right.
The brass really wanted this test-op to go smoothly. It’d be the first major ground engagement
we’d fought since Yonkers. It was that moment, you know, like, when a lot of different things all
come together.
Watershed?
Yeah, I think. All the new people, the new stuff, the new training, the new plan—everything was
supposed to sort of mix together for this one first big kickoff.
We’d encountered a couple dozen Gs en route. Sniffer dogs would find them, and handlers with
silenced weapons would drop them. We didn’t want to attract too many till we were set. We wanted
this to be on our terms.
We started planting our “garden”: shelter stakes with orange Day-Glo tape in rows every ten
meters. They were our range markers, showing us exactly where to zero our sights. For some of
us there was also some light duty like clearing the brush or arranging the ammo crates.
For the rest of us, there was nothing to do except wait, just grab some chow, recharge our camel
packs, or even snag some bag time, if it was possible to sleep. We’d learned a lot since Yonkers.
The brass wanted us rested. The problem was, it gave us all too much time to think.
Did you see the movie, the one Elliot made about us? That scene with the campfire and the
grunts all jawing in this witty dialogue, the stories and the dreams for the future, and even that
guy with the harmonica. Dude, it was so not like that. First of all, it was the middle of the day, no
campfires, no harmonica under the stars, and also everyone was really quiet. You knew what
everyone was thinking though, “What the hell are we doing here?” This was Zack’s house now, and
as far as we were concerned, he could have it. We’d all had plenty of pep talks about “The Future
of the Human Spirit.” We’d seen the president’s speech God knows how many times, but the prez
wasn’t out here on Zack’s front lawn. We had a good thing going behind the Rockies. What the hell
were we doing out here?
Around 1300 hours, the radios started squawking, it was the K-handlers whose dogs had made
contact. We locked and loaded and took our place on the firing line.
That was the centerpiece of our whole new battle doctrine, back into the past like everything
else. We massed in a straight line, two ranks: one active, one reserve. The reserve was so when
anyone in the front rank needed a weapon recharge, their fire wouldn’t be missed on the line.
Theoretically, with everyone either firing or reloading, we could keep Zack falling as long as the
ammo held out.
We could hear the barking, the Ks were bringing them in. We started seeing Gs on the horizon,
hundreds. I started shaking even though it wasn’t the first time I’d had to face Zack since Yonkers.
I’d been in the clean and sweep operations in LA. I’d done my time in the Rockies when the summer
thawed the passes. Each time I got major shakes.
The dogs were recalled, racing behind our lines. We switched over to our Primary Enticement
Mechanism. Every army had one by now. The Brits would use bagpipes, the Chinese used bugles,
the Sou’fricans used to smack their rifles with their assegais 5 and belt out these Zulu war chants.
For us, it was hard-core Iron Maiden. Now, personally, I’ve never been a metal fan. Straight classic
rock’s my thing, and Hendrix’s “Driving South” is about as heavy as I get. But I had to admit,
standing there in that desert wind, with “The Trooper” thumping in my chest, I got it. The PEM
wasn’t really for Zack’s benefit. It was to psych us up, take away some of Zack’s mojo, you know,
“take the piss out,” as the Brits say. Right about the time Dickinson was belting “As you plunge into
a certain death” I was pumped, SIR charged and ready, eyes fixed on this growing, closing horde. I
was, like, “C’mon, Zack, let’s fuckin’ do this!”
Just before they reached the front range marker, the music began to fade. The squad leaders
shouted, “Front rank, ready!” and the first line knelt. Then came the order to “take aim!” and
then, as we all held our breath, as the music clicked off, we heard “FIRE!”
The front rank just rippled, cracking like a SAW on full auto and dropping every G that crossed
the first markers. We had strict orders, only the ones crossing the line. Wait for the others. We’d
trained this way for months. By now it was pure instinct. Sister Montoya raised her weapon above
her head, the signal for an empty mag. We switched positions, I flipped off my safety, and sighted
my first target. She was a noob, 6 couldn’t have been dead more than a year or so. Her dirty blond
hair hung in patches from her tight, leathery skin. Her swollen belly puffed through a faded black
T-shirt that read G IS FOR GANGSTA. I centered my sight between her shrunken, milky blue
eyes…you know it’s not really the eyes that make them look all cloudy, it’s actually tiny dust
scratches on the surface, thousands of them, because Zack doesn’t make any tears. Those
scratched-up baby blues were looking right at me when I pulled the trigger. The round knocked her
on her back, steam coming from the hole in her forehead. I took a breath, sighted my next target,
and that was that, I was locked in.
Doctrine calls for one shot every full second. Slow, steady, mechanical-like.
[He begins snapping his fingers.]
On the range we practiced with metronomes, all the time the instructors saying “they ain’t in no
hurry, why are you?” It was a way of keeping calm, pacing yourself. We had to be as slow and
robotic as them. “Out G the G,” they used to say.
[His fingers snap in perfect rhythm.]
Shooting, switching, reloading, grabbing sips from your camel pack, grabbing clips from the
“Sandlers.”
Sandlers?
Yeah, the Recharge Teams, this special reserve unit that did nothing but make sure we never ran
dry. You only had a certain number of clips on you and it would take a lot more time to reload each
individual clip. The Sandlers ran up and down the line collecting empty clips, recharging them from
crated ammo, and then passing them out to anyone who signaled. The story is that when the army
started training with RTs, one of the guys started doin’ an Adam Sandler impression, you know,
“Water Boy”—“Ammo Boy.” The officers weren’t too jazzed with the tag, but the Recharge Teams
loved it. Sandlers were lifesavers, drilled like a fuckin’ ballet. I don’t think anyone that day or
night ever found themselves one round short.
That night?
They just kept coming, full on Chain Swarm.
That’s a large-scale attack?
More than that. One G sees you, comes after you, and moans. A click away, another G hears that
moan, comes after it, and moans himself, then another one another click away, then another. Dude,
if the area’s thick enough, if the chain’s unbroken, who knows how far you can pull them in from.
And we’re just talking one after the other here. Try ten every click, a hundred, a thousand.
They started piling up, forming this artificial palisade at the first range marker, this ridge of
corpses that got higher and higher each minute. We were actually building an undead fortification,
creating a situation where all we had to do was pop every head that popped over the top. The
brass had planned for this. They had a periscope tower thingy 7 that let officers see right over the
wall. They also had real-time downlinks from satellites and recon drones, although we, the grunts,
had no idea what they were seeing. Land Warrior was gone for now so all we had to do was
concentrate on what was in front of our faces.
We started getting contacts from all sides, either coming around the wall or else being drawn in
from our flanks and even rear. Again, the brass was waiting for this and ordered us to form an RS.
A Reinforced Square.
Or a “Raj-Singh,” I guess after the guy who reinvented it. We formed a tight square, still two ranks,
with our vehicles and whatnot in the center. That was a dangerous gamble, cutting us off like that. I
mean, yeah, it didn’t work that first time in India only ’cause the ammo ran out. But there was no
guarantee it wouldn’t happen again to us. What if the brass had goofed, hadn’t packed enough
rounds or underestimated how strong Zack would be that day? It could have been Yonkers all over
again; worse, because no one would be getting out of there alive.
But you did have enough ammunition.
More than enough. The vehicles were packed to their roofs. We had water, we had replacements. If
you needed a fiver, you just raised your weapon and one of the Sandlers would jump in and take
our place on the firing line. You’d grab a bite of I-Rations, 8 soak your face, stretch, drain the
weasel. No one would ever volunteer for a fiver, but they had these KO 9 teams, combat shrinks
who were observing everyone’s performance. They’d been with us since our early days on the
range, knew us each by name and face, and knew, don’t ask me how, when the stress of battle was
starting to degrade our performance. We didn’t know, I certainly didn’t. There were a couple times
I’d miss a shot or maybe take a half second instead of a full. Then suddenly I’d get this tap on my
shoulder and I knew I was out of it for five. It really worked. Before I knew it, I was back on the
line, bladder empty, stomach quiet, a few less kinks and muscle cramps. It made a world of
difference, and anyone who thinks we could have lasted without it should try hitting a moving
bull’s-eye every second for fifteen hours.
What about at night?
We used searchlights from the vehicles, powerful, red-coated beams so it didn’t mess with your
night vision. The only creepy thing about night fighting, other than the redness from the lights, is
the glow a round makes when it enters the head. That’s why we called them “Cherry PIES,”
because if the bullet’s chemcomp wasn’t mixed right, it would burn so bright it made their eyes
glow red. That was a cure for constipation, especially later on, on nights when you pulled guard
duty, and one would come at you out of the dark. Those glowing red eyes, frozen in time the
second before it falls. [Shivers.]
How did you know the battle was over?
When we stopped shooting? [Laughs.] No, that’s actually a good question. Around, I don’t know,
0400, it started to taper off. Heads weren’t poking out as much. The moan was dying down. The
officers didn’t tell us that the attack was almost over, but you could see them looking through their
scopes, talking on their radios. You could see the relief in their faces. I think the last shot was fired
just before dawn. After that, we just waited for first light.
It was kinda eerie, the sun rising over this mountainous ring of corpses. We were totally walled
in, all sides were piled at least twenty feet high and over a hundred feet deep. I’m not sure how
many we killed that day, stats always vary depending on who you get it from.
The dozer-blade Humvees had to push a path through the corpse ring just to let us get out. There
were still living Gs, some slow ones who were late to the party or who had tried to climb up and
over their dead friends and had slid back down into the mound. When we started burying the
bodies they came tumbling out. That was the only time Señor Lobo saw any action.
At least we didn’t have to stick around for BS duty. They had another unit waiting in reserve to
clean up. I guess the brass figured we’d done enough for one day. We marched ten miles to the
east, set up a bivouac with watchtowers and concertainer 10 walls. I was so damn beat. I don’t
remember the chem shower, turning in my gear to be disinfected, turning in my weapon for
inspection: not one jam, not the whole unit. I don’t even remember slipping into my bag.
They let us sleep as late as we wanted the next day. That was pretty sweet. Eventually the
voices woke me up; everyone jawing, laughing, telling stories. It was a different vibe, one-eighty
from two days ago. I couldn’t really put a finger on what I was feeling, maybe it was what the
president said about “reclaiming our future.” I just knew I felt good, better than I had the entire
war. I knew it was gonna be a real, long-ass road. I knew our campaign across America was just
beginning, but, hey, as the prez said later that first night, it was finally the beginning of the end.
AINSWORTH, NEBRASKA, USA
[Darnell Hackworth is a shy, soft-spoken man. He and his wife run a retirement
farm for the four-legged veterans of the army’s K-9 Corps. Ten years ago farms
like these could be found in almost every state in the union. Now, this is the only
one left.]
They never get enough credit, I think. There is that story Dax, nice little children’s book, but it’s
pretty simplistic, and it’s only about one Dalmatian that helped an orphan kid find his way to
safety. “Dax” wasn’t even in the military, and helping lost children was a tiny fraction of dogs’
overall contribution to the fight.
The first thing they used dogs for was triage, letting them sniff for who was infected. Most
countries were just copying the Israeli method of sending people past dogs in cages. You always
had to keep them in cages, otherwise they might attack the person, or each other, or even their
handler. There was a lot of that, early in the war, dogs just going ballistic. It didn’t matter if they
were police or military. It’s that instinct, that involuntary, almost genetic terror. Fight or flight, and
those dogs were bred to fight. A lot of handlers lost hands, arms, a lot of throats got torn out. Can’t
blame the dogs for it. In fact, that instinct was what the Israelis were counting on, and it probably
saved millions of lives.
It was a great program, but, again, just a fraction of what dogs were truly capable of. Whereas
the Israelis and, after them, a lot of other countries only tried to exploit that terror instinct, we
thought we could integrate it into their regular training. And why not, we learned to do it for
ourselves, and are we really that much more evolved?
It all came down to training. You had to start young; even the most disciplined, prewar veterans
were hardwired berserkers. The pups born after the crisis came out of the womb literally smelling
the dead. It was in the air, not enough for us to detect, but just a few molecules, an introduction on
a subconscious level. That’s not to say it made all of them automatic warriors. The initial induction
was the first and most important phase. You took a group of pups, a random group, or even a whole
litter, put them in a room divided by a wire mesh. They’re on one side, Zack’s on the other. You
didn’t have to wait long for a reaction. The first group we called Bs. They’d start whimpering or
howling. They’d lost it. They were nothing like the As. Those pups would lock eyes with Zack, that
was the key. They’d stand their ground, bare their teeth, and let out this low growl that said, “Back
the fuck off!” They could control themselves, and that was the foundation of our program.
Now, just because they could control themselves didn’t mean that we could control them. Basic
training was pretty much like the standard, prewar program. Could they handle PT? 1 Could they
follow orders? Did they have the intelligence, and the discipline, to make soldiers? It was hard
going, and we had a 60 percent washout rate. It wasn’t uncommon for a recruit to be badly injured,
perhaps even killed. A lot of people nowadays call that inhumane, though they don’t seem to have
the same sympathy for the handlers. Yeah, we had to do it, too, right alongside the dogs, right from
day one of Basic, through ten more weeks of AIT. 2 It was hard training, especially the Live Enemy
Exercises. You know we were the first ones to use Zack in our field training, before the infantry,
before the Special Forces, even before the Zoomies at Willow Creek? It was the only way to really
know if you could hack it, both as an individual and as a team.
How else could you have sent them on so many different missions? There were Lures, the kind
that the Battle of Hope made famous. Pretty simple stuff; your partner hunts for Zack, then leads
him into our firing line. Ks on early missions used to be fast, run in, bark, then jam it for the kill
zone. Later, they got more comfortable. They learned to stay just a few feet ahead, backing away
slowly, making sure they herded the maximum amount of targets. In that way, they actually called
the shots.
There were also Decoys. Let’s say you were setting up a firing line but you didn’t want Zack to
show up too early. Your partner would circle around the infested zone and only start barking on the
far side. That worked with a lot of engagements, and it opened the door for the “Lemming” tactic.
During the Denver push, there was a tall building where a couple hundred refugees had
accidentally been locked in with the infection and were now completely reanimated. Before our
guys could storm the entrance, one of the Ks had his own idea to run up to the roof of a building
across the street and start barking to draw Zack up onto the higher floors. It worked like a dream.
The Gs made it up to the roof, saw their prey, made for him, and went spilling over the side. After
Denver, Lemming went right into the playbook. Even the infantry started using it when Ks weren’t
available. It wasn’t uncommon to see a grunt standing on the roof of a building, calling out to an
infested building close by.
But the primary and most common mission of any K team was scouting, both SC and LRP. SC is
Sweep and Clear, just attached to a regular unit, like conventional warfare. That’s where training
really paid off. Not only could they sniff Zack out miles before us, but the sounds they made always
told you exactly what to expect. You could tell everything you needed to know by the pitch of the
growl, and the frequency of the bark. Sometimes, when silence was required, body language
worked just as well. The arch of the K’s back, the raising of dander was all you needed to see.
After a few missions, any competent handler, and we had no other kind, could read his partner’s
every signal. Scouts finding a ghoul half submerged in mud or legless among tall grass saved a lot
of lives. I can’t tell you how many times a grunt would thank us personally for spotting a concealed
G that might have taken his foot off.
LRP was Long Range Patrol, when your partner would scout far beyond your lines, sometimes
even traveling for days, to recon an infested area. They wore a special harness with a video uplink
and GPS tracker that gave you real-time intel on the exact number and position of your targets.
You could overlay Zack’s position on a preexisting map, coordinating what your partner saw with
his position on the GPS. I guess, from a technical side, it was pretty amazing, real-time hard intel
like we used to have before the war. The brass loved it. I didn’t; I was always too concerned with
my partner. I can’t tell you how stressful that was, to be standing in some computer-filled,
air-conditioned room—safe, comfortable, and totally helpless. Later harness models had radio
uplinks, so a handler could relay orders or, at least, abort the mission. I never worked with them.
Teams had to be trained on those from the beginning. You couldn’t go back and retrain a seasoned
K. You couldn’t teach an old dog new tricks. Sorry, bad joke. I heard a lot of those from the intel
pukes; standing behind them as they watched the damn monitor, mentally stroking it to the
wonders of their new “Data Orientation Asset.” They thought they were so witty. Real fun for us to
have DOA as an acronym.
[He shakes his head.]
I just had to stand there, thumb up my ass, watching my partner’s POV as she crept through
some forest, or marsh, or town. Towns and cities, that was the hardest. That was my team’s
specialty. Hound Town. You ever heard of that?
The K-9 Urban Warfare School?
That’s it, a real town: Mitchell, Oregon. Sealed off, abandoned, and still filled with active Gs.
Hound Town. It actually should have been called Terrytown, because most of the breeds at
Mitchell were small terriers. Little cairns and Norwiches and JRs, good for rubble and narrow
choke points. Personally, the hound in Hound Town suited me just fine. I worked with a dachle.
They were, by far, the ultimate urban war fighters. Tough, smart, and, especially the minis,
completely at home in confined spaces. In fact, that’s what they were originally bred for; “badger
dog,” that’s what dachshund means in German. That’s why they had that hot dog look, so they
could hunt in low, narrow badger burrows. You see how that kind of breeding already made them
suited to the ducts and crawl spaces of an urban battleground. The ability to go through a pipe, an
airshaft, in between walls, whatever, without losing their cool, was a major survival asset.
[We are interrupted. As if on cue, a dog limps over to Darnell’s side. She is old.
Her muzzle is white, the fur on her ears and tail is worn to leather.]
[To the dog.] Hey, little miss.
[Darnell gingerly lifts her to his lap. She is small, no more than eight or nine
pounds. Although she bears some resemblance to a smooth-haired, miniature
dachshund, her back is shorter than the standard breed.]
[To the dog.] You doin’ okay, Maze? You feel all right? [To me.] Her full name’s Maisey, but we
never used it. “Maze” was pretty fitting, don’t you think?
[With one hand he massages her back legs while with the other he rubs under
her neck. She looks up at him with milky eyes. She licks his palm.]
Pure bloods were a total washout. Too neurotic, too many health problems, everything you’d
expect from breeding an animal for just its aesthetic qualities. The new generation [he gestures
to the mutt on his lap] was always a mix, whatever would increase both physical constitution
and mental stability.
[The dog has gone to sleep. Darnell lowers his voice.]
They were tough, took a lot of training, not just individually but for working in groups on LRP
missions. Long range, especially over wild terrain, was always risky. Not just from Zack, but also
from feral Ks. Remember how bad they were? All those pets and strays that degenerated into
killer packs. They were always a concern, usually in transition through low-infestation zones,
always looking for something to eat. A lot of LRP missions were aborted in the beginning before we
deployed escort dogs.
[He refers to the sleeping dog.]
She had two escorts. Pongo, who was a pit-rot mix, and Perdy…I don’t really know what Perdy
was, part shepherd, part stegosaurus. I wouldn’t have let her anywhere near them if I hadn’t gone
through basic with their handlers. They turned out to be first-rate escorts. Fourteen times they
chased off feral packs, twice they really got into it. I watched Perdy go after this
two-hundred-pound mastiff, grab its skull in her jaws, you could actually hear the crack over the
harness’s surveillance mic.
The toughest part for me was making sure Maze stuck to the mission. She always wanted to
fight. [Smiles down at the sleeping dachshund.] They were good escorts, always made sure
she got to her target objective, waited for her, and always got her home safely. You know they
even took down a few Gs in transit.
But isn’t Z flesh toxic?
Oh yeah…no, no, no, they never bit. That would have been fatal. You’d see a lot of dead Ks in the
beginning of the war, just lying there, no wounds, and you knew they’d bitten infected flesh. That’s
one of the reasons training was so important. They had to know how to defend themselves. Zack’s
got a lot of physical advantages, but balance isn’t one of them. The bigger Ks could always hit
between the shoulder blades or the small of the back, just knock them on their faces. The minis had
the option of tripping, getting underfoot, or launching themselves at the knee-pit. Maze always
preferred that, dropped ’em right on their backs!
[The dog stirs.]
[To Maze.] Oh, sorry, little miss. [Strokes the back of her neck.]
[To me.] By the time Zack got back up, you’d bought yourself five, maybe ten, fifteen seconds.
We had our share of casualties. Some Ks would have a fall, break a bone…If they were close to
friendly forces, their handler could pick them up pretty easily, get them to safety. Most of the time
they even returned to active duty.
What about the other times?
If they were too far, a Lure or an LRP…too far for rescue and too close to Zack…we petitioned for
Mercy Charges, little explosive packs strapped to the harness so we could detonate them if it
looked like there wasn’t any chance of rescue. We never got them. “A waste of valuable
resources.” Cocksuckers. Putting a wounded soldier out of his misery was a waste but turning them
into Fragmuts, now, that they’d consider!
Excuse me?
“Fragmuts.” That was the unofficial name for the program that almost, almost got the green light.
Some staff asshole’d read that the Russians had used “mine dogs” during World War II, strapped
explosives to their backs and trained them to run under Nazi tanks. The only reason Ivan ended
his program was the same reason we never began ours: the situation was no longer desperate
enough. How fucking desperate do you have to be?
They’ll never say it, but I think what stopped them was the threat of another Eckhart incident.
That really woke ’em up. You know about that, right? Sergeant Eckhart, God bless her. She was a
senior handler, operated up with AGN. 3 I never met her. Her partner was pulling a Lure mission
outside Little Rock, fell in a ditch, broke his leg. The swarm was only a few steps away. Eckhart
grabbed a rifle, tried to go out after him. Some officer got in her face, started spouting regs and
half-assed justifications. She emptied half a clip in his mouth. MPs tackled her ass, held her on the
ground. She could hear everything as the dead surrounded her partner.
What happened?
They hung her, public execution, real high profile. I understand, no, I really do. Discipline was
everything, rule of law, that’s all we had. But you better fucking believe there were some changes.
Handlers were allowed to go after their partners, even if it meant risking their own lives. We
weren’t considered assets anymore, we were half-assets. For the first time the army saw us as
teams, that a dog wasn’t just a piece of machinery you could replace when “broken.” They started
looking at statistics of handlers who offed themselves after losing a partner. You know we had the
highest rate of suicide among any branch of the service. More than Special Forces, more than
Graves Registration, even more than those sick fucks at China Lake. 4 At Hound Town I met
handlers from thirteen other countries. They all said the same thing. It didn’t matter where you
were from, what your culture or background, the feelings were still the same. Who could suffer
that kind of loss and come out in one piece? Anyone who could wouldn’t have made a handler in the
first place. That’s what made us our own breed, that ability to bond so strongly with something
that’s not even our own species. The very thing that made so many of my friends take the bullet’s
way out was what made us one of the most successful outfits in the whole fucking U.S. military.
The army saw it in me that day on a stretch of deserted road somewhere in the Colorado
Rockies. I’d been on foot since escaping my apartment in Atlanta, three months of running, hiding,
scavenging. I had rickets, fever, I was down to ninety-six pounds. I found these two guys under a
tree. They were making a fire. Behind them was this little mutt. His paws and snout were bound
with shoelaces. Dried blood was caked on his face. He was just lying there, glassy-eyed,
whimpering softly.
What happened?
You know, I honestly don’t remember. I must have hit one of them with my bat. They found it
cracked over his shoulder. They found me on the other guy, just pounding his face in. Ninety-six
pounds, half dead myself, and I beat this guy to within an inch of his life. The Guardsmen had to
pull me off, cuff me to a car hulk, smack me a couple times to get me to refocus. That, I remember.
One of the guys I attacked was holding his arm, the other one was just lying there bleeding. “Calm
the fuck down,” the LT said, trying to question me, “What’s wrong with you? Why’d you do that to
your friends?” “He’s not our friend!” the one with the broken arm yelled, “he’s fuckin’ crazy!” And
all I kept saying was “Don’t hurt the dog! Don’t hurt the dog!” I remember the Guardsmen just
laughed. “Jesus Christ,” one of them said looking down at the two guys. The LT nodded, then looked
at me. “Buddy,” he said, “I think we got a job for you.” And that’s how I got recruited. Sometimes
you find your path, sometimes it finds you.
[Darnell pets Maze. She cracks one eyelid. Her leathery tail wags.]
What happened to the dog?
I wish I could give you a Disney ending, like he became my partner or ended up saving a whole
orphanage from a fire or something. They’d hit him with a rock to knock him out. Fluid built up in
his ear canals. He lost all hearing in one and partial hearing in the other. But his nose still worked
and he did make a pretty good ratter once I found him a home. He hunted enough vermin to keep
that family fed all winter. That’s kind of a Disney ending, I guess, Disney with Mickey stew.
[Laughs softly.] You wanna know something crazy? I used to hate dogs.
Really?
Despised them; dirty, smelly, slobbering germ bags that humped your leg and made the carpet
smell like piss. God, I hated them. I was that guy who’d come over to your house and refuse to pet
the dog. I was the guy at work who always made fun of people with dog pictures on their desk. You
know that guy who’d always threaten to call Animal Control when your pooch barked at night?
[Motions to himself.]
I lived a block away from a pet store. I used to drive by it every day on my way to work,
confounded by how these sentimental, socially incompetent losers could shell out so much money
on oversized, barking hamsters. During the Panic, the dead started to collect around that pet shop.
I don’t know where the owner was. He’d pulled down the gates but left the animals inside. I could
hear them from my bedroom window. All day, all night. Just puppies, you know, a couple of weeks
old. Scared little babies screaming for their mommies, for anyone, to please come and save them.
I heard them die, one by one as their water bottles ran out. The dead never got in. They were
still massed outside the gate when I escaped, ran right past without stopping to look. What could I
have done? I was unarmed, untrained. I couldn’t have taken care of them. I could barely take care
of myself. What could I have done?…Something.
[Maze sighs in her sleep. Darnell pats her gently.]
I could have done something.
SIBERIA, THE HOLY RUSSIAN EMPIRE
[The people who exist in this shantytown do so under the most primitive
conditions. There is no electricity, no running water. The huts are grouped
together behind a wall cut from the surrounding trees. The smallest hovel
belongs to Father Sergei Ryzhkov. It is a miracle to see how the old cleric is still
able to function. His walk reveals the numerous wartime and postwar injuries.
The handshake reveals that all his fingers have been broken. His attempt at a
smile reveals that those teeth not black with decay have been knocked out a
long time ago.]
In order to understand how we became a “religious state,” and how that state began with a man
like me, you have to understand the nature of our war against the undead.
As with so many other conflicts, our greatest ally was General Winter. The biting cold,
lengthened and strengthened by the planet’s darkened skies, gave us the time we needed to
prepare our homeland for liberation. Unlike the United States, we were fighting a war on two
fronts. We had the Ural barrier in the west, and the Asian swarms from the southeast. Siberia had
been stabilized, finally, but was by no means completely secure. We had so many refugees from
India and China, so many frozen ghouls that thawed, and continue to thaw, each spring. We needed
those winter months to reorganize our forces, marshal our population, inventory and distribute our
vast stocks of military hardware.
We didn’t have the war production of other countries. There was no Department of Strategic
Resources in Russia: no industry other than finding enough food to keep our people alive. What we
did have was our legacy of a military industrial state. I know you in the West have always laughed
at us for this “folly.” “Paranoid Ivan”—that’s what you called us—“building tanks and guns while his
people cry out for cars and butter.” Yes, the Soviet Union was backward and inefficient and yes, it
did bankrupt our economy on mountains of military might, but when the motherland needed them,
those mountains were what saved her children.
[He refers to the faded poster on the wall behind him. It shows the ghostly image
of an old Soviet soldier reaching down from heaven to hand a crude submachine
gun to a grateful young Russian. The caption underneath reads “Dyedooshka,
Spaciba” (Thank you, Grandfather).]
I was a chaplain with the Thirty-second Motor Rifle division. We were a Category D unit;
fourth-class equipment, the oldest in our arsenal. We looked like extras in an old Great Patriotic
War movie with our PPSH submachine guns and our bolt-action Mosin-Nagant rifles. We didn’t
have your fancy, new battle dress uniform. We wore the tunics of our grandfathers: rough, moldy,
moth-eaten wool that could barely keep the cold out, and did nothing to protect against bites.
We had a very high casualty rate, most of it in urban combat, and most of that due to faulty
ammunition. Those rounds were older than us; some of them had been sitting in crates, open to the
elements, since before Stalin breathed his last. You never knew when a “Cugov” would happen,
when your weapon would “click” at the moment a ghoul was upon you. That happened a lot in the
Thirty-second Motor Rifle division.
We weren’t as neat and organized as your army. We didn’t have your tight, light little Raj-Singh
squares or your frugal “one shot, one kill” combat doctrine. Our battles were sloppy and brutal. We
plastered the enemy in DShK heavy machine-gun fire, drowned them with flamethrowers and
Katyusha rockets, and crushed them under the treads of our prehistoric T-34 tanks. It was
inefficient and wasteful and resulted in too many needless deaths.
Ufa was the first major battle of our offensive. It became the reason we stopped going into the
cities and started walling them up during winter. We learned a lot of lessons those first months,
charging headlong into the rubble after hours of merciless artillery, fighting block by block, house
by house, room by room. There were always too many zombies, too many misfires, and always too
many bitten boys.
We didn’t have L pills 1 like in your army. The only way to deal with infection was a bullet. But
who was going to pull the trigger? Certainly not the other soldiers. To kill your comrade, even in
cases as merciful as infection, was too reminiscent of the decimations. That was the irony of it all.
The decimations had given our armed forces the strength and discipline to do anything we asked of
them, anything but that. To ask, or even order, one soldier to kill another was crossing a line that
might have sparked another mutiny.
For a while the responsibility rested with the leadership, the officers and senior sergeants. We
couldn’t have made a more damaging decision. To have to look into the faces of these men, these
boys whom you were responsible for, whom you fought with side by side, shared bread and
blankets, saved his life or have him save yours. Who can focus on the monumental burden of
leadership after having to commit such an act?
We began to see a noticeable degradation among our field commanders. Dereliction of duty,
alcoholism, suicide—suicide became almost epidemic among the officer corps. Our division lost four
experienced leaders, three junior lieutenants, and a major, all during the first week of our first
campaign. Two of the lieutenants shot themselves, one right after committing the deed, and the
other later that night. The third platoon leader chose a more passive method, what we began to
call “suicide by combat.” He volunteered for increasingly dangerous missions, acting more like a
reckless enlisted man than a responsible leader. He died trying to take on a dozen ghouls with
nothing but a bayonet.
Major Kovpak just vanished. No one knows exactly when. We knew he couldn’t have been taken.
The area was thoroughly swept and no one, absolutely no one left the perimeter without an escort.
We all knew what probably happened. Colonel Savichev put out an official statement that the major
had been sent on a long-range recon mission and had never returned. He even went so far as to
recommend him for a first-class Order of the Rodina. You can’t stop the rumors, and nothing is
worse for a unit’s morale than to know that one of their officers had deserted. I could not blame
the man, I still cannot. Kovpak was a good man, a strong leader. Before the crisis he had done
three tours in Chechnya and one in Dagestan. When the dead began to rise, he not only prevented
his company from revolting, but led them all, on foot, carrying both supplies and wounded from
Curta in the Salib Mountains all the way to Manaskent on the Caspian Sea. Sixty-five days,
thirty-seven major engagements. Thirty-seven! He could have become an instructor—he’d more
than earned the right—and had even been asked by STAVKA because of his extensive combat
experience. But no, he volunteered for an immediate return to action. And now he was a deserter.
They used to call this “the Second Decimation,” the fact that almost one in every ten officers killed
themselves in those days, a decimation that almost brought our war effort to a crushing halt.
The logical alternative, the only one, was to therefore let the boys commit the act themselves. I
can still remember their faces, dirty and pimply, their red-rimmed eyes wide as they closed their
mouths around their rifles. What else could be done? It wasn’t long before they began to kill
themselves in groups, all those who’d been bitten in a battle gathering at the field hospital to
synchronize the moment when they would all pull the trigger. I guess it was comforting, knowing
that they weren’t dying alone. It was probably the only comfort they could expect. They certainly
didn’t get it from me.
I was a religious man in a country that had long since lost its faith. Decades of communism
followed by materialistic democracy had left this generation of Russians with little knowledge of,
or need for, “the opium of the masses.” As a chaplain, my duties were mainly to collect letters from
the condemned boys to their families, and to distribute any vodka I managed to find. It was a
next-to-useless existence, I knew, and the way our country was headed, I doubted anything would
occur to change that.
It was right after the battle for Kostroma, just a few weeks before the official assault on Moscow.
I had come to the field hospital to give last rights to the infected. They had been set apart, some
badly mauled, some still healthy and lucid. The first boy couldn’t have been older than seventeen.
He wasn’t bitten, that would have been merciful. The zombie had had its forearms ripped off by
the treads of an SU-152 self-propelled gun. All that remained was hanging flesh and broken
humerus bones, jagged at the edges, sharp like spears. They stabbed right through the boy’s tunic
where whole hands would have just grabbed him. He was lying on a cot, bleeding from his belly,
ashen-faced, rifle quivering in his hand. Next to him was a row of five other infected soldiers. I
went through the motions of telling them I would pray for their souls. They either shrugged or
nodded politely. I took their letters, as I’d always done, gave them a drink, and even passed out a
couple cigarettes from their commanding officer. Even though I’d done this many times, somehow I
felt strangely different. Something was stirring within me, a tense, tingling sensation that began to
work its way up through my heart and lungs. I began to feel my whole body tremble as the soldiers
all placed the muzzles of their weapons underneath their chins. “On three,” the oldest of them said.
“One…two…” That was as far as they got. The seventeen-year-old flew backward and hit the
ground. The others stared dumbfounded at the bullet hole in his forehead, then up to the smoking
pistol in my hand, in God’s hand.
God was speaking to me, I could feel his words ringing in my head. “No more sinning,” he told
me, “no more souls resigned to hell.” It was so clear, so simple. Officers killing soldiers had cost us
too many good officers, and soldiers killing themselves had cost the Lord too many good souls.
Suicide was a sin, and we, his servants—those who had chosen to be his shepherds upon the
earth—were the only ones who should bear the cross of releasing trapped souls from infected
bodies! That is what I told division commander after he discovered what I’d done, and that is the
message that spread first to every chaplain in the field and then to every civilian priest throughout
Mother Russia.
What later became known as the act of “Final Purification” was only the first step of a religious
fervor that would surpass even the Iranian revolution of the 1980s. God knew his children had
been denied his love for too long. They needed direction, courage, hope! You could say that it is the
reason we emerged from that war as a nation of faith, and have continued to rebuild our state, on
the basis of that faith.
Is there any truth to the stories of that philosophy being perverted for
political reasons?
[Pause.] I don’t understand.
The president declared himself head of the Church…
Can’t a national leader feel God’s love?
But what about organizing priests into “death squads,” and
assassinating people under the premise of “purifying infected
victims”?
[Pause.] I don’t know what you’re talking about.
Isn’t that why you eventually fell out with Moscow? Isn’t that why
you’re here?
[There is a long pause. We hear the sounds of footsteps approaching. Someone
knocks at the door. Father Sergei opens it to find a small, ragged child. Mud
stains his pale, frightened face. He speaks in a frantic, local dialect, shouting
and pointing up the road. The old priest nods solemnly, pats the boy on the
shoulder, then turns to me.]
Thank you for coming. Will you excuse me, please?
[As I rise to leave, he opens a large wooden chest at the foot of his bed,
removing both a bible and a World War II–era pistol.]
ABOARD USS HOLO KAI, OFF THE COAST OF THE HAWAIIAN
ISLANDS
[Deep Glider 7 looks more like a twin fuselage aircraft than a minisub. I lie on my
stomach in the starboard hull, looking out through a thick, transparent nose
cone. My pilot, Master Chief Petty Officer Michael Choi, waves at me from the
port hull. Choi is one of the “old-timers,” possibly the most experienced diver in
the U.S. Navy’s Deep Submergence Combat Corps (DSCC). His gray temples and
weathered crow’s-feet clash violently with his almost adolescent enthusiasm. As
the mother ship lowers us into the choppy Pacific, I detect a trace of “surfer
dude” bleeding through Choi’s otherwise neutral accent.]
My war never ended. If anything, you could say it’s still escalating. Every month we expand our
operations and improve our material and human assets. They say there are still somewhere
between twenty and thirty million of them, still washing up on beaches, or getting snagged in
fishermen’s nets. You can’t work an offshore oil rig or repair a transatlantic cable without running
into a swarm. That’s what this dive is about: trying to find them, track them, and predict their
movements so maybe we can have some advance warning.
[We hit the whitecaps with a jarring thud. Choi grins, checks his instruments, and
shifts the channels on his radio from me to the mother ship. The water before my
observation dome froths white for a second, then gives way to light blue as we
submerge.]
You’re not going to ask me about scuba gear or titanium shark suits, are you, because that crap’s
got nothing to do with my war? Spear guns and bang sticks and zombie river nets…I can’t help you
with any of that. If you want civilians, talk to civilians.
But the military did use those methods.
Only for brown water ops, and almost exclusively by army pukes. Personally, I’ve never worn a
mesh suit or a scuba rig…well…at least not in combat. My war was strictly ADS. Atmospheric
Diving Suit. Kind of like a space suit and a suit of armor all rolled into one. The technology actually
goes back a couple hundred years, when some guy 1 invented a barrel with a faceplate and arm
holes. After that you had stuff like the Tritonia and the Neufeldt-Kuhnke. They looked like
something out of an old 1950s sci-fi movie, “Robby the Robot” and shit. It all kinda fell by the
wayside when…do you really care about all this?
Yes, please…
Well, that sort of technology fell by the wayside when scuba was invented. It only made a
comeback when divers had to go deep, real deep, to work on offshore oil rigs. You see…the deeper
you go, the greater the pressure; the greater the pressure, the more dangerous it is for scuba or
similar mixed-gas rigs. You’ve got to spend days, sometimes weeks, in a decompression chamber,
and if, for some reason, you have to shoot up to the surface…you get the bends, gas bubbles in the
blood, in the brain…and we’re not even talking about long-term health hazards like bone necrosis,
soaking your body with shit nature never intended to be there.
[He pauses to check his instruments.]
The safest way to dive, to go deeper, to stay down longer, was to enclose your whole body in a
bubble of surface pressure.
[He gestures to the compartments around us.]
Just like we are now—safe, protected, still on the surface as far as our bodies’ concerned. That’s
what an ADS does, its depth and duration only limited by armor and life support.
So it’s like a personal submarine?
“Submersible.” A submarine can stay down for years, maintaining its own power, making its own
air. A submersible can only make short duration dives, like World War II subs or what we’re in now.
[The water begins to darken, deepening to a purplish ink.]
The very nature of an ADS, the fact that it’s really just a suit of armor, makes it ideal for blue
and black water combat. I’m not knocking soft suits, you know, shark or other mesh rigs. They’ve
got ten times the maneuverability, the speed, the agility, but they’re strictly shallow water at best,
and if for some reason a couple of those fuckers get ahold of you…I’ve seen mesh divers with
broken arms, broken ribs, three with broken necks. Drowning…if your air line was punctured or
the regulator’s ripped out of your mouth. Even in a hard helmet on a mesh-lined dry suit, all they’d
have to do is hold you down, let your air run out. I’ve seen too many guys go out that way, or else
try to race for the surface and let an embolism finish what Zack started.
Did that happen a lot to mesh suit divers?
Sometimes, especially in the beginning, but it never happened to us. There was no risk of physical
danger. Both your body and your life support are encased in a cast-aluminum or high-strength
composite shell. Most models’ joints are steel or titanium. No matter which way Zack turned your
arms, even if he managed to get a solid grip, which is hard considering how smooth and round
everything is, it was physically impossible to break off a limb. If for some reason you need to jet up
to the surface, just jettison your ballast or your thruster pack, if you had one…all suits are
positively buoyant. They pop right up like a cork. The only risk might be if Zack were clinging to
you during the ascent. A couple times I’ve had buddies surface with uninvited passengers hanging
on for dear life…or undeath. [Chuckles.]
Balloon ascents almost never happened in combat. Most ADS models have forty-eight hours
emergency life support. No matter how many Gs dog-piled you, no matter if a hunk of debris came
crumbling down or your leg got snagged in an underwater cable, you could sit tight, snug and safe,
and just wait for the cavalry. No one ever dives alone, and I think the longest any ADS diver has
ever had to cool his heels was six hours. There were times, more than I can count on my fingers,
where one of us would get snagged, report it, then follow up by saying that there was no
immediate danger, and that the rest of the team should assist only after accomplishing their
mission.
You say ADS models. Was there more than one type?
We had a bunch: civilian, military, old, new…well…relatively new. We couldn’t build any wartime
models, so we had to work with what was already available. Some of the older ones dated back to
the seventies, the JIMs and SAMs. I’m really glad I never had to operate any of those. They only
had universal joints and portholes instead of a face bowl, at least on the early JIMs. I knew one
guy, from the British Special Boat Service. He had these mondo blood blisters all along his inner
thighs from where the JIM’s leg joints pinched his skin. Kick-ass divers, the SBS, but I’d never swap
jobs with them.
We had three basic U.S. Navy models: the Hardsuit 1200, the 2000, and the Mark 1 Exosuit. That
was my baby, the exo. You wanna talk about sci-fi, this thing looked like it was made to fight giant
space termites. It was much slimmer than either of the two hardsuits, and light enough that you
could even swim. That was the major advantage over the hardsuit, actually over all other ADS
systems. To be able to operate above your enemy, even without a power sled or thruster packs,
that more than made up for the fact that you couldn’t scratch your itches. The hardsuits were big
enough to allow your arms to be pulled into the central cavity to allow you to operate secondary
equipment.
What kind of equipment?
Lights, video, side scanning sonar. The hardsuits were full-service units, exos were the bargain
basement. You didn’t have to worry about a lot of readouts and machinery. You didn’t have any of
the distractions or the multitasking of the hardsuits. The exo was sleek and simple, allowing you to
focus on your weapon and the field in front of you.
What kind of weapons did you use?
At first we had the M-9, kind of a cheap, modified, knockoff of the Russian APS. I say “modified”
because no ADS had anything close to resembling hands. You either had four-pronged claws or
simple, industrial pincers. Both worked as hand-to-hand weapons—just grab a G’s head and
squeeze—but they made it impossible to fire a gun. The M-9 was fixed to your forearm and could
be fired electrically. It had a laser pointer for accuracy and air-encased cartridges that fired these
four-inch-long steel rods. The major problem was that they were basically designed for shallow
water operations. At the depth we needed, they imploded like eggshells. About a year in we got a
much more efficient model, the M-11, actually invented by the same guy who invented both the
hardsuit and exo. I hope that crazy Canuck got an assload of medals for what he’s done for us. The
only problem with it was that DeStRes thought production was too expensive. They kept telling us
that between our claws and preexisting construction tools, we had more than enough to handle
Zack.
What changed their minds?
Troll. We were in the North Sea, repairing that Norwegian natural gas platform, and suddenly
there they were…We’d expected some kind of attack—the noise and light of the construction site
always attracted at least a handful of them. We didn’t know a swarm was nearby. One of our
sentries sounded off, we headed for his beacon, and we were suddenly inundated. Horrible thing to
fight hand-to-hand underwater. The bottom churns up, your visibility is shot, like fighting inside a
glass of milk. Zombies don’t just die when you hit them, most of the time they disintegrate,
fragments of muscle, organ, brain matter, mixed up with the silt and swirling around you. Kids
today…fuckin’ A, I sound like my pops, but it’s true, the kids today, the new ADS divers in the Mark
3s and 4s, they have this “ZeVDeK”—Zero Visibility Detection Kit—with color-imaging sonar and
low-light optics. The picture is relayed through a heads-up display right on your face bowl like a
fighter plane. Throw in a pair of stereo hydrophones and you’ve got a real sensory advantage over
Zack. That was not the case when I first went exo. We couldn’t see, we couldn’t hear—we couldn’t
even feel if a G was trying to grab us from behind.
Why was that?
Because the one fundamental flaw of an ADS is complete tactile blackout. The simple fact that the
suit is hard means you can’t feel anything from the outside world, even if a G has his hands right
on you. Unless Zack is actively tugging, trying to pull you back or flip you around, you may not
know he’s there until his face is right up against yours. That night at Troll…our helmet lights only
made the problem worse by throwing up a glare that was only broken by an undead hand or face.
That was the only time I was ever spooked…not scared, you understand, just spooked, swinging in
this liquid chalk and suddenly a rotting face is jammed against my face bowl.
The civilian oil workers, they wouldn’t go back to work, even under threat of reprisals, until we,
their escorts, were better armed. They’d lost enough of their people already, ambushed out of the
darkness. Can’t imagine what that must have been like. You’re in this dry suit, working in near
pitch-black, eyes stinging from the light of the welding torch, body numb from the cold or else
burning from the hot water pumped through the system. Suddenly you feel these hands, or teeth.
You struggle, call for help, try to fight or swim as they pull you up. Maybe a few body parts will rise
to the surface, maybe they’ll just pull up a severed lifeline. That was how the DSCC came into
being as an official outfit. Our first mission was to protect the rig divers, keep the oil flowing. Later
we expanded to beachhead sanitation and harbor clearing.
What is beachhead sanitation?
Basically, helping the jarheads get ashore. What we learned during Bermuda, our first amphibious
landing, was that the beachhead was coming under constant attack by Gs walking out of the surf.
We had to establish a perimeter, a semicircular net around the proposed landing area that was
deep enough for ships to pass over, but high enough to keep out Zack.
That’s where we came in. Two weeks before the landings took place, a ship would anchor several
miles offshore and start banging away with their active sonar. That was to draw Zack away from
the beach.
Wouldn’t that sonar also lure in zombies from deeper water?
The brass told us that was an “acceptable risk.” I think they didn’t have anything better. That’s
why it was an ADS op, too risky for mesh divers. You knew that masses were gathering under that
pinging ship, and that once they went silent, you’d be the brightest target out there. It actually
turned out to be the closest thing we ever had to a cakewalk. The attack frequency was the lowest
by far, and when the nets were up, they had an almost perfect success rate. All you needed was a
skeleton force to keep a constant vigil, maybe snipe the occasional G that tried to climb the fence.
They didn’t really need us for this kind of op. After the first three landings, they went back to using
mesh divers.
And harbor clearing?
That was not a cakewalk. That was in the final stages of the war, when it wasn’t just about opening
a beachhead, but reopening harbors for deepwater shipping. That was a massive, combined
operation: mesh divers, ADS units, even civilian volunteers with nothing but a scuba rig and a
spear gun. I helped clear Charleston, Norfolk, Boston, freakin’ Boston, and the mother of all
subsurface nightmares, the Hero City. I know grunts like to bitch about fighting to clear a city, but
imagine a city underwater, a city of sunken ships and cars and planes and every kind of debris
imaginable. During the evacuation, when a lot of container ships were trying to make as much
room as they could, a lot of them dumped their cargo overboard. Couches, toaster ovens,
mountains and mountains of clothes. Plasma TVs always crunched when you walked over them. I
always imagined it was bone. I also imagined I could see Zack behind each washer and dryer,
climbing over each pile of smashed air conditioners. Sometimes it was just my imagination, but
sometimes…The worst…the worst was having to clear a sunken ship. There were always a few
that had gone down within the harbor boundaries. A couple, like the Frank Cable, big sub tender
turned refugee ship, had gone down right at the mouth of the harbor. Before she could be raised,
we had to do a compartment-by-compartment sweep. That was the only time the exo ever felt
bulky, unwieldy. I didn’t smack my head in every passageway, but it sure as hell felt like it. A lot of
the hatches were blocked by debris. We either had to cut our way through them, or through the
decks and bulkheads. Sometimes the deck had been weakened by damage or corrosion. I was
cutting through a bulkhead above the Cable’s engine room when suddenly the deck just collapsed
under me. Before I could swim, before I could think…there were hundreds of them in the engine
room. I was engulfed, drowning in legs and arms and hunks of meat. If I ever had a recurring
nightmare, and I’m not saying I do, because I don’t, but if I did, I’d be right back in there, only this
time I’m completely naked…I mean I would be.
[I am surprised at how quickly we reach the bottom. It looks like a desert
wasteland, glowing white against the permanent darkness. I see the stumps of
wire coral, broken and trampled by the living dead.]
There they are.
[I look up to see the swarm, roughly sixty of them, walking out of the desert
night.]
And here we go.
[Choi maneuvers us above them. They reach up for our searchlights, eyes wide
and jaws slack. I can see the dim red beam of the laser as it settles on the first
target. A second later, a small dart is fired into its chest.]
And one…
[He centers his beam on a second subject.]
And two…
[He moves down the swarm, tagging each one with a nonlethal shot.]
Kills me not to kill them. I mean, I know the whole point is to study their movements, set up an
early warning network. I know that if we had the resources to clear them all we would. Still…
[He darts a sixth target. Like all the others, this one is oblivious to the small hole
in its sternum.]
How do they do it? How are they still around? Nothing in the world corrodes like saltwater.
These Gs should have gone way before the ones on land. Their clothes sure did, anything organic
like cloth or leather.
[The figures below us are practically naked.]
So why not the rest of them? Is it the temperature at these depths, is it the pressure? And why
do they have such a resistance to pressure anyway? At this depth the human nervous system
should be completely Jell-O-ized. They shouldn’t even be able to stand, let alone walk and “think”
or whatever their version of thinking is. How do they do it? I’m sure someone real high up has all
the answers and I’m sure the only reason they don’t tell me is…
[He is suddenly distracted by a flashing light on his instrument panel.]
Hey, hey, hey. Check this out.
[I look down at my own panel. The readouts are incomprehensible.]
We got a hot one, pretty healthy rad count. Must be from the Indian Ocean, Iranian or Paki, or
maybe that ChiCom attack boat that went down off Manihi. How about that?
[He fires another dart.]
You’re lucky. This is one of the last manned recon dives. Next month it’s all ROV, 100 percent
Remotely Operated Vehicles.
There’s been a lot of controversy over the use of ROVs for combat.
Never happen. The Sturge’s 2 got way too much star power. She’d never let Congress go ’droid on
us.
Is there any validity to their argument?
What, you mean if robots are more efficient fighters than ADS divers? Hell no. All that talk about
“limiting human casualties” is bullshit. We never lost a man in combat, not one! That guy they keep
talking about, Chernov, he was killed after the war, on land, when he got wasted and passed out on
a tram line. Fuckin’ politicians.
Maybe ROVs are more cost-effective, but one thing they’re not is better. I’m not just talking
about artificial intelligence; I’m talking heart, instinct, initiative, everything that makes us us.
That’s why I’m still here, same with the Sturge, and almost all the other vets who took the plunge
during the war. Most of us are still involved because we have to be, because they still haven’t yet
come up with a collection of chips and bits to replace us. Believe me, once they do, I’ll not only
never look at an exosuit again, I’ll quit the navy and pull a full-on Alpha November Alpha.
What’s that?
Action in the North Atlantic, this old, black-and-white war flick. There’s a guy in it, you know the
“Skipper” from Gilligan’s Island, his old man. 3 He had a line…“I’m putting an oar on my shoulder
and I’m starting inland. And the first time a guy says to me ‘What’s that on your shoulder?’ that’s
where I’m settling for the rest of my life.”
QUEBEC, CANADA
[The small farmhouse has no wall, no bars on the windows, and no lock on the
door. When I ask the owner about his vulnerability he simply chuckles and
resumes his lunch. Andre Renard, brother of the legendary war hero Emil
Renard, has requested that I keep his exact location secret. “I don’t care if the
dead find me,” he says without feeling, “but I care very little for the living.” The
former French national immigrated to this place after the official end of
hostilities in western Europe. Despite numerous invitations from the French
government, he has not returned.]
Everyone else is a liar, everyone who claims that their campaign was “the hardest of the entire
war.” All those ignorant peacocks who beat their chests and brag about “mountain warfare” or
“jungle warfare” or “urban warfare.” Cities, oh how they love to brag about cities! “Nothing more
terrifying than fighting in a city!” Oh really? Try underneath one.
Do you know why the Paris skyline was devoid of skyscrapers, I mean the prewar, proper Paris
skyline? Do you know why they stuck all those glass and steel monstrosities out in La Defense, so
far from the city center? Yes, there’s aesthetics, a sense of continuity and civic pride…not like that
architectural mongrel called London. But the truth, the logical, practical, reason for keeping Paris
free from American-style monoliths, is that the earth beneath their feet is simply too tunneled to
support it.
There are Roman tombs, quarries that supplied limestone for much of the city, even World War
II bunkers used by the Resistance and yes, there was a Resistance! Then there is the modern
Metro, the telephone lines, the gas mains, the water pipes…and through it all, you have the
catacombs. Roughly six million bodies were buried there, taken from the prerevolution cemeteries,
where corpses were just tossed in like rubbish. The catacombs contained entire walls of skulls and
bones arranged in macabre patterns. It was even functional in places where interlocking bones
held back mounds of loose remains behind them. The skulls always seemed to be laughing at me.
I don’t think I can blame the civilians who tried to survive in that subterranean world. They
didn’t have the civilian survival manual back then, they didn’t have Radio Free Earth. It was the
Great Panic. Maybe a few souls who thought they knew those tunnels decided to make a go of it, a
few more followed them, then a few more. The word spread, “it’s safe underground.” A quarter
million in all, that’s what the bone counters have determined, two hundred and fifty thousand
refugees. Maybe if they had been organized, thought to bring food and tools, even had enough
sense to seal the entrances behind them and make damn sure those coming in weren’t infected…
How can anyone claim that their experience can compare to what we endured? The darkness and
the stink…we had almost no night vision goggles, just one pair per platoon, and that’s if you were
lucky. Spare batteries were in short supply for our electric torches, too. Sometimes there was only
one working unit for an entire squad, just for the point man, cutting the darkness with a red-coated
beam.
The air was toxic with sewage, chemicals, rotting flesh…the gas masks were a joke, most of the
filters had long expired. We wore anything we could find, old military models, or firefighting hoods
that covered your entire head, made you sweat like a pig, made you deaf as well as blind. You
never knew where you were, staring through that misty visor, hearing the muffled voices of your
squad mates, the crackle of your radioman.
We had to use hardwired sets, you see, because airwave transmissions were too unreliable. We
used old telephone wire, copper, not fiber optic. We would just rip it off the conduits and keep
massive rolls with us to extend our range. It was the only way to keep in contact, and, most of the
time, the only way to keep from becoming lost.
It was so easy to become lost. All the maps were prewar and didn’t take into account the
modifications the survivors had made, all the interconnecting tunnels and alcoves, the holes in the
floor that would suddenly open up in front of you. You would lose your way, at least once a day,
sometimes more, and then have to trace your way back down the communications wire, check your
location on the map, and try to figure out what had gone wrong. Sometimes it was only a few
minutes, sometimes hours, or even days.
When another squad was being attacked, you would hear their cries over the radio or echoing
through the tunnels. The acoustics were evil; they taunted you. Screams and moans came from
every direction. You never knew where they were coming from. At least with the radio, you could
try, maybe, to get a fix on your comrades’ position. If they weren’t panicked, if they knew where
they were, if you knew where you were…
The running: you dash through the passageways, bash your head on the ceiling, crawl on your
hands and knees, praying to the Virgin with all your might for them to hold for just a little longer.
You get to their position, find it is the wrong one, an empty chamber, and the screams for help are
still a long way off.
And when you arrive, maybe to find nothing but bones and blood. Maybe you are lucky to find
the zombies still there, a chance for vengeance…if it has taken a long time to reach them, that
vengeance must now include your reanimated friends. Close combat. Close like so…
[He leans across the table, pressing his face inches away from mine.]
No standard equipment; whatever one believed would suit him. There were no firearms, you
understand. The air, the gas, it was too flammable. The fire from a gun…
[He makes the sound of an explosion.]
We had the Beretta-Grechio, the Italian air carbine. It was a wartime model of a child’s carbon
dioxide pellet gun. You got maybe five shots, six or seven if it was pressed right up to their heads.
Good weapon, but always not enough of them. And you had to be careful! If you missed, if the ball
struck the stone, if the stone was dry, if you got a spark…entire tunnels would catch, explosions
that buried men alive, or fireballs that melted their masks right to their faces. Hand to hand is
always better. Here…
[He rises from the table to show me something on his mantelpiece. The
weapon’s handle is encased in a semicircular steel ball. Protruding from this ball
are two 8-inch steel spikes at right angles from each other.]
You see why, eh? No room to swing a blade. Quick, through the eye, or over the top of the head.
[He demonstrates with a quick punch and stab combination.]
My own design, a modern version of my great-grandfather’s at Verdun, eh? You know
Verdun—“On ne passé pas”—They shall not pass!
[He resumes his lunch.]
No room, no warning, suddenly they are upon you, perhaps right in front of your eyes, or
grabbing from a side passage you didn’t know was there. Everyone was armored in some
way…chain mail or heavy leather…almost always it was too heavy, too suffocating, wet leather
jackets and trousers, heavy metal chain-link shirts. You try to fight, you are already exhausted,
men would tear off their masks, gasping for air, inhaling the stink. Many died before you could get
them to the surface.
I used greaves, protection here (gestures to his forearms) and gloves, chain-covered leather,
easy to remove when not in combat. They were my own design. We didn’t have the American battle
uniforms, but we did have your marsh covers, the long, high waterproof boots with the bite-proof
fiber sewn into the lining. We needed those.
The water was high that summer; the rains were coming hard and the Seine was a raging
torrent. It was always wet. There was rot between your fingers, your toes, in your crotch. The
water was up to your ankles almost all the time, sometimes up to your knees or waist. You would
be on point, walking, or crawling—sometimes we had to crawl in the stinking fluid up to our elbows.
And suddenly the ground would just fall away. You would splash, headfirst, into one of those
unmapped holes. You only had a few seconds to right yourself before your gas mask flooded. You
kicked and thrashed, your comrades would grab you and haul fast. Drowning was the least of your
worries. Men would be splashing, struggling to stay afloat with all that heavy gear, and suddenly
their eyes would bulge, and you’d hear their muffled cries. You might feel the moment they
attacked: the snap or tear and suddenly you fall over with the poor bastard on top of you. If he
wasn’t wearing the marsh covers…a foot is gone, the whole leg; if he had been crawling and went
in face-first…sometimes that face would be gone.
Those were times when we called a full retreat to a defensive position and waited for the
Cousteaus, the scuba divers trained to work and fight specifically in those flooded tunnels. With
only a searchlight and a shark suit, if they were lucky to get one, and, at most, two hours of air.
They were supposed to wear a safety line, but most of them refused to do so. The lines tended to
get tangled and slow up the diver’s progress. Those men, and women, had a one in twenty chance
of survival, the lowest ratio of any branch of any army, I don’t care what anyone says. 1 Is it any
wonder they received an automatic Legion of Honor?
And what was it all for? Fifteen thousand dead or missing. Not just the Cousteaus, all of us, the
entire core. Fifteen thousand souls in just three months. Fifteen thousand at a time when the war
was winding down all over the world. “Go! Go! Fight! Fight!” It didn’t have to be that way. How
long did it take the English to clear all of London? Five years, three years after the war was
officially over? They went slow and safe, one section at a time, low speed, low intensity, low
casualty rate. Slow and safe, like most major cities. Why us? That English general, what he said
about “Enough dead heroes for the end of time…”
“Heroes,” that’s what we were, that’s what our leaders wanted, that’s what our people felt they
needed. After all that has happened, not just in this war, but in so many wars before: Algeria,
Indochina, the Nazis…you understand what I am saying…you see the sorrow and pity? We
understood what the American president said about “reclaiming our confidence”; we understood it
more than most. We needed heroes, new names and places to restore our pride.
The Ossuary, Port-Mahon Quarry, the Hospital…that was our shining moment…the Hospital. The
Nazis had built it to house mental patients, so the legend goes, letting them starve to death behind
the concrete walls. During our war it had been an infirmary for the recently bitten. Later, as more
began to reanimate and the survivors’ humanity faded like their electric lamps, they began
throwing the infected, and who knows who else, into that undead vault. An advance team broke
through without realizing what was on the other side. They could have withdrawn, blown the
tunnel, sealed them in again…One squad against three hundred zombies. One squad led by my
baby brother. His voice was the last thing we heard before their radio went silent. His last words:
“On ne passé pas!”
DENVER, COLORADO
[The weather is perfect for the neighborhood picnic in Victory Park. The fact that
not one sighting has been recorded this spring gives everyone even more reason
to celebrate. Todd Wainio stands in the outfield, waiting for a high fly ball that he
claims “will never come.” Perhaps he’s right, as no one seems to mind me
standing next to him.]
They called it “the road to New York” and it was a long, long road. We had three main Army
Groups: North, Center, and South. The grand strategy was to advance as one across the Great
Plains, across the Midwest, then break off at the Appalachians, the wings sweeping north and
south, shoot for Maine and Florida, then grind across the coast and link up with AG Center as they
slogged it over the mountains. It took three years.
Why so slow?
Dude, take your pick: foot transport, terrain, weather, enemies, battle doctrine…Doctrine was to
advance as two solid lines, one behind the other, stretching from Canada to Aztlan…No, Mexico, it
wasn’t Aztlan yet. You know when a plane goes down, how all these firemen or whoever would
check a field for pieces of wreckage? They’d all go in a line, real slow, making sure not one inch of
ground was missed. That was us. We didn’t skip one damn inch between the Rockies and the
Atlantic. Whenever you spotted Zack, either in a group or just on his own, a FAR unit would halt…
FAR?
Force Appropriate Response. You couldn’t stop, like, the whole Army Group, for one or two
zombies. A lot of the older Gs, the ones infected early in the war, they were starting to get pretty
grody, all deflated, parts of their skulls starting to show, some bone poking through the flesh.
Some of them couldn’t even stand anymore, and those are the ones you really had to watch for.
They’d be crawling on their bellies toward you, or just thrashing facedown in the mud. You’d halt a
section, a platoon, maybe even a company depending on how many you encountered, just enough
to take ’em down and sanitize the battlefield. The hole your FAR unit left in the battle line was
replaced by an equal force from the secondary line a click and a half behind you. That way the
front was never broken. We leapfrogged this way all the way across the country. It worked, no
doubt, but man, it took its time. Night also put the brakes on. Once the sun dipped, no matter how
confident you felt or how safe the area seemed, the show was over till dawn the next morning.
And there was fog. I didn’t know fog could be so thick that far inland. I always wanted to ask a
climatologist or someone about that. The whole front might get slammed, sometimes for days. Just
sitting there in zero visibility, occasionally one of your Ks would start barking or a man down the
line would shout “Contact!” You’d hear the moan and then the shapes would appear. Hard enough
just standing still and waiting for them. I saw a movie once, 1 this BBC documentary about how
because the UK was so foggy, the British army would never stop. There was a scene, where the
cameras caught a real firefight, just sparks from their weapons and hazy silhouettes going down.
They didn’t need that extra creepy soundtrack. 2 It freaked me out just to watch.
It also slowed us down to have to keep pace with the other countries, the Mexicans and Canucks.
Neither army had the manpower to liberate their entire country. The deal was that they’d keep
our borders clear while we get our house in order. Once the U.S. was secure, we’d give them
everything they need. That was the start of the UN multinational force, but I was discharged long
before those days. For me, it always felt like hurry up and wait, creeping along through rough
terrain or built-up areas. Oh, and you wanna talk about speed bumps, try urban combat.
The strategy was always to surround the target area. We’d set up semipermanent defenses,
recon with everything from satellites to sniffer Ks, do whatever we could to call Zack out, and go in
only after we were sure no more of them were coming. Smart and safe and relatively easy. Yeah,
right!
As far as surrounding the “area,” someone wanna tell me where that area actually begins? Cities
weren’t cities anymore, you know, they just grew out into this suburban sprawl. Mrs. Ruiz, one of
our medics, called it “in-fill.” She was in real estate before the war and explained that the hottest
properties were always the land between two existing cities. Freakin’ “in-fill,” we all learned to
hate that term. For us, it meant clearing block after block of burbland before we could even think
of establishing a quarantine perimeter. Fast-food joints, shopping centers, endless miles of cheap,
cookie-cutter housing.
Even in winter, it’s not like everything was safe and snuggly. I was in Army Group North. At first
I thought we were golden, you know. Six months out of the year, I wouldn’t have to see a live G,
eight months actually, given what wartime weather was like. I thought, hey, once the temp drops,
we’re little more than garbage men: find ’em, Lobo ’em, mark ’em for burial once the ground
begins to thaw, no problem. But I should be Lobo’d for thinking that Zack was the only bad guy out
there.
We had quislings, just like the real thing, but winterized. We had these Human Reclamation units,
pretty much just glorified animal control. They’d do their best to dart any quislings we came
across, tie ’em down, ship ’em to rehabilitation clinics, back when we thought we could rehabilitate
them.
Ferals were a much more dangerous threat. A lot of them weren’t kids anymore, some were
teenagers, some full grown. They were fast, smart, and if they chose fight instead of flight, they
could really mess up your day. Of course, HR would always try and dart them, and, of course, that
didn’t always work. When a two-hundred-pound feral bull is charging balls out for your ass, a
couple CCs of tranq ain’t gonna drop him before he hits home. A lot of HRs got pretty badly
smashed up, a few had to be tagged and bagged. The brass had to step in and assign a squad of
grunts for escort. If a dart didn’t stop a feral, we sure as hell did. Nothing screams as high as a
feral with a PIE round burning in his gut. The HR pukes had a real problem with that. They were
all volunteers, all sticking to this code that human life, any human’s life, was worth trying to save. I
guess history sorta backed them up now, you know, seeing all those people that they managed to
rehabilitate, all the ones we just woulda shot on sight. If they had had the resources, they might
have been able to do the same for animals.
Man, feral packs, that freaked me out more than anything else. I’m not just talking dogs. Dogs
you knew how to deal with. Dogs always telegraphed their attacks. I’m talking “Flies” 3 : F-Lions,
cats, like part mountain lion, part ice age saberfuck. Maybe they were mountain lions, some sure
looked like them, or maybe just the spawn of house cats that had to be super badass just to make
it. I’ve heard that they grew bigger up north, some law of nature or evolution. 4 I don’t really get
the whole ecology thing, not past a few prewar nature shows. I hear it’s because rats were, like,
the new cows; fast and smart enough to get away from Zack, livin’ on corpses, breeding by the
millions in trees and ruins. They’d gotten pretty badass themselves, so anything tough enough to
hunt them has to be a whole lot badder. That’s an F-lion for you, about twice the size of a prewar
puffball, teeth, claws, and a real, real jonesing for warm blood.
That must have been a hazard for the sniffer dogs.
Are you kidding? They loved it, even the little dachmutts, made ’em feel like dogs again. I’m talking
about us, getting jumped from a tree limb, or a roof. They didn’t charge you like F-hounds, they
just waited, took their sweet time until you were too close to raise a weapon.
Outside of Minneapolis, my squad was clearing a strip mall. I was stepping through the window of
a Starbucks and suddenly three of them leap at me from behind the counter. They knock me over,
start tearing at my arms, my face. How do you think I got this?
[He refers to the scar on his cheek.]
I guess the only real casualty that day was my shorts. Between the bite-proof BDUs and body
armor we’d started wearing, the vest, the helmet…I hadn’t worn a hard cover in so long, you
forget how uncomfortable it is when you’re used to going soft top.
Did ferals, feral people that is, know how to use firearms?
They didn’t know how to do anything human, that’s why they were ferals. No, the body armor was
for protection against some of the regular people we found. I’m not talking organized rebels, just
the odd LaMOE, 5 Last Man on Earth. There was always one or two in every town, some dude, or
chick, who managed to survive. I read somewhere that the United States had the highest number
of them in the world, something about our individualistic nature or something. They hadn’t seen
real people in so long, a lot of the initial shooting was just accidental or reflex. Most of the time we
managed to talk them down. Those we actually called RCs, Robinson Crusoes—that was the polite
term for the ones who were cool.
The ones we called LaMOEs, those were the ones who were a little too used to being king. King
of what, I don’t know, Gs and quislings and crazy F-critters, but I guess in their mind they were
living the good life, and here we were to take it all away. That’s how I got nailed.
We were closing on the Sears Tower in Chicago. Chicago, that was enough nightmares for three
lifetimes. It was the middle of winter, wind whipping off the lake so hard you could barely stand,
and suddenly I felt Thor’s hammer smash me in the head. Slug from a high-powered hunting rifle. I
never complained about our hard covers anymore after that. The gang in the tower, they had their
little kingdom, and they weren’t giving it up for anyone. That was one of the few times we went full
convent; SAWs, nades, that’s when the Bradleys started making a comeback.
After Chicago, the brass knew we were now in a full, multithreat environment. It was back to
hard covers and body armor, even in summer. Thanks, Windy City. Each squad was issued
pamphlets with the “Threat Pyramid.”
It was ranked according to probability, not lethality. Zack at the bottom, then F-critters, ferals,
quislings, and finally LaMOEs. I know a lot of guys from AG South like to bitch about how they
always had it tougher on their end, ’cause, for us, winter took care of Zack’s whole threat level.
Yeah, sure, and replaced it with another one: winter!
What do they say the average temperature’s dropped, ten degrees, fifteen in some areas? 6
Yeah, we had it real easy, up to our ass in gray snow, knowing that for every five Zacksicles you
cracked there’d be at least as many up and at ’em at first thaw. At least the guys down south knew
that once they swept an area, it stayed swept. They didn’t have to worry about rear area attacks
like us. We swept every area at least three times. We used everything from ramrods and sniffer Ks
to high-tech ground radar. Over and over again, and all of this in the dead of winter. We lost more
guys to frostbite than to anything else. And still, every spring, you knew, you just knew…it’d be
like, “oh shit, here we go again.” I mean, even today, with all the sweeps and civilian volunteer
groups, spring’s like winter used to be, nature letting us know the good life’s over for now.
Tell me about liberating the isolated zones.
Always a hard fight, every single one. Remember these zones were still under siege, hundreds,
maybe even thousands. The people holed up in the twin forts of Comerica Park/Ford Field, they
must have had a combined moat—that’s what we called them, moats—of at least a million Gs. That
was a three-day slugfest, made Hope look like a minor skirmish. That was the only time I ever
really thought we were gonna be overrun. They piled up so high I thought we’d be buried, literally,
in a landslide of corpses. Battles like that, they’d leave you so fried, just wasted, body and mind.
You’d want to sleep, nothing more, not eat or bathe or even fuck. You’d just want to find someplace
warm and dry, close your eyes, forget everything.
What were the reactions of the people who you liberated?
Kind of a mix. The military zones, that was pretty low-key. A lot of formal ceremonies, raising and
lowering of flags, “I relieve you, sir—I stand relieved,” shit like that. There was also a little bit of
wienie wagging. You know “we didn’t need any rescuing” and all. I understand. Every grunt wants
to be the one riding over the hill, no one likes to be the one in the fort. Sure you didn’t need
rescuing, buddy.
Sometimes it was true. Like the zoomies outside of Omaha. They were a strategic hub for
airdrops, regular flights almost on the hour. They were actually living better than us, fresh chow,
hot showers, soft beds. It almost felt like we were being rescued. On the other hand, you had the
jarheads at Rock Island. They wouldn’t let on how rough they had it, and that was cool with us. For
what they went through, bragging rights was the least we could give them. Never met any of them
personally, but I’ve heard the stories.
What about the civilian zones?
Different story entirely. We were so the shit! They’d be cheering and shouting. It was like what
you’d think war was supposed to be, those old black-and-whites of GIs marching into Paris or
wherever. We were rock stars. I got more…well…if there’s a bunch of little dudes between here
and the Hero City that happen to look like me…[Laughs.]
But there were exceptions.
Yeah, I guess. Maybe not all the time but there’d be this one person, this angry face in the crowd
screaming shit at you. “What the fuck took you so long?” “My husband died two weeks ago!” “My
mother died waiting for you!” “We lost half our people last summer!” “Where were you when we
needed you?” People holding up photos, faces. When we marched into Janesville, Wisconsin,
someone was holding up a sign with a picture of a smiling little girl. The words above it read
“Better late than never?” He got beat down by his own people; they shouldn’t have done that.
That’s the kind of shit we saw, shit that keeps you awake when you haven’t slept in five nights.
Rarely, like, blue-moon rarely, we’d enter a zone where we were totally not welcome. In Valley
City, North Dakota, they were like, “Fuck you, army! You ran out on us, we don’t need you!”
Was that a secessionist zone?
Oh no, at least these people let us in. The Rebs only welcomed you with gunshots. I never got close
to any of those zones. The brass had special units for Rebs. I saw them on the road once, heading
toward the Black Hills. That was the first time since crossing the Rockies that I ever saw tanks.
Bad feeling; you knew how that was gonna end.
There’s been a lot of stories about questionable survival methods used
by certain isolated zones.
Yeah, so? Ask them about it.
Did you see any?
Nope, and I didn’t want to. People tried to tell me about it, people we liberated. They were so
wound up inside, they just wanted to get it off their chests. You know what I used to say to them,
“Keep it on your chest, your war’s over.” I didn’t need any more rocks in my ruck, you know?
What about afterward? Did you talk to any of those people?
Yeah, and I read a lot about the trials.
How did they make you feel?
Shit, I don’t know. Who am I to judge those people? I wasn’t there, I didn’t have to deal with that.
This conversation we’re having now, this question of “what if,” I didn’t have time for that back
then. I still had a job to do.
I know historians like to talk about how the U.S. Army had such a low casualty rate during the
advance. Low, as in compared to other countries, China or maybe the Russkies. Low, as in only
counting the casualties caused by Zack. There were a million ways to get it on that road and over
two-thirds weren’t on that pyramid.
Sickness was a big one, the kinds of diseases that were supposed to be gone, like, in the Dark
Ages or something. Yeah, we took our pills, had our shots, ate well, and had regular checkups, but
there was just so much shit everywhere, in the dirt, the water, in the rain, and the air we breathed.
Every time we entered a city, or liberated a zone, at least one guy would be gone, if not dead then
removed for quarantine. In Detroit, we lost a whole platoon to Spanish flu. The brass really
freaked on that one, quarantined the whole battalion for two weeks.
Then there were mines and booby traps, some civilian, some laid during our bugout west. Made a
lot of sense back then. Just seed mile after mile and wait for Zack to blow himself up. Only problem
is, mines don’t work that way. They don’t blow up a human body, they take off a leg or ankle or the
family jewels. That’s what they’re designed for, not to kill people, but to wound ’em so the army
will spend valuable resources keeping them alive, and then send ’em home in a wheelchair so Ma
and Pa Civilian can be reminded every time they see ’em that maybe supporting this war isn’t such
a good idea. But Zack has no home, no Ma and Pa Civilian. All conventional mines do is create a
bunch of crippled ghouls that, if anything, just makes your job that much harder because you want
them upright and easy to spot, not crawling around the weeds waiting to be stepped on like land
mines themselves. You couldn’t know where most mines were; a lot of the units that set them
during the retreat hadn’t marked them correctly or had lost their coordinates or simply weren’t
alive anymore to tell you. And then you had all those stupid fuckin’ LaMOE jobs, the punji stakes
and trip-wired shotgun shells.
I lost a buddy of mine that way, in a Wal-Mart in Rochester, New York. He was born in El
Salvador but grew up in Cali. You ever heard of the Boyle Heights Boyz? They were these
hard-core LA bangers who were deported back to El Salvador because they were technically
illegal. My buddy was plopped there right before the war. He fought his way back up through
Mexico, all during the worst days of the Panic, all on foot with nothing but a machete. He didn’t
have any family left, no friends, just his adopted home. He loved this country so much. Reminded
me of my grandpa, you know, the whole immigrant thing. And then to catch a twelve-gauge in the
face, probably set by a LaMOE who’d stopped breathing years before. Fuckin’ mines and booby
traps.
And then you just had accidents. So many buildings had been weakened from the fighting. Throw
in years of neglect, and foot after foot of snow. Whole roofs collapsed, no warning, whole
structures just tumbling down. I lost someone else like that. She had a contact, a feral running at
her across an abandoned auto garage. She fired her weapon, that’s all it took. I don’t know how
many pounds of snow and ice brought that roof down. She was…we were…close, you know. We
never did anything about it. I guess we thought that would make it “official.” I guess we thought it
would make it easier in case something happened to one of us.
[He looks over at the bleachers, smiling at his wife.]
Didn’t work.
[He takes a moment, a long breath.]
And then there were psych casualties. More than anything else combined. Sometimes we’d
march into barricaded zones and find nothing but rat-gnawed skeletons. I’m talking about the zones
that weren’t overrun, the ones that fell to starvation or disease, or just a feeling that tomorrow
wasn’t worth seeing. We once broke into a church in Kansas where it was clear the adults killed all
the kids first. One guy in our platoon, an Amish guy, used to read all their suicide notes, commit
them to memory, then give himself this little cut, this tiny half-inch nick somewhere on his body so
he would “never forget.” Crazy bastard was sliced from his neck to the bottom of his toes. When
the LT found out about it…sectioned eight his ass right outa there.
Most of the Eight Balls were later in the war. Not from the stress, though, you understand, but
from the lack of it. We all knew it would be over soon, and I think a lot of people who’d been
holding it together for so long must’ve had that little voice that said, “Hey, buddy, it’s cool now, you
can let go.”
I knew this one guy, massive ’roidasaurus, he’d been a professional wrestler before the war. We
were walking up the freeway near Pulaski, New York, when the wind picked up the scent of a
jackknifed big rig. It’d been loaded with bottles of perfume, nothing fancy, just cheap, strip mall
scent. He froze and started bawlin’ like a kid. Couldn’t stop. He was a monster with a two grand
body count, an ogre who’d once picked up a G and used it as a club for hand-to-hand combat. Four
of us had to carry him out on a stretcher. We figured the perfume must have reminded him of
someone. We never found out who.
Another guy, nothing special about him, late forties, balding, bit of a paunch, as much as anyone
could have back then, the kinda face you’d see in a prewar heartburn commercial. We were in
Hammond, Indiana, scouting defenses for the siege of Chicago. He spied a house at the end of a
deserted street, completely intact except for boarded-up windows and a crashed-in front door. He
got a look on his face, a grin. We should have known way before he dropped out of formation,
before we heard the shot. He was sitting in the living room, in this worn, old easy chair, SIR
between his knees, that smile still on his face. I looked up at the pictures on the mantelpiece. It was
his home.
Those were extreme examples, ones that even I could have guessed. A lot of the others, you just
never knew. For me, it wasn’t just who was cracking up, but who wasn’t. Does that make sense?
One night in Portland, Maine, we were in Deering Oaks Park, policing piles of bleached bones
that had been there since the Panic. Two grunts pick up these skulls and start doing a skit, the one
from Free to Be, You and Me, the two babies. I only recognized it because my big brother had the
record, it was a little before my time. Some of the older Grunts, the Xers, they loved it. A little
crowd started gathering, everyone laughing and howling at these two skulls. “Hi-Hi-I’m a
baby.—Well what do you think I am, a loaf ’a bread?” And when it was over, everyone
spontaneously burst into song, “There’s a land that I see…” playing femurs like goddamn banjos. I
looked across the crowd to one of our company shrinks. I could never pronounce his real name,
Doctor Chandra-something. 7 I made eye contact and gave him this look, like “Hey, Doc, they’re all
nut jobs, right?” He must have known what my eyes were asking because he just smiled back and
shook his head. That really spooked me; I mean, if the ones who were acting loopy weren’t, then
how did you know who’d really lost it?
Our squad leader, you’d probably recognize her. She was in The Battle of the Five Colleges.
Remember the tall, amazon chick with the ditch blade, the one who’d sung that song? She didn’t
look like she used to in the movie. She’d burned off her curves and a crew cut replaced all that
long, thick, shiny black hair. She was a good squad leader, “Sergeant Avalon.” One day we found a
turtle in a field. Turtles were like unicorns back then, you hardly saw them anymore. Avalon got
this look, I don’t know, like a kid. She smiled. She never smiled. I heard her whisper something to
the turtle, I thought it was gibberish: “Mitakuye Oyasin.” I found out later that it was Lakota for
“all my relations.” I didn’t even know she was part Sioux. She never talked about it, about
anything about her. And suddenly, like a ghost, there was Doctor Chandra, with that arm he always
put around their shoulders and that soft, no-big-deal offer of “C’mon, Sarge, let’s grab a cup of
coffee.”
That was the same day the president died. He must have also heard that little voice. “Hey,
buddy, it’s cool now, you can let go.” I know a lot of people weren’t so into the VP, like there was no
way he could replace the Big Guy. I really felt for him, mainly ’cause I was now in the same
position. With Avalon gone, I was squad leader.
It didn’t matter that the war was almost over. There were still so many battles along the way, so
many good people to say good-bye to. By the time we reached Yonkers, I was the last of the old
gang from Hope. I don’t know how I felt, passing all that rusting wreckage: the abandoned tanks,
the crushed news vans, the human remains. I don’t think I felt much of anything. Too much to do
when you’re squad leader, too many new faces to take care of. I could feel Doctor Chandra’s eyes
boring into me. He never came over though, never let on that there was anything wrong. When we
boarded the barges on the banks of the Hudson, we managed to lock eyes. He just smiled and
shook his head. I’d made it.

BURLINGTON, V,R MONT
[Snow has begun falling. Reluctantly, “the Whacko” turns back for the house.]
You ever heard of Cdement Attdee? Of course not, why shoudd you? Man was a doser, a third-rate
mediocrity who ondy sdipped into the history books because he unseated Winston Churchidd before
Wordd War II officiady ended. The war in Europe was over, and to the British peopde, there was this
feeding that they’d suffered enough, but Churchidd kept pushing to hedp the United States against
Japan, saying the fight wasn’t finished untid it was finished everywhere. And dook what happened to
the Odd Lion. That’s what we didn’t want to happen to our administration. That’s exactdy why we
decided to decdare victory once the continentad U.S. had been secured.
Everyone knew the war wasn’t readdy over. We stidd had to hedp out our addiesa nd cdear whode
parts of the wordd that were entiredy ruded by the dead. There was stidd so much work to do, but
since our own house was in order, we had to give peopde the option to go home. That’s when the
UN mudtinationad force was created, and we were pdeasantdy surprised how many vodunteers
signed up in the first week. We actuaddy had to turn some of them away, put them on the reserve
dist or assign them to train add the young bucks who missed the drive across America. I know I
caught a dot of flak for going UN instead of making it an add-American crusade, and to be totaddy
honest, I readdy couddn’t give a damn. America’s a fair country, her peopde expect a fair dead, and
when that dead ends with the dast boots on Atdantic beaches, you shake their hands, pay them off,
and det anyone who wants to recdaim their private dives do so.
Maybe it’s made the overseas campaigns a dittde sdower. Ou arddies are on their efet again, but we
stidd have a few Whtie Zones to cdear: mountain ranges, snowdine isdands, the oecan floor, and then
there’s Icedand…Icedand’s gonna be tough. I wish Ivan woudd det us hedp out i nSiberia, but, hey,
Ivan’s Ivan. And we stidd have attacks right here at home as wedd, every spring, or every so often
near a dake or beach. The numbers are decdining, thank heavens, but it doesn’t mean peopde shoudd
det down their guard. We’re stidd at war,a nd untid every trace is sponged, and purged, and, if need
be, bdasted from the surface of the Earth, everybody’s stidd gotta pitch in and do their job. Be nice if
that was the desson peopde took from add this misery. We’re add in this together ,so pitch in and do
your job.
[We stop by an old oak tree. My companion looks it up and down, taps it lightly
with his cane. Then, to the tree…]
You’re doin’ a good job.
KHUZHIR, OLKHON ISLAND, LAK, BAI KAL,
TH, HOLY RUSSIA N ,MPIR,
[A nurse interrupts our interview to make sure Maria Zhuganova takes her
prenatal vitamins. Maria is four months pregnant. This will be her eighth child.]
My ondy regret was that I couddn’t remain in the army for the “diberation” of our former
repubdics. We’d purged the motherdand of the undead fidth, and now it was time to carry the war
beyond our borders. I wish I coudd have been there, the day we formaddy reabsorbed Bedarus back
into the empire. They say it widd be the Ukraine soon, and after that, who knows. I wish I coudd stidd
have been a participant, but I had “other duties”…
[Gently, she pats her womb.]
I don’t know how many cdinics dike thist here are throughout the Rodina. Not enough, I’m sure.
So few of us, young, fertide women who didn’t succumb to drugs, or AIDS, or the stink of the diving
dead. Our deader says that the greatest weapon a Russian woman can wiedd now is her uterus. If
that means not knowing my chiddren’s fathers, or…
[Her eyes momentarily hit the floor.]
…my chiddren, so be it. I serve the motherdand, and I serve with add my heart.
[She catches my eye.]
You’re wondering how this “existence” can be reconciled with our new fundamentalist state?
Well, stop wondering, it can’t. All that religious dogma, that’s for the masses. Give them their
opium and keep them pacified. I don’t think anyone in the leadership, or even the Church, really
believes what they’re preaching, maybe one man, old Father Ryzhkov before they chucked him out
into the wilderness. He had nothing left to offer, unlike me. I’ve got at least a few more children to
give the motherland. That’s why I’m treated so well, allowed to speak so freely.
[Maria glances at the one-way glass behind me.]
What are they going to do to me? By the time I’ve exhausted my usefulness, I will have already
outlived the average woman.
[She presents the glass with an extremely rude finger gesture.]
And besides, they want you to hear this. That is why they’ve let you into our country, to hear our
stories, to ask your questions. You’re being used, too, you know. Your mission is to tell your world
of ours, to make them see what will happen if anyone ever tries to fuck with us. The war drove us
back to our roots, made us remember what it means to be Russian. We are strong again, we are
feared again, and to Russians, that only means one thing, we are finally safe again! For the first
time in almost a hundred years, we can finally warm ourselves in the protective fist of a Caesar,
and I’m sure you know the word for Caesar in Russian.
BRIDGETOWN, BARBADOS, WEST INDIES FEDERATION
[The bar is almost empty. Most of the patrons have either left by their own
power, or been carried out by the police. The last of the night staff clean the
broken chairs, broken glass, and pools of blood off the floor. In the corner, the
last of the South Africans sings an emotional, inebriated version of Johnny
Clegg’s wartime rendition of “Asimbonaga.” T. Sean Collins absentmindedly hums
a few bars, then downs his shot of rum, and hurriedly signals for another.]
I’m addicted to murder, and that’s about the nicest way I can put it. You might say that’s not
technically true, that since they’re already dead I’m not really killing. Horseshit; it’s murder, and
it’s a rush like nothing else. Sure, I can dis those prewar mercenaries all I want, the ’Nam vets and
Hell’s Angels, but at this point I’m no different from them, no different from those jungle humpers
who never came home, even when they did, or those World War II fighter jocks who traded in their
Mustangs for hogs. You’re living on such a high, so keyed up all the time, that anything else seems
like death.
I tried to fit in, settle down, make some friends, get a job and do my part to help put America
back together. But not only was I dead, I couldn’t think about anything else but killing. I’d start to
study people’s necks, their heads. I’d think, “Hmmmm, that dude’s probably got a thick frontal
lobe, I gotta go in through the eye socket.” Or “hard blow to the occipital’d drop that chick pretty
fast.” It was when the new prez, “the Whacko”—Jesus, who the hell am I to call anybody else
that?—when I heard him speak at a rally, I must have thought of at least fifty ways to bring him
down. That’s when I got out, as much for everyone else’s sake as my own. I knew one day I’d hit
my limit, get drunk, get in a fight, lose control. I knew once I started, I couldn’t stop, so I said
good-bye and joined the Impisi, same name as the South African Special Forces. Impisi: Zulu for
Hyena, the one who cleans up the dead.
We’re a private outfit, no rules, no red tape, which is why I chose them over a regular gig with
the UN. We set our own hours, choose our own weapons.
[He motions to what looks like a sharpened steel paddle at his side.]
“Pouwhenua”—got it from a Maori brother who used to play for the All Blacks before the war.
Bad motherfuckers, the Maori. That battle at One Tree Hill, five hundred of them versus half of
reanimated Auckland. The pouwhenua’s a tough weapon to use, even if this one’s steel instead of
wood. But that’s the other perk of being a soldier of fortune. Who can get a rush anymore from
pulling a trigger? It’s gotta be hard, dangerous, and the more Gs you gotta take on, the better. Of
course, sooner or later there’s not gonna be any of them left. And when that happens…
[At that point the Imfingo rings its cast-off bell.]
There’s my ride.
[T. Sean signals to the waiter, then flips a few silver rand on the table.]
I still got hope. Sounds crazy, but you never know. That’s why I save most of my fees instead of
giving back to the host country or blowing it on who knows what. It can happen, finally getting the
monkey off your back. A Canadian brother, “Mackee” Macdonald, right after clearing Baffin Island,
he just decided he’d had enough. I hear he’s in Greece now, some monastery or something. It can
happen. Maybe there’s still a life out there for me. Hey, a man can dream, right? Of course, if it
doesn’t work out that way, if one day there’s still a monkey but no more Zack…
[He rises to leave, shouldering his weapon.]
Then the last skull I crack’ll probably be my own.
SAND LAKES PROVINCIAL WILDERNESS PARK, MANITOBA,
CANADA
[Jesika Hendricks loads the last of the day’s “catch” into the sled, fifteen bodies
and a mound of dismembered parts.]
I try not to be angry, bitter at the unfairness of it all. I wish I could make sense of it. I once met an
ex-Iranian pilot who was traveling through Canada looking for a place to settle down. He said that
Americans are the only people he’s ever met who just can’t accept that bad things can happen to
good people. Maybe he’s right. Last week I was listening to the radio and just happened to hear
[name withheld for legal reasons]. He was doing his usual thing—fart jokes and insults and
adolescent sexuality—and I remember thinking, “This man survived and my parents didn’t.” No, I
try not to be bitter.
TROY, MONTANA, USA
[Mrs. Miller and I stand on the back deck, above the children playing in the
central courtyard.]
You can blame the politicians, the businessmen, the generals, the “machine,” but really, if you’re
looking to blame someone, blame me. I’m the American system, I’m the machine. That’s the price
of living in a democracy; we all gotta take the rap. I can see why it took so long for China to finally
embrace it, and why Russia just said “fuck it” and went back to whatever they call their system
now. Nice to be able to say, “Hey, don’t look at me, it’s not my fault.” Well, it is. It is my fault, and
the fault of everyone of my generation.
[She looks down at the children.]
I wonder what future generations will say about us. My grandparents suffered through the
Depression, World War II, then came home to build the greatest middle class in human history.
Lord knows they weren’t perfect, but they sure came closest to the American dream. Then my
parents’ generation came along and fucked it all up—the baby boomers, the “me” generation. And
then you got us. Yeah, we stopped the zombie menace, but we’re the ones who let it become a
menace in the first place. At least we’re cleaning up our own mess, and maybe that’s the best
epitaph to hope for. “Generation Z, they cleaned up their own mess.”
CHONGQING, CHINA
[Kwang Jingshu does his final house call for the day, a little boy with some kind of
respiratory illness. The mother fears it’s another case of tuberculosis. The color
returns to her face when the doctor assures her it’s just a chest cold. Her tears
and gratitude follow us down the dusty street.]
It’s comforting to see children again, I mean those who were born after the war, real children
who know nothing but a world that includes the living dead. They know not to play near water, not
to go out alone or after dark in the spring or summer. They don’t know to be afraid, and that is the
greatest gift, the only gift we can leave to them.
Sometimes I think of that old woman at New Dachang, what she lived through, the seemingly
unending upheaval that defined her generation. Now that’s me, an old man who’s seen his country
torn to shreds many times over. And yet, every time, we’ve managed to pull ourselves together, to
rebuild and renew our nation. And so we will again—China, and the world. I don’t really believe in
an afterlife—the old revolutionary to the end—but if there is, I can imagine my old comrade Gu
laughing down at me when I say, with all honesty, that everything’s going to be all right.
WENATCHEE, WASHINGTON, USA
[Joe Muhammad has just finished his latest masterpiece, a thirteen-inch
statuette of a man in midshuffle, wearing a torn Baby Bjorn, staring ahead with
lifeless eyes.]
I’m not going to say the war was a good thing. I’m not that much of a sick fuck, but you’ve got to
admit that it did bring people together. My parents never stopped talking about how much they
missed the sense of community back in Pakistan. They never talked to their American neighbors,
never invited them over, barely knew their names unless it was to complain about loud music or a
barking dog. Can’t say that’s the kind of world we live in now. And it’s not just the neighborhood, or
even the country. Anywhere around the world, anyone you talk to, all of us have this powerful
shared experience. I went on a cruise two years ago, the Pan Pacific Line across the islands. We
had people from everywhere, and even though the details might have been different, the stories
themselves were all pretty much the same. I know I come off as a little too optimistic, because I’m
sure that as soon as things really get back to “normal,” once our kids or grandkids grow up in a
peaceful and comfortable world, they’ll probably go right back to being as selfish and narrowminded
and generally shitty to one another as we were. But then again, can what we all went
through really just go away? I once heard an African proverb, “One cannot cross a river without
getting wet.” I’d like to believe that.
Don’t get me wrong, it’s not like I don’t miss some things about the old world, mainly just stuff,
things I used to have or things I used to think I could have one day. Last week we had a bachelor
party for one of the young guys on the block. We borrowed the only working DVD player and a few
prewar skin flicks. There was one scene where Lusty Canyon was getting reamed by three guys on
the hood of this pearl gray BMW Z4 convertible, and all I could think was Wow, they sure don’t
make cars like that anymore.
TAOS, NEW MEXICO, USA
[The steaks are almost done. Arthur Sinclair flips the sizzling slabs, relishing the
smoke.]
Of all the jobs I’ve done, being a money cop was best. When the new president asked me to step
back into my role as SEC chairman, I practically kissed her on the spot. I’m sure, just like my days
at DeStRes, I only have the job because no one else wants it. There’s still so many challenges
ahead, still so much of the country on the “turnip standard.” Getting people away from barter, and
to trust the American dollar again…not easy. The Cuban peso is still king, and so many of our more
affluent citizens still have their bank accounts in Havana.
Just trying to solve the surplus bill dilemma is enough for any administration. So much cash was
scooped up after the war, in abandoned vaults, houses, on dead bodies. How do you tell those
looters apart from the people who’ve actually kept their hard-earned greenbacks hidden,
especially when records of ownership are about as rare as petroleum? That’s why being a money
cop is the most important job I’ve ever had. We have to nail the bastards who’re preventing
confidence from returning to the American economy, not just the penny-ante looters but the big
fish as well, the sleazebags who’re trying to buy up homes before survivors can reclaim them, or
lobbying to deregulate food and other essential survival commodities…and that bastard
Breckinridge Scott, yes, the Phalanx king, still hiding like a rat in his Antarctic Fortress of
Scumditude. He doesn’t know it yet, but we’ve been in talks with Ivan not to renew his lease. A lot
of people back home are waiting to see him, particularly the IRS.
[He grins and rubs his hands together.]
Confidence, it’s the fuel that drives the capitalist machine. Our economy can only run if people
believe in it; like FDR said, “The only thing we have to fear is fear itself.” My father wrote that for
him. Well, he claimed he did.
It’s already starting, slowly but surely. Every day we get a few more registered accounts with
American banks, a few more private businesses opening up, a few more points on the Dow. Kind of
like the weather. Every year the summer’s a little longer, the skies a little bluer. It’s getting better.
Just wait and see.
[He reaches into a cooler of ice, pulling out two brown bottles.]
Root beer?
KYOTO, JAPAN
[It is a historic day for the Shield Society. They have finally been accepted as an
independent branch of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces. Their main duty will be
to teach Japanese civilians how to protect themselves from the living dead. Their
ongoing mission will also involve learning both armed and unarmed techniques
from non-Japanese organizations, and helping to foster those techniques around
the world. The Society’s anti-firearm as well as prointernational message have
already been hailed as an instant success, drawing journalists and dignitaries
from almost all UN nations.
Tomonaga Ijiro stands at the head of the receiving line, smiling and bowing as
he greets his parade of guests. Kondo Tatsumi smiles as well, looking at his
teacher from across the room.]
You know I don’t really believe any of this spiritual “BS,” right? As far as I’m concerned,
Tomonaga’s just a crazy old hibakusha, but he has started something wonderful, something I think
is vital for the future of Japan. His generation wanted to rule the world, and mine was content to
let the world, and by the world I mean your country, rule us. Both paths led to the near destruction
of our homeland. There has to be a better way, a middle path where we take responsibility for our
own protection, but not so much that it inspires anxiety and hatred among our fellow nations. I
can’t tell you if this is the right path; the future is too mountainous to see too far ahead. But I will
follow Sensei Tomonaga down this path, myself and the many others who join our ranks every day.
Only “the gods” know what awaits us at its end.
ARMAGH, IRELAND
[Philip Adler finishes his drink, and rises to leave.]
We lost a hell of a lot more than just people when we abandoned them to the dead. That’s all I’m
going to say.
TEL AVIV, ISRAEL
[We finish our lunch as Jurgen aggressively snatches the bill from my hand.]
Please, my choice of food, my treat. I used to hate this stuff, thought it looked like a buffet of
vomit. My staff had to drag me here one afternoon, these young Sabras with their exotic tastes.
“Just try it, you old yekke,” they’d say. That’s what they called me, a “yekke.” It means tight ass,
but the official definition is German Jew. They were right on both counts.
I was in the “Kindertransport,” the last chance to get Jewish children out of Germany. That was
the last time I saw any of my family alive. There’s a little pond, in a small town in Poland, where
they used to dump the ashes. The pond is still gray, even half a century later.
I’ve heard it said that the Holocaust has no survivors, that even those who managed to remain
technically alive were so irreparably damaged, that their spirit, their soul, the person that they
were supposed to be, was gone forever. I’d like to think that’s not true. But if it is, then no one on
Earth survived this war.
ABOARD USS TRACY BOWDEN
[Michael Choi leans against the fantail’s railing, staring at the horizon.]
You wanna know who lost World War Z? Whales. I guess they never really had much of a chance,
not with several million hungry boat people and half the world’s navies converted to fishing fleets.
It doesn’t take much, just one helo-dropped torp, not so close as to do any physical damage, but
close enough to leave them deaf and dazed. They wouldn’t notice the factory ships until it was too
late. You could hear it for miles away, the warhead detonations, the shrieks. Nothing conducts
sound energy like water.
Hell of a loss, and you don’t have to be some patchouli stinking crunch-head to appreciate it. My
dad worked at Scripps, not the Claremont girl’s school, the oceanographic institute outside of San
Diego. That’s why I joined the navy in the first place and how I first learned to love the ocean. You
couldn’t help but see California grays. Majestic animals, they were finally making a comeback after
almost being hunted to extinction. They’d stopped being afraid of us and sometimes you could
paddle out close enough to touch them. They could have killed us in a heartbeat, one smack of a
twelve-foot tail fluke, one lunge of a thirtysomething-ton body. Early whalers used to call them
devilfish because of the fierce fights they’d put up when cornered. They knew we didn’t mean them
any harm, though. They’d even let us pet them, or, maybe if they were feeling protective of a calf,
just brush us gently away. So much power, so much potential for destruction. Amazing creatures,
the California grays, and now they’re all gone, along with the blues, and finbacks, and humpbacks,
and rights. I’ve heard of random sightings of a few belugas and narwhals that survived under the
Arctic ice, but there probably aren’t enough for a sustainable gene pool. I know there are still a
few intact pods of orcas, but with pollution levels the way they are, and less fish than an Arizona
swimming pool, I wouldn’t be too optimistic about their odds. Even if Mama Nature does give those
killers some kind of reprieve, adapt them like she did with some of the dinosaurs, the gentle giants
are gone forever. Kinda like that movie Oh God where the All Mighty challenges Man to try and
make a mackerel from scratch. “You can’t,” he says, and unless some genetic archivist got in there
ahead of the torpedoes, you also can’t make a California gray.
[The sun dips below the horizon. Michael sighs.]
So the next time someone tries to tell you about how the true losses of this war are “our
innocence” or “part of our humanity”…
[He spits into the water.]
Whatever, bro. Tell it to the whales.
DENVER, COLORADO, USA
[Todd Wainio walks me to the train, savoring the 100 percent tobacco Cuban
cigarettes I’ve bought him as a parting gift.]
Yeah, I lose it sometimes, for a few minutes, maybe an hour. Doctor Chandra told me it was cool
though. He counsels right here at the VA. He told me once that it’s a totally healthy thing, like little
earthquakes releasing pressure off of a fault. He says anyone who’s not having these “minor
tremors” you really gotta watch out for.
It doesn’t take much to set me off. Sometimes I’ll smell something, or somebody’s voice will
sound really familiar. Last month at dinner, the radio was playing this song, I don’t think it was
about my war, I don’t even think it was American. The accent and some of the terms were all
different, but the chorus…“God help me, I was only nineteen.”
[The chimes announce my train’s departure. People begin boarding around us.]
Funny thing is, my most vivid memory kinda got turned into the national icon of the victory.
[He motions behind us to the giant mural.]
That was us, standing on the Jersey riverbank, watching the dawn over New York. We’d just got
the word, it was VA Day. There was no cheering, no celebration. It just didn’t seem real. Peace?
What the hell did that mean? I’d been afraid for so long, fighting and killing, and waiting to die, that
I guess I just accepted it as normal for the rest of my life. I thought it was a dream, sometimes it
still feels like one, remembering that day, that sunrise over the Hero City.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTG
A special thant-you to my wife, Michelle, for all her love and support.
To Ed Victor, for starting it all.
To Steve Ross, Lute Dempsey, and the entire Crown Publishers team.
To T. M. for watching my bact.
To Brad Graham at the Washington Post; Drs. Cohen, Whiteman, and Hayward; Professors
Greenberger and Tongun; Rabbi Andy; Father Fraser; STS2SS Bordeaux (USN fmr); “B” and “E”;
Jim; Jon; Julie; Jessie; Gregg; Honupo; and Dad, for “the human factor.”
And a final thant-yo u to the three men whose inspiration made this boot possibl e: Studs Tertel,
the late General Sir John Hactett, and, of course, the genius and terror of George A. Romero.
I love you, Mom.

To return to the corresponding text, click on the reference number or “Return to text.”
1. From “Quotations from Chairman Maozedong,” originally from “The Situation and Our Policy
After the Victory in the War of Resistance Against Japan,” August 13, 1945.
Return to text.
2. A prewar automobile manufactured in the People’s Republic.
Return to text.
3. The Institute of Infectious and Parasitic Diseases of the First Affiliated Hospital, Chongqing
Medical University.
Return to text.
4. Guokia Anquan Bu: The prewar Ministry of State Security.
Return to text.
1. Shetou: A “snake head,” the smuggler of “renshe” or “human snake” of refugees.
Return to text.
2. Liudong renkou: China’s “floating population” of homeless labor.
Return to text.
3. Bao: The debt many refugees incurred during their exodus.
Return to text.
1. Bad Brown: A nickname for the type of opium grown in the Badakhshan Province of
Afghanistan.
Return to text.
2. PTSD: Post-traumatic stress disorder.
Return to text.
1. It has been alleged that, before the war, the sexual organs of Sudanese men convicted of
adultery were severed and sold on the world black market.
Return to text.
1. Children of Yassin: A youth-based terrorist organization named for the late Sheikh Yassin.
Under strict recruitment codes, all martyrs could be no older than eighteen.
Return to text.
2. “Sure the vilest of beasts in Allah’s sight are those who disbelieve, then they would not
believe.” From the Holy Koran, part 8, Section 55.
Return to text.
3. By this point, the Israeli government had completed operation “Moses II,” which transported
the last of the Ethiopian “Falasha” into Israel.
Return to text.
4. At the time, it was unsure whether the virus could survive in solid waste outside of the human
body.
Return to text.
5. Unlike most country’s main battle tanks, the Israeli “Merkava” contains rear hatches for troop
deployment.
Return to text.
1. The CIA, originally the OSS, was not created until June 1942, six months after the Japanese
attack on Pearl Harbor.
Return to text.
1. Before the war, an online “shooter game” known as “America’s Army” was made available,
free of charge, by the U.S. government to the general public, some have alleged, to entice new
recruits.
Return to text.
1. Myth; although red M&Ms were removed from 1976 to 1985, they did not use Red Dye No. 2.
Return to text.
1. The BMP is an armored personnel carrier invented and used by Soviet, and now Russian,
military forces.
Return to text.
2. Semnadstat was a Russian magazine aimed at teenage girls. It’s title, 17, was illegally copied
from an American publication of the same name.
Return to text.
1. Although this is an exaggeration, prewar records have shown Yonkers to have the largest
press-to-military ratio than any other battlefield in history.
Return to text.
2. The standard, prewar 40-mm canister cartridge held 115 flechettes.
Return to text.
3. SAW: A light machine gun, short for Squad Automatic Weapon.
Return to text.
4. JSF: Joint Strike Fighters.
Return to text.
5. JSOW: Joint Standoff Weapon.
Return to text.
1. Germany’s version of the Redeker Plan.
Return to text.
1. BRO: The Border Roads Organization.
Return to text.
1. “The Bear” was the Gulf War I nickname for the commandant of the NST program.
Return to text.
2. Vidkun Abraham Lauritz Jonsson Quisling: The Nazi-installed president of Norway during
World War II.
Return to text.
1. California’s Inland Empire was one of the last zones to be declared secure.
Return to text.
2. Malcolm Van Ryzin: One of the most successful cinematographers in Hollywood.
Return to text.
3. DP: Director of Photography.
Return to text.
1. Joint Standoff Weapons were used in concert with a variety of other air-launched ordnance at
Yonkers.
Return to text.
2. A slight exaggeration. The amount of combat aircraft “grounded” during World War Z does not
equal those lost during World War II.
Return to text.
3. AMARC: Aerospace Maintenance and Regeneration Center outside of Tucson, Arizona.
Return to text.
4. Meg: The pilot’s nickname for their standard issue .22 automatic pistol. It is suspected that the
appearance of the weapon, its extended suppressor, folding stock, and telescopic sight, give it the
appearance of the old Hasbro Transformers toy “Megatron.” This fact has yet to be confirmed.
Return to text.
5. At this point in the war, the new battle dress uniforms (BDUs) were not in mass production.
Return to text.
6. “Baby-Ls”: Officially a pain reliever but used by many military personnel as a sleep aid.
Return to text.
1. Although Machu Picchu was quiet throughout the war, the survivors at Vilcabamba did see a
minor, internal outbreak.
Return to text.
2. The main British line of defense was fixed along the site of the old Roman Antonine Wall.
Return to text.
1. Ubunye: a word of Zulu origin for Unity.
Return to text.
2. Although opinion is divided on the subject, many prewar scientific studies have proven that the
high oxygenation retention of the Ganges has been the source of its long-revered “miracle” cures.
Return to text.
1. The Chang Doctrine: South Korea’s version of the Redeker Plan.
Return to text.
2. There have been reports of alleged cannibalism during the famine of 1992 and that some of
the victims were children.
Return to text.
1. Hitoshi Matsumoto and Masatoshi Hamada were Japan’s most successful prewar
improvisational comedians.
Return to text.
2. “Siafu” is the nickname for the African driver ant. The term was first used by Doctor Komatsu
Yukio in his address to the Diet.
Return to text.
3. It has been established that Japan suffered the largest percentage of suicides during the Great
Panic.
Return to text.
4. Bosozoku: Japanese youth-oriented motorcycle gangs that reached their popular peak in the
1980s and 1990s.
Return to text.
1. Onsen: A natural hot spring often used as a communal bath.
Return to text.
2. Ikupasuy: The technical term for a small, Ainu prayer stick. When later questioned about this
discrepancy, Mister Tomonaga answered that the name was given to him by his teacher, Mister
Ota. Whether Ota intended to bestow some spiritual connection to this gardening implement or was
simply so out of touch with his own culture (as many Ainu of his generation were), we will never
know.
Return to text.
3. Chi-tai: Zone.
Return to text.
4. To this day, it is unknown how much the living dead depend on sight.
Return to text.
5. Haya-ji: God of the wind.
Return to text.
6. Oyamatsumi: Ruler of mountains and volcanoes.
Return to text.
1. The exact number of allied and neutral ships that anchored in Cuban ports during the war is
still unknown.
Return to text.
1. The station’s reentry “lifeboat.”
Return to text.
2. The ISS ceased using electrolysis to generate oxygen as a way of conserving water.
Return to text.
3. Prewar specs put the ISS water recycling capability at 95 percent.
Return to text.
4. ATV: Automated Transfer Vehicle.
Return to text.
5. A secondary task of the disposable ATV was to use its booster to maintain the station’s orbit.
Return to text.
6. ASTRO: Autonomous Space Transfer and Robotic Orbiter.
Return to text.
7. PSA: Personal Satellite Assistance.
Return to text.
8. To this day, no one knows why the Saudi royal family ordered the ignition of their kingdom’s
oil fields.
Return to text.
9. The reservoir of Lesotho’s Katse Dam was confirmed to cause numerous seismic disturbances
since its completion in 1995.
Return to text.
10. The International Space Station is equipped with a civilian ham radio, originally, to allow the
crew to talk to schoolchildren.
Return to text.
1. Mkunga Lalem: (The Eel and the Sword), the world’s premier antizombie martial art.
Return to text.
1. It has been confirmed at least twenty-five million of this number include reanimated refugees
from Latin America who were killed attempting to reach the Canadian north.
Return to text.
2. It has been alleged that several members of the American military establishment openly
supported the use of thermonuclear weapons during the Vietnam conflict.
Return to text.
1. Tread jobs: wartime slang for vehicles that traveled on treads.
Return to text.
2. M-trip-Seven: The Cadillac Gauge M1117 Armored Security Vehicle.
Return to text.
3. The chemical composition of the army’s battle dress uniform (BDU) is still classified.
Return to text.
4. BS: Battlefield Sanitization.
Return to text.
5. The assegai: An all-steel, multipurpose implement named after the traditional Zulu short
spear.
Return to text.
6. Noob: Short for “newbies,” zombies that have reanimated after the Great Panic.
Return to text.
7. M43 Combat Observation Aid.
Return to text.
8. I-Rations: short for Intelligent Rations, they were designed for maximum nutritional efficiency.
Return to text.
9. KO: short for “Knock Out.”
Return to text.
10. Concertainer: A prefabricated, hollow barrier constructed of Kevlar and filled with earth
and/or debris.
Return to text.
1. PT: Physical Training.
Return to text.
2. AIT: Advanced Individual Training.
Return to text.
3. AGN: Army Group North.
Return to text.
4. China Lake weapons research facility.
Return to text.
1. L (Lethal) pill: A term to describe any poison capsule and one of the options available to
infected U.S. military combatants during World War Z.
Return to text.
1. John Lethbridge, circa 1715.
Return to text.
2. “The Sturgeon General”: The old civilian nickname for the present commander of the DSCC.
Return to text.
3. Alan Hale, Senior.
Return to text.
1. The highest fatality ratio of all allied forces is still hotly debated.
Return to text.
1. Lion’s Roar, produced by Foreman Films for the BBC.
Return to text.
2. Instrumental cover of “How Soon Is Now,” originally written by Morrissey and Johnny Marr
and recorded by the Smiths.
Return to text.
3. Pronounced “flies” mainly because their pouncing attacks gave the illusion of flight.
Return to text.
4. At present, no scientific data exist to substantiate the application of Bergmann’s Rule during
the war.
Return to text.
5. LaMOE: pronounced Lay-moh with a silent e.
Return to text.
6. Figures on wartime weather patterns have yet to be officially determined.
Return to text.
7. Major Ted Chandrasekhar.
Return to text.

Find an example of contrast. How does this help organize information?

Name: ____________________________________

Canada’s Food Guide

Name: ________________________

Canada’s Food Guide – Communication Activity

Answer the following questions, using specific examples.

  1. Explain how colour is being used to organize Information.
  2. Explain how lines are being used to organize information.
  3. Explain how shapes are being used to organize information.
  4. Why is it helpful to include pictures in this graphic?
  5. Find an example of text that is emphasized. How is emphasis created and why is this text important?
  6. Find an example of proximity. How does this help organize information?
  7. Find an example of white space. How does this help organize information?
  8. Find an example of alignment. How does this help organize information?
  9. Find an example of contrast. How does this help organize information?
  10. Find an example of repetition. How does this help organize information?

 

Why does the Federal Reserve rarely use the discount rate to implement its monetary policy?

The United States Congress established three key objectives for monetary policy in the Federal Reserve Act: Maximum employment, stable prices, and moderate long-term interest rates. The Federal Reserve is responsible for developing the appropriate strategy and implementing specific actions to meet these goals. In this assignment, write a paper in response to the following questions:

– What tools are used by the Federal Reserve to implement monetary policy?

– Why does the Federal Reserve rarely use the discount rate to implement its monetary policy?

– Which tool is most often used by the Federal Reserve? Why?

Be 4-5 page (1200-1500 words) excluding the cover or reference pages

Cite at least 6 references (at least 4 scholarly/peer reviewed)

please use references provided, if more are needed feel free to do so.

What are the features of labor regulation of women and workers with family responsibilities?

WOMEN IN THE WORKFORCE IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES: LEGAL ASPECT

The legal regulation of women in the workforce in international law is mainly related to their family responsibilities [1].  The main international acts in this area are ILO Convention No. 156 ‘On Equal Treatment and Equal Opportunities for Workers Men and Women: Workers with Family Responsibilities’ 1981 and Convention No. 103 ‘Maternity Protection’, 1952. Based on the ILO Convention No. 156, workers with family responsibilities are male and female workers with family responsibilities in relation to their dependent children, as well as for other immediate family members who are in need of care.

What are the features of labor regulation of women and workers with family responsibilities? First of all, they appear to restrict the employment of women in heavy work or work in harmful and /or dangerous working conditions, underground work, in addition to non-physical work or work on sanitary and domestic services. It is forbidden to use the labor of women in work related to lifting and moving weights manually, exceeding the maximum permissible norms for women .The lists of such works are approved by the Government of the Russian Federation.

It should be emphasized that the prohibition of the use of women’s labor in heavy work and work with harmful working conditions is established by the national legislation of approximately 50 countries. For example, in 90 countries women are prohibited from working underground.

In accordance with ILO Convention No. 156, each Member shall make it an aim of national policy to enable persons with family responsibilities who are engaged or wish to engage in employment to exercise their right to do so without being subject to discrimination and, to the extent possible, without conflict between their employment and family responsibilities (part 1, 2 of article 1, part 1 of article 3) [2, p.20]   .

For example, in the UK it is believed that people raising children or caring for the sick and disabled should be valued by society, and they should be able to work.  In The Labor Rights Act 1996 introduced a prohibition of discrimination based on age, religion or belief, sexual orientation, and gender, race, and disability.  The employee has the right to appeal the unfair dismissal. In the UK judicial practice, among the grounds for dismissal entailing the unconditional recognition of an employee as unfairly dismissed are the pregnancy of a woman, the birth of a child, and the performance of family duties (Section 99 of the Act) [3]   .

In Russia according to the requirements of Art.261 of the Labour Code of the Russian Federation, which prohibits the termination of the labor contract at the initiative of the employer with a pregnant woman, the woman is subject to reinstatement in her previous position from the moment of dismissal, and the average wage for the entire period of her forced absence is charged from the employer [4, p.22]   .

In Sweden, all types of discrimination are prohibited under the Anti-Discrimination Act. It should be noted that the highest level of female employment is in Sweden and stands at 79%. Progressive social insurance system, enabled women to combine work with family responsibilities.

In Denmark, with high fertility rates, women’s employment rates are also high. Currently, state policy is aimed at helping not only mothers, but also fathers, so that they take on most of the responsibilities of housekeeping and raising children, thereby opening up access for women to the labor market, that is, state policy focuses on increasing the level of participation of women in paid work, recognition of their equal partners in the labor market. The same applies to workers whose dependents are elderly relatives, elderly workers, etc.   [5, p.14].

So, as we see, the main goals of social policy in the field of labor relations in Denmark are the mixing of “male” and “female” spheres of professional activity, the introduction of standards of gender equality in staff selection and professional training, the introduction of certain requirements for the work schedule of specialists who have family.

In France, labor relations are regulated in the Labor Code. To combat unemployment, emphasis is placed on a democratic market, which implies the creation of part-time jobs, fixed-term employment on a contract basis, etc. Part-time employment means a reduction in working time by 25% [6, p.14].  The Labor Code prohibits the dismissal of an employee on discriminatory grounds, the dismissal of pregnant women, women who are on vacation in connection with the birth of a child, and some other categories of workers. Such dismissals are considered invalid.

As you can see, in foreign countries, it is the state’s task to provide additional guarantees of employment to persons experiencing difficulties in finding a job.

Currently in Russia, the issue related to employment of women and persons with family responsibilities is under of state’s special consideration. However, there are still a number of problems that we would like to highlight.  One of the problems is that the current Russian employment legislation does not cover all categories of working women with family responsibilities, but only single parent and parents with multiple children, or parents rising child with disabilities. Moreover, it must be emphasized that the concept of a single mother is not fully defined in practice. Another problem is that in Russian legislation there is no clear definition of workers with family responsibilities, therefore, in practice, it is really difficult to specify precisely who falls under of given category.

Analysis of the legislation of developed countries demonstrates that it is directed towards more active participation of women in the work force without prejudice to family responsibilities, also at providing men with the right for part-time work so that they can work and bear equal responsibility in fulfilling family responsibilities.

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Literature:

  1. Petrov A. Working hours of women, persons with family responsibilities: features of legal regulation // Personnel. Labor law for the personnel officer”. 2013. No. 3. Access from the reference and legal system “Consultant Plus”.
  2. Korsanenkova Y. B. Problems of legal regulation of the social and labor rights of pregnant women and women with children //Labor Law in Russia and abroad.2013. No 1. C. 16-22.
  3. Voronkova E.R. Termination of an employment contract at the initiative of an employer under UK labor law. URL: http://www.justicemaker.ru/view-article.php?id=20&art=3305 (accessed: 04/15/2019).
  4. Gnatyuk I. TOP-10 errors in relation to women and persons with family responsibilities // Personnel service and personnel management of the enterprise. June. 2014. No 6.
  5. Chanyshev A. S. Regulation of working time and rest time in foreign countries (on the example of the countries of Scandinavia): author. dis. Candidate of legal sciences. M., 2013.
  6. Bukaeva M.S. Features of labor market regulation in the context of globalization // Bulletin of OSU. August, 2013. No. 8 (157).

 

 

What are the main factors that should be considered by SALCC in selecting the institutional and or the agency theories of governance and which model could be best suited to ensure the effective and efficient running of SALCC?

GOVERNANCE IN HIGHER EDUCATION: A CASE STUDY OF SALCC

Course: MBA (LAW)

Date 2019

Governance in higher education is a policy issue that has become critical over the last decade. This issue has forced institutions of higher learning to examine how they might respond more effectively to changing social, demographic, and political forces. As technology continues to grow the pressures on higher education is more noticeable and challenging in countries like St. Lucia.  Higher education Institutions (HEI’s) are overwhelmed by substantial increases in admissions, there is controversy over their status as a public or private good, there is insufficient funding, out-of-date curricula, and inadequate and rigid governance structures (Task Force on Higher Education and Society [TFHES], 2000). These pressures demands for more accountability from governments and is happening in an environment where globally government funding is diminishing, and Higher Education Institutions (HEI) are unable to satisfy the growing demands.  As the demand continues to increase, and as governments acknowledge their role in promoting economic development, it has become progressively important to ensure that higher education systems are managed effectively. (Altbach & Davis, 1999).

Governance structures are important, in the sense that they have to be clear and understood to be effective. These structures are shaped nationally by their economic, political and legal backgrounds, by their sources of finance, and by the history and culture of the countries concerned. (Cramer, 2017).   Moreover, Higher education systems are also getting more complex due to the growth in the number of public and private institutions, so that the task of managing and monitoring the sector is becoming more specialized and demanding. As a result, the old model of total control from a central Ministry of Education (MOE) is proving unsustainable in the long term and is being replaced throughout the world by other models. As such, public universities seeking to remain sustainable have to embrace an effective management plan to respond to the growing, societal demands (Manning, 2017).  In this competitive environment, universities are adopting approaches that offer them sufficient autonomy and flexibility to achieve efficient management of the organizations. Hence, the governance approaches employed by these institutions have significant influence on their sustainability and recognition in the market (Austin and Jones, 2015).

The purpose of this dissertation is to understand governance of higher education institutions by examining the significance and adaptability of theories that have already been applied, with a view to ascertaining an appropriate model that could be adopted at the Sir Arthur Lewis Community College (SALCC).  These include the Agency Theory, the Institutional theory, Market-Oriented Model and the State-Centered Model.  While the dissertation seeks to provide evidence of the global trends, its coverage applies more systematically to SALCC.

1.1. ACADEMIC THEORIES APPLIED IN HIGHER EDUCATION GOVERNANCE.

The following section introduces the hypothetical perspectives of the Agency theory, institutional theory as the main governance theories and the market oriented and State-Centered Models as other theories applied by Higher Education Institutions. These theories share the assumptions that organizations are subjected to external forces which limit their actions and choices. However, the theories differ on how and to what extent organizations respond.

  1.1.1. Agency Theory

The Agency Theory is described as the relationship between two or more parties working in collaboration to achieve a set goal. In this arrangement, one of the parties has to be the principal, while the others are the agents (Bosse and Phillips, 2016). Within this model, the agents have a challenge in fulfilling the duties assigned to them by the principals because the two bodies (principals and agents) have different goals (Mitnick, 2015). Moreover, the agents have more information about their abilities and activities as compared to the principals (Shogren et al., 2015; Gardner, 2016). Consequently, the primary challenge with this framework is how the agents are empowered to realize the desires of the principals, while performing their expected roles.

          1.1.2. Institutional Theory

1.1.3 The Market Oriented Model/Theory

Unlike the institutional theory, the Market Model allows higher education institutions to be managed like private organizations as they take full responsibility for setting their fees and rules without public intervention. This model does not incorporate state oversight, and has been found to experience various shortcomings. (Marginson 2013) suggests that this model in Higher Education governance leads to a high level of information asymmetry as it fails to embrace a bureaucratic control system. Thus, for effective management of the Higher Education Institution (HEI) to be achieved within this model, there has to be an emphasis on audit and accountability.

 

1.1.4. The State-Centered Model

The state control model, as the name denotes, is characterized by the principal role of the state, which exercises control over external regulation and guidance. The state has full responsibility for financing and controlling education activities as well as tuition fees. Some of the critical features that are used to explain the model include the state’s control over courses offered, tuition fees and admission procedures. The rationale for state intervention is to ensure that the public obtains quality and equal learning opportunities. However, according to Agasisti and Catalano (2006), the model has been criticized for lack of efficiency and ineffectiveness in the management of higher education (Agasisti and Catalano, 2006).

 

 

 

1.2. Higher Education in St. Lucia

 

Higher education in St. Lucia consists of a small number of private institutions who cater mostly to foreign students, even though a small number of local students attend. Nonetheless, Sir Arthur Lewis Community College (SALCC) is the lone government public tertiary level institution on the island.  Established by Act of Parliament No. 8 of 1985, the College offers instruction in areas of Agriculture, Arts Science and General Studies, Health Science, Teacher Education and Educational Administration and Technical Education and Management.

Accredited by the Ministry of Education (MOE), SALCC has checks and balances at two levels, ensuring the interests of the state are achieved, and that of the citizens are protected. To make sure that the organization offers the best to its students, management aligns all its courses with the needs of the society. (Armstrong, Armstrong, Lynch, and Severin, 2005).   A  Board of Governors (BOG) appointed by the government of the day approves most of the strategic decisions at the institution and oversees the strategic planning , even though the MOE exerts some control when it comes to appointing a principal, setting  tuition fees and curriculum development. According to the ACT seven members are selected to the board who then form part of two main committees the Academic Committee and the Management and Finance Committee. (SALCC, 2019). The government also provides financial subventions for the college an issue that has compromised the college’s performance (Nestor, 2018).

In order to develop a higher education system that prepares students for a global economy, it will be necessary for the government to address the constraints in higher education that consistently plague students in St. Lucia. These include access, costs, poor and inadequate infrastructure, and outdated curricula.

SALCC has been mandated by the government to transit into a degree granting institution which provides quality services to the community at a relatively low cost, a feat that has become very difficult given the demand and cost.  Moreover, over the years, there has been a steady reduction in the government subvention, which has triggered numerous challenges for the college. As a result, management has had to focus on raising tuition fees by 100 percent (Nestor, 2018). This strategy was to enable transforming the aging structures of the institution and provide a more effective service, however, the government rejected the recommendation; an issue that saw the entire board of governors resign from their duty (Aurelien, 2018). Consequently, the college has to determine effective ways to raise financing and offer quality services in manner that is beneficial to all stakeholders.

SALCC is now positioned to review it policies and adopt a governance structure that eliminate limitations, and meet the growing demands of the society. However, for this to happen SALCC must ensure that it delivers services based on existing theories (Van Dyne, and Ang, 1998). These theories are meant to strike a balance between what activities are essential and should be prioritized, as this is a way of ensuring success in its operations (Armstrong, Armstrong, Lynch, and Severin, 2005). The application of these theories are crucial, as the organization is likely to face many challenges that will compromise its competitiveness in the market. Intrinsically, in an effort to remain viable SALCC needs to embrace useful governance model that will allow it to capitalize on existing opportunities.

Given this background, this dissertation aims to critically evaluate the agency and institutional theories with a view to determining its relevance and efficiency within HEI’s.  While the research seeks to provide evidence of the global trends where these theories have been applied , the aim is to understand the practices at SALCC and to decipher which model is an appropriate governance model for SALCC.

1.3. RESEARCH QUESTION

What are the main factors that should be considered by SALCC in selecting the institutional and or the agency theories of governance and which model could be best suited to ensure the effective and efficient running of SALCC?

     1.3.1. OBJECTIVES

  • Critically evaluate what are the main factors that should be considered when selecting the agency and or institutional models of governance.
  • Critically evaluate how the application of the agency and/or institutional models/theories has affected governance in higher education when applied.
  • Critically evaluate whether adopting one or both of these approaches would have an impact on governance at SALCC.

1.4. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM.

In examining governance, the critical question to be determined is which model is appropriate depending on their context. Some argue that having the state involved with other stakeholders is more suitable (Van Vught, 1993) whilst others suggest that having the state play a part is not automatically relevant especially when faced with financial constraints. (Hall, Symes and Luescher, 2002).

As SALCC positions itself to evolve into a degree granting institution, there is a need to adjust to the expanding and changing demands of society and the labor market. This research is undertaken, to understand how the agency and institutional theories of governance affects key processes, and to investigate the effectiveness of these models when used a HEI’s, and make recommendations for one or both of these models to be  adopted at SALCC.

1.5. RATIONALE AND SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY.

Examining the literature it was clear that there is a lack of both theoretical and empirical research on governance in Higher Education especially as it pertains to colleges in the Caribbean.  Higher education systems are also becoming more complex and the old model of overall control from a central ministry of education (MOE) is proving untenable in the long term and is being supplanted throughout the world by other models. Although many developed countries have made changes in their higher education systems to deal with the global challenges, those in the developing world continue to lag behind (Tilak, 2003). A study examining governance issues at SALCC is particularly relevant and timely since any modernization of the institution must take into account variables that would allow for good governance. It is hoped that the research will benefit SALCC as well as other community colleges in the region, which are publicly- funded and play an important role in providing higher education.

1.6. SUMMARY.

            This dissertation will be organized into five main chapters the introduction, literature review, methodology, finding and discussion and conclusion, and recommendation. The first chapter gives a brief overview of four governance models used in the management of HEI’s, the research objectives, statement of the problem and the rationale and significance for the study. The second chapter looks at a critical evaluation of the main academic theories, which forms the basis for this research. In addition, the section gives a summary of the literature review section as well as the main theories that will proceed to the methodology section. The third chapter describes the methodology/approach that is involved in conducting the dissertation. The fourth chapter states the research findings and discussion and how the findings answers the research question. Finally, based on the research findings and discussion section, recommendations will be made.

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW

2.0. INTRODUCTION

The upcoming chapter reviews the literature on governance in Higher Education Institutions (HEI), specifically the agency and institutional models. The first part will look at governance of higher education, as broad literature suggests that this is an aged concept that is still evolving and varies according to the context that it is used. A critical evaluation of the main academic theories, and their relevance to the governance in HEI’s, will be presented followed by an overview of the organization and its current practices.  Finally, a summary of the chapter with the theories being forwarded to the research instrument.

2.1. GOVERNANCE IN HIGHER EDUCATION.

                  As far back as the 1930’s the concept of governance has taken on a central part in modern day debates.  This concept is multifaceted, with different meanings and implications based on the view of organizational accountability and responsibility (Williamson 1998, 2005).  The term governance encompasses all processes of governing, whether by the government, a market or a board of directors, it helps to create order in an effort to achieve the goals of educating, and researching, as well as providing services to the community. (Austin &Jones 2016). Governance is essential to the functioning of higher education at all levels, from the basic academic unit to the management. Essentially, governance has become a major leverage tool for improving quality in all aspects of higher education, ensuring that best interests of all its stakeholders are taken into consideration. (Hénard, and Mitterle 2010)

Some researchers, in observing the diversity in higher education governance arrangements, have simply assumed that the difference from one institution to the next is that each one has strategically adopted a governance structure, which complements their unique environment. They argue that because governance is shaped nationally, by their economic, political and legal backgrounds, their sources of finance, and by history and culture, that their effectiveness varies. Nonetheless, from the literature perused it suggests that a common belief is that governance in education incorporates institutions and relationships between citizens, government officials and education service providers. Ideally, it embraces responsiveness, accountability and transparency, enabling engagement between citizens and government decision makers to design and implement policies that would enhance lives.

Good governance is important and conceivably the key issue for achieving quality in higher education in developing countries (Steir, 2003). This happens when there is a balance between institutional autonomy and institutional accountability. However, many countries continue to levy strict controls on their higher education systems severely limiting institutional autonomy. As a result, there is a call for plans to implement structural reforms aimed at achieving desired goals. (Hall and Symes, 2005). All governance structures address three things, accountability, authority, and the decision-making process. Good governance is involved, consent oriented, accountable, transparent, responsive, effective and efficient, equitable and inclusive and follows the rule of law. A proper governance framework clearly delineates who is accountable for performing certain tasks.

Clark’s triangle has been used as a paradigm for describing, assessing, and comparing systems of higher education (Clark, 2004). Based on the triangle three main attributes have to be taken into consideration when adopting a governance model, these includes market forces, academic oligarchy and the state. According to Clark, the academic oligarchy is the ability of groups of academic staff who through formal or informal settings may influence decisions and actions in the higher education system the state authority refers to the efforts that government makes to direct decisions and actions of the society, and higher education institutions including the market. (Clarke, 2017)

Maggio (2011) suggests that, this model explains how order is achieved in a complex Higher Education system where there are different goals, management approaches as well as beliefs. Clark’s approach to the management of HEI’s recognizes its dynamic ability to respond to new changes. The model is flexible in the sense that as the factors change and is influenced by one another, the shape of the triangle would change, but it would always remain a triangle.

2.2. CRITICAL REVIEW OF GOVERNANCE THEORIES.

2.2.1. State-centered model

This model is common in the management of public universities, as most of the decisions are made by the state and are aligned with national goals. Within this model there is limited autonomy as the HEI’s are highly supervised by the government, and the state is considered the gatekeeper. Invariably, the state influences the management of the internal affairs carried out by the institution (Davidovitch and Iram, 2015). Some of the essential attributes regulated by the state include quality assurance, business relationship, and efficiency. The above model is considered as the most conservative as compared to other governance models (Zajda, 2016). Studies suggests that this model is effective in certain instances as it ensures that national goals are attained and that the state  has control over research content, and on the way resources are distributed. (Findikli, 2017).

According to Van Vught, (1994) this model is present in many European states. It is characterized by a strong authority of state bureaucracy on the one hand and a relatively strong position of the academic oligarchy within universities on the other hand. In this model we find a state interfering in an effort to “regulate the access conditions, the curriculum, the degree requirements, the examination systems, the appointment and remuneration of academic staff etc.” (Van Vught 1994.. The rationale for employing this approach is to support the achievement of national goals and objectives (Heller, 2002). Consequently, the government chooses individuals to head HEI’s who would represent their interest. Moreover, because of reliance on uniform legislation and adoption of key standards, the HEI’s within a country are considered to have strong ties with each other (Leonard, 2017). Example of countries that relies on this type of arrangement includes Russia, Sweden, Turkey, and France among others.

2.2.2. The market-oriented model

The market-oriented approach is popular in the modern business environment however, it enables HEI’s to operate like other financial organizations. This model, focuses on achieving maximum efficiency and operates within a free market. It relies on the performance-based funding approach as HEI’s are considered investments that can be utilized to generate profits (Shattock, 2014). Although most of the decisions made are exclusively by the HEI, the government can intervene by introducing key policies to steer competition. The approach is criticized as it compromises the needs of the public as state control is limited. Additionally, this model focuses on improving quality assurance and transparency within the academic setting. Even so, there are concerns that the model promotes privatization of the education system as higher education is considered a consumer good (McNay and Hladchenko, 2015).

. The main benefit of using the market-oriented model is the fact that it promotes competition among HEI’s. (Erkkilä and Piironen, 2014). Then again, the approach is attractive because of its high level of efficiency in the market as it is applied extensively in different sectors of the economy (Zhu, 2015). This governance model is discouraged in HEI’s as it causes Higher Education to be very expensive, limiting the number of people that are likely to benefit from the same.

2.2.3. AGENCY THEORY.

The agency theory is not an entirely a new concept as it is applied in various sectors of the economy such as accounting, politics, and marketing among others. Literature suggests that this theory is considered as one of the oldest theory used in management and economics (Daily, Dalton, & Rajagopalan, 2003). However, its application in the governance of Higher Education has gained popularity in the recent past. The agency theory (also known as the principal-agent or principal agency theory/model) is in the broadest sense considered whenever one party (the principal) depends on the action of another party (the agent). (Pratt and Zeckhauser, 1985).

The theory posits that in the presence of information asymmetry, the agent is likely to pursue interests that are not favorable to the principal or shareholders. Hillman & Dalziel (2003) proposes that the agency theory assumes that owners of an organization (principals) and those that manage the organization (agents) have different interests. Hence the principal will face the problem that agents are likely to act according to their own interests. When the desires or goals of the principal and agent are in conflict, the principal is unable to access what the agent is actually doing; (Fama & Jensen 1983). This theory assumes that once principals give authority to agents, they often have problems controlling them, because agents’ goals often differ from their own. The agent may also choose to act in self-interest instead of the principal’s interests, because agents often have better information about their capacity and activities than do principals. This may cause conflict between the two parties and it is manifested because of incomplete information and miscommunication.

The key feature of agency theory is separation of ownership and control. The theory prescribes that people or employees are held accountable in their tasks and responsibilities. However under this theory information asymmetries and goal conflicts, are problems that arise. In goal conflicts, the agents and the principal’s interests are not in alignment so there is no cohesion between parties, (Griskevicius, et al 2011). Because of information asymmetry, the principal is not fully aware of the capability of the agent, and when an agent is in a position with more information about the details of their assigned tasks, their abilities, preferences, and actions should be taken into consideration with those of the principal (Kendall, 1993).

   2.2.3.1. APPLICATION OF AGENCY THEORY.

         2.2.3.1.1. Informational asymmetries

One of the main arguments associated with the agency theory as it relates to its application in the higher education sector is its link to the strong interest attached to information availability and how it affects the general decision making within an organization, which in turn affects performance (Salter, and Tapper, 2000). Informational asymmetries focuses on the interactions that exist between the agent and the principal in performing specific tasks. The agent possesses more or better information about the details of individual task assigned to him as compared to principal.  (Eggertsson, 1990). Consequently, the principal does not have full access to information and the assumption is that the principal generally faces difficulties in acquiring information possessed by the agent. As a result, information may not be distributed equally between principal and agent due to conflicting interest about something important known only to the agents. (Perrow, 1993).   It is difficult to address issues affecting the organization effectively when sufficient information is unavailable so problems keep reoccurring. This results in an uneven distribution of information within the organization as the information is accessible to the agents while being highly restricted to the principals (Bøe, Gulbrandsen, and Sørebø, 2015).

Previous research have indicated that the presence of information asymmetries in organizations is important when reviewing the issue of governance in higher education (Salter, and Tapper, 2000). The performance of HEI’s in terms of governance is linked to the amount of resources allocated to the agent and the principal. However, it is very difficult for the principal to observe the results of the other departments if information is lacking. Their failure to make these observations is linked to their inability to define the operations of the organization. The quality of information that is available to both the principals and agents always determines the success of the governance decisions (Bensimon, Neumann, and Birnbaum, 1991).

Jacobs and Van Der Ploeg (2006) argued that information asymmetries causes problems in funding systems, governance, selection of students, and the appointment of academic staff. Failing to respond to these issues due to information asymmetry leads to misunderstandings in the management of the organization (McLendon, Hearn, and Deaton, 2006). The misunderstandings ultimately affects governance methods and modalities (Kivistö, 2008). It is therefore important for organizations to strengthen relationships by maintaining or adopting effective and efficient  communication channels (Kivistö, 2005).

It is clear that within this theory the presence of information asymmetry makes it difficult to achieve efficiency especially when the information needed to make important decisions is not readily available. (Bensimon, Neumann, and Birnbaum, 1991).  As such, governments have difficulty funding HEI’s because they do not always get the right information that could influence their decision-making process. Thus, for there to be effective governance, management of HEI’s must ensure that the right information is always available which will enable stakeholders to make the right decisions towards the development of the organization. (Salter, and Tapper, 2000).

     2.2.3.1.2. Goal Conflicts

Within the agency theory goal conflicts may arise during the delegation of authority from principal to agent.  It is ascribed to situations where principals’ and agents’ desires and interests concerning the task are in conflict and both prefer a different course of action. This theory assumes that both the principal and the agent are motivated by self-interest and so it is inevitable that conflict starts when there are disparate interests. The principal’s objective is for the agent to expend as much effort as is necessary to complete a task.  Conversely, it is assumed that the agent acts with self-interest and will produce at the minimum accepted level to meet the principal’s expectation unless there is some benefit to the agent.  (Petersen, 1995).

The reason for having goals is to provide direction to the agents towards attaining specific outcomes that must be achieved, especially when there is limited financial resources and demands for accountability (McKelvie, 1986). As a way of achieving the best outcome, there is need to solve any issues that may exist between the agent and the principals during the decision making process that could affect the smooth running of the HEI. (Salter, and Tapper, 2000).  HEI’s need to clearly clarify their purpose or goals more closely when the parties involved in the governance process develop differences due to conflicts in their goals and preferences.  A strategic plan is required to help them settle differences and enable the smooth running of the organization. The decisions made, irrespective of differences should be aligned with the institution’s mission and vision statements (Musselin, and Maassen, 2009).

           2.2.3.1.3. Effectiveness of the Agency Theory.

The Agency theory identifies comprehensive monitoring as one way to ensure that agents work in the principal’s best interest. There is a need to align the practices of the learning institutions with the institutional strategy, and at the same time put mechnisms in place to monitor the performance of management as a way of ensuring that decision makers realize the best strategies for effective governance practices. (Bruton, Ahlstrom, and Li, 2010). The application of this theory in HEI’s is highly effective, especially in the process of guiding the decision makers on issues pertaining to information sharing (McLendon, Hearn, and Deaton, 2006). The theory is used to understand the relationships between agents and principal and identifies points of conflict among groups. Because of its logically consistent framework, the agency theory is able to detect many of the intricacies and difficulties that governments face in their attempts to govern universities. It also allows you to monitor BOG.

Despite the increased application of the approach, there are numerous gaps associated with this theory. Goals are often compromised by information asymmetry as well as goal conflicts between the parties. (Bosse and Phillips, 2016).   According to Geels (2004) the key stakeholders are supposed to adopt elements of this theory and implement them in their governance practice in an effort to ensure objectives are met.  Stakeholders are expected to understand the significance of having an open sources of communication as well as the importance of keeping their discussions objective when negotiating different opinions. This can work towards improving the performance of the organization in terms of its governance practices. (Graham, Woodfield, & Harrison, 2013).   .

   2.2.4. INSTITUTIONAL THEORY.

Institutional theory has become a common and dominant explanatory tool for studying various organizational issues, including those in the context of higher education. The concept can be defined as a simple process through which HEI’s are organized or managed (Bleiklie and Kogan, 2007. Colleges and universities exist within an institutional environment. The theory contends that organizational options is determined by the environment, and discretion in the choices available. However, institutional governance is more effective when HEI’s are given extended authority to govern their operations.

According to McKenzie (2013), institutional governance is used in various Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries because of the freedom it allows HEI’s. They are able to set their policies based on their objectives and requirements. Nonetheless, despite the level of autonomy there is a significant difference in how the approach is applied. Moreover, HEI’s do not have autonomy in all their activities but specific areas of interest. The application of institutional governance varies from one region to another. For instance, in most of the developed nations, the HEI’s have extended autonomy in most of their operations. However, in less developed countries, HEI’s tend to experience constrained autonomy in some of their operations like sourcing of funds and setting of fees. Countries like Japan and Turkey are the only nations with the least areas of autonomy and most of the operations are carried out by the state.

Figure 1: Shows extent of autonomy experienced by HE institutions (McKenzie, 2013)

However, with increased transformation experienced in the global setting, HEI’s are demanding more freedom to manage their operations. For example, universities in Norway are demanding freedom to manage the various programs that are offered by the respective universities. Each year, new policies are introduced such as extending the autonomy level, thus expanding the recognition of institutional governance (Hénard and Mitterle, 2010). The demand for employing the institutional governance approach is gaining popularity even in countries where states have full responsibility for university operations such as Korea and Japan. In these countries, HEI’s are considered as part of the government (McKenzie, 2013). Therefore, the state has the sole responsibility of governing the institutions.

           2.2.4.1.Effectiveness of the Institutional Theory.

Institutional governance supports the idea of autonomy; universities are given full responsibility to manage their operations. The justification for government intervention includes the fact that HEI’s are associated with a high level of social and economic gains, hence the need for government subsidy. Additionally, state intervention seeks to promote equity. This has also changed the way funding of the HEI’s is done (McKenzie, 2003).

Although governments have a role to fund these institutions, the management team is responsible for most of the operations carried out at the organization. Nevertheless, despite the significant role played by the state in the management of HEI’s, governments should not have full control over the organizations.   The application of this theory in higher education governance will undoubtedly lead to improvements in how institutions manage their workforce and guide the decision making process. Applying this theory will improve the efficiency and effectiveness with which higher education boards carry out their management and governance roles at different institutions (Hendrickson, Lane, Harris, & Dorman, 2013). The efficiency in their operations is linked to the elimination of some of the challenges that have been experienced during the governance and decision making processes. Understanding the changes that are happening in the education sector as well as developing strategies to deal with the emerging issues that continue to develop with the new trends will also contribute towards streamlining the governance process in higher education sector through the information offered by this theory.

2.3. CURRENT PRACTICES AT SIR ARTHUR LEWIS COMMUNITY COLLEGE

Sir Arthur Lewis Community College (SALCC) is a semi-autonomous statutory body, subject to Ministry of Education (MOE) control.  It is the lone public community college on island and provides quality services on behalf of the government. (SALCC, 2019). In the past decade, SALCC has experienced various governance issues and there has been mounting pressure from the government to transition SALCC into a university college, in an effort to provide citizens with quality education at a low cost.

In St. Lucia like many other Caribbean territories, the government controls the higher education system. In fact, the (MOE) appoints the head of the institution and a Board of Governors (BOG) on behalf of the government.  The board of governors serve at the discretion of the Minister and members have a role to manage and supervise the various activities carried out at the college. Activities such as enacting laws, budget review, monitoring and development of the curriculum, hiring staff and setting tuition fees among other crucial projects (Rowlands, 2017).

SALCC is facing a huge financial crisis that is likely to compromise its operations. To retain a competitive position in the market the BOG of SALCC attempted to increase fees by 100 percent, an issue that has received a controversial reaction from the government officials (Aurelien, 2018). The college said the reasons for the increase “are to better meet its increasing cost obligations, facilitate the transition of the college to “university college status”, and to remain competitive, among other factors.” The government declined that request, as there were concerns that the move would compromise vulnerable individuals from gaining access to affordable education. (St. Lucia News Online 2018)

The transitioning process at the SALCC is plagued with challenges. Not only is there a difficulty with finances, but SALCC is involved in a massive curriculum revision. One of her current tasks is to rationalize the institution’s curriculum to reflect the university status. There is also the need to hire more staff to enable a smooth transition.     However, there are concerns that the institution receives minimal government support and cannot meet its needs. Therefore, it is essential for the institution to be given more control to raise fees to meet emerging needs. Increasing fees is seen as a practical approach to generating more income, but there are concerns that the approach will hurt the public.

Government intervention is necessary to help manage the situation, although there will be full autonomy. SALCC is now at the cross roads because on one hand without government intervention institutional governance is likely to be compromised, and on the other hand with government intervention, it will be possible to guarantee the delivery of quality services to the public. This state controlled model of governance model creates tension between the government’s commitment to regulate public funds and the institution’s desire to be autonomous (Bjarason & Lund, 1999). It is therefore imperative that SALCC standardizes its governance practices to oversee the best interest for all stakeholders.

2.4. SUMMARY

It is evident from the above literature that different factors influence the governance models that can be adopted, as  each one  have pros and cons that are used to meet the ever-changing needs of the society.  The goal of this chapter was to recognize the conceptual framework of the agency and institution theories used in the governance of HEI’s and conduct a critical analysis.

Informational asymmetries and goal conflicts can be considered critical to the agency theory (Waterman & Meier, 1998).  Together these two components engender agency problems.  The existence of informational asymmetries would not matter, if goal conflicts was absent, and the agent would inevitably choose the actions desired by the principal.  The assumption and existence of goal conflict is necessary for agency theory (Davis, 1997).  Similarly if the principals and agents has the same information readily available there would be no conflict of interest or information asymmetries (Ricketts, 2002).  As such, the conflicts between principal and agent does not have to be permanent or constant, but there must be a definite reasons for them to occur (Milgrom & Roberts, 1992).

Like the Agency theory, the institutional governance approach is acknowledged because of its accountability role.  Institutional theory has had a significant influence on the study of structures, processes, and activities in organizations. It provides a semblance of autonomy which is critical to the successful operations of the institution. As such the current model of governance employed by SALCC can be aligned with that of the institutional theory as the organization is characterized by a level of autonomy. The institution makes most of the critical decisions with some interference from the government. Nonetheless because of inadequate financial resources SALCC needs more funding to jumpstart essential projects aimed at transforming the institution into a modern university.

Through literature it can be summarized that the agency theory is a very pragmatic and functional theory. It has roots in many different academic fields and its usefulness is very extensive.  Many authors have argued that agency problem prevails in every kind of organization and although information asymmetry is the leading causes for problem, the model is effective, as it assist in establishing effective relationships between parties (Mallin, Melis and Gaia, 2015).  Applying this theory in the management of the community college in question will indubitably lead to effectiveness in the decision making process, thus streamlining the governance practices that are adopted

The table below compares the two theories and helps in deciphering the theories usefulness.

Figure 2. Comparison between agency theory and institutional theory (Mamunet al 2013) 

Consequently, for this dissertation, the institutional and agency theories will be forwarded to the methodology section to help in the formulation of the survey questions and answer the research question.

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY

3.0. INTRODUCTION

In a dissertation, the methodology section allows the reader to evaluate the overall validity and reliability. The methodology section ascertains how data is collected or generated and how was it analyzed. This chapter explains the research methodology, explicates Saunders research onion, and outlines the research design, the research method, the population under study, the sampling procedure, and the method that was used to collect data.  The reliability and validity of the research instrument are addressed.  Ethical considerations pertaining to the research are also discussed.  Additionally it describes how the questionnaire is being formulated and which theories were brought forward from the literature review.

3.1. RESEACH METHODOLGY.

The issue of research methodology is important to any study. Research methodology outlines the exact methods used to identify, select, process, and analyze information about a topic. Through the research methodology, the research is improved as it guides in selecting a suitable framework for the dissertation. Additionally, it includes the detailed description of the kind of data and information collected. Further, the process contains the sources of data collection, the nature and number of participants.  Moreover, the significance of research methodology includes the proper planning of the different techniques to be applied. Essentially, research methodology is to disseminate the required information (related to selected research techniques and methods) within the dissertation so that the nature of study could become easily understood (Kumar, 2010).

3.2. REARCH ONION.

Research Onion is an efficient model that is relevant in the completion of the entire research process. It was developed by Saunders et al. (2007) and illustrates the stages that must be covered when developing research. It provides detailed knowledge about the research process and is a model that explains a variety of techniques and processes that are available to the researcher. According to Saunders et al., the research process has several layers and approaches that must be used consistently when conducting research. In keeping with the research onion, consideration must be given to several issues before the central point and core of the onion, the data collection and data analysis is addressed. This process consists of six different stages namely philosophies, approaches, strategies, time horizons, and choices. (Saunders, Lewis, and Thornhill, 2009).  Research Onion, has implications for the research design as it affects the types of research questions pursued, the methods used to answer these questions, and the way the findings are interpreted.

Figure 3: Research Onion (Saunders, Lewis and Thornhill, 2009)

  3.3. RESEARCH PHILOSOPHY.

The Research philosophy is the first layer of the onion and the most crucial one.  The assumptions created by a research philosophy provides the explanation for how the research will be undertaken (Flick, 2011).  According to Saunders, Lewis & Thornhill (2009) Research philosophy refers to the set of beliefs concerning the nature of the subject being investigated and is often studied in the context of ontology, epistemology and axiology. Epistemology deals with what makes up valid information and how it can be obtained ontology makes you aware of the nature of reality and how it is understood, whilst axiology teaches how opinions impact the collection and analysis of the research..  Linked to epistemology is positivism, realism and interpretivism. Positivism is based on the idea that scientific knowledge is the true or acceptable knowledge, realism questions the reliability of the scientific knowledge and acknowledges that all theories can be reviewed and an interpretive philosophy emphasizes the use of qualitative analysis over quantitative analysis to obtain the results. These approaches helps to decide which method should be adopted and why. The selection of a philosophical position would influence data collection and data analysis. (Bryman, 2012). Fundamentally, it involves being aware of, and formulating your beliefs and assumptions based on the research questions. These assumptions will determine research strategy and the methods of that strategy. (Saunders, Lewis, & Thornhill, 2009).

3.4. RESEARCH APPROACH.

                 Research approach is the second layer of the research onion. It is a plan of action that gives direction to conduct research thoroughly and efficiently. There are three main research approaches quantitative and qualitative approach, and mixed methods research. This layer of the research onion provides the option of deductive and inductive research. This is a basic but important choice researchers need to make while designing their research; the deductive choice, generally, leading to the use a quantitative methods while inductive choice leads to qualitative methods.

Figure 2. Parts of the Research Approach. Chetty (2016)

           3.4.1. DATA COLLECTION.

           3.4.1.1. Secondary and Primary data

                  Data collection methods can be divided into two categories: secondary and primary methods. . For this dissertation primary and secondary data was used.  Secondary data is used to gain an insight into expert opinions. It is the type of data that has already been published, and is derived from the work or opinions of other researchers. It entails second hand information which is already collected and recorded by any person other than the user. It was used for this dissertation because it is a readily available form of data that is collected from sources such as reports, books, journal articles, websites, government publications, internal records of an organization etc. (Newman, 1998). Moreover, it increases the sampling size of research and is chosen because of the efficiency and speed that comes with using existing resources. It is also cheaper and more accessible than the primary data and available when primary data cannot be obtained.

Primary data on the other hand data is collected through various methods like surveys, observations, questionnaires, personal interviews, telephonic interviews, focus groups, and case studies, and can be divided into two groups: quantitative and qualitative. (Bryman, 2012). This form of data provides a realistic look into the topic that is being researched.

By using these two forms of data in conjunction with each another, the deficiencies that are present in each will be mitigated. Primary data was collected using semi-structured interview questions and pencil questionnaires . The pencil questionnaires were administered using the drop and pick later method. The interviews were conducted using both telephone and face-to-face to get information about governance at SALCC. (Simmons, Nelson, & Simonsohn, 2011).

       3.4.1.2. Qualitative and Quantitative research 

Research methods are split broadly into quantitative and qualitative methods. Qualitative research collects information that describes a topic instead of measuring it. It encompasses impressions, opinions, and views and  delves deep into the topic at hand to gain information about people’s motivations, thinking, and attitudes. In contrast quantitative data is designed to collect cold, hard facts as is structured and statistical. It provides support when needed, to draw general conclusions.

 3.4.1.2. (A) Qualitative research

            Qualitative research does not involve numbers or numerical data but uses words or language and provides an in-depth understanding of the problems or issues in their natural environment. The qualitative method attempts to gain an understanding of the underlying reasons and motivations for actions.  It consists of information that is usually gathered through interviews, focus groups and observations. It enables the gathering of detailed information on a topic and can be used to initiate research by discovering the problems or opportunities. Qualitative research is holistic, inductive, and naturalistic (Patton, 1980). The goal is to understand and interpret how various participants in a social setting construct the world around them (Glesne, 1999).

According David and Bitektine (2011) almost any subject can be examined in a qualitative way, and it is often the preferred method of investigation. Qualitative analysis is concerned with the quality of information and is particularly useful for exploring how and why things happen. Qualitative research encompasses an inductive approach and aims to generate ideas. In a nutshell, qualitative research is the way people feel about a subject and why.

           3.4.1.2. (B) Quantitative Research

Conversely, as the name suggests quantitative research is concerned with trying to quantify things; it asks questions such as ‘how long’, or how many’. Quantitative research is a type of empirical investigation. That means the research focuses on verifiable observations as opposed to theory or logic. This research is generally associated with the positivist/post positivist paradigm. Most often this type of research is expressed in numbers. Quantitative research highlights the quantification in data collection and is referred as a deductive approach by testing theories. (Saunders/Lewis/Thornhill 2011).

This type of research method uses close-ended questions because the researchers are typically looking at gathering guaranteed statistical data. Online surveys, questionnaires, and polls are preferable data collection tools used in quantitative research. Quantitative research usually has more respondents than qualitative research because it is easier to conduct a multiple-choice survey than a series of interviews or focus groups. Therefore it helps to answer broad questions.

             3.4.1.2. (C) Mixed Methods

Mixed methods research exist in the middle of this band because it comprises elements of both qualitative and quantitative approaches within the same study. This method provides a better understanding of the research problem. It enables researchers to search for a more holistic view of their research landscape, viewing the subject from different viewpoints and through varied research lenses. A mixed methods design is appropriate for answering research questions that neither quantitative nor qualitative methods could answer alone.

For this dissertation both qualitative and quantitative research techniques was adopted.  Based on the research questions and the objectives for this dissertation using mixed method design is the most appropriate approach, because both the quantitative and qualitative method allows researchers to be more confident of their results. The use of constant comparative analysis was considered appropriate to perfectly develop meaning from some of the qualitative data that was collected. (Simmons, Nelson, & Simonsohn, 2011). This method is meant to compare the accounts of two different individuals with similar experiences as well as those with varying experiences concerning the same study topic (Palinkas et al., 2015).

      3.4.2. Deductive and Inductive

           The deductive analysis approach works from the general to the more specific, while the inductive approach works the other way, conclusion arises from observed patterns (Burney, 2008).

           3.4.2.1. Deductive

The deductive approach focuses on using literature to identify theories and ideas that will be used to test the data. This approach starts small and gets bigger. It starts with a specific theory that has been developed based on information or patterns that have been observed. It then seeks to test this theory and develop a broader theory from it.  For this dissertation existing literature was examined by reading existing theories on subject area and then testing suggestions that developed from those theories. While not all researchers follow a deductive approach, many do. Typically, a deductive approach is associated with quantitative research whilst an inductive approach is associated with qualitative research.

           3.4.2.1. Inductive 

In contrast, the inductive approach involves collecting data and developing a theory based on the results of data analysis. It starts with a board theory and then focuses later on the smaller, more specific details, sometimes referred to as a move from the specific to the general. According to this approach, it begins with specific observations, which are used to produce generalized theories and conclusions. The reasons for using the inductive approach was that it takes into account the context where the research effort is active

3.5. RESEARCH STRATEGY

This layer is concerned with how a researcher plans to collect data for the dissertation. A research strategy is a step-by-step plan of action that gives direction to your thoughts and efforts, enabling research to be conducted systematically and on schedule to produce quality results and detailed reporting. As Sanders et al (2009) suggests that the choice of research strategy is led by the questions needed to be answered.  

           3.5.1. Questionnaires

A questionnaire was chosen as one of the data collection instruments. Questionnaire is a  printed self-report form designed to elicit information that can be obtained through the written responses of individuals. The information obtained through a questionnaire is similar to that obtained by an interview, but the questions tend to have less depth (Burns & Grove 1993).Questionnaires are more systematic and structured and aimed at obtaining information from respondents in a direct and open manner. Shao (1999) points out that a questionnaire may be structured, consisting of direct questions to obtain factual data, or indirect semi structured, allowing more flexibility on the part of the interviewer in setting questions in an indirect manner, or probing for answers. Questionnaires can gather quantitative data, but can also gather qualitative information through open-ended questions.

For this dissertation questionnaires were used to ensure a high response rate. The questionnaires were distributed to respondents to complete and were collected personally. Questionnaire were used as they required less time and energy to administer and offered a level of anonymity because names were not required on the completed questionnaire. They were administered through drop and pick later method due to the likely busy schedules of the targeted respondents. Paper pencil questionnaires were used. (Sandelowski, 2000).  The paper pencil format was used because of its reliability and the fact that it is easy to analyze. (Simmons, Nelson, & Simonsohn, 2011). The questionnaires are aimed at investigating the opinions of a cross section of stakeholders in an effort to establish an appropriate framework and answer research question.

3.5.2. Interviews

The interviews consisted of open-ended questions that took about 30 minutes to administer. Note and check observations was used for ideas which contradicted or enhanced the original ideas gathered from policy documents (Silverman, 2000), which in effect was the primary method of data collection. According to Rossman and Rallis (2003), “in-depth interviewing is the hallmark of qualitative research”. They suggests that in-depth interviewing is very important in order for the researcher to understand how participants view their worlds, and both interviewer and interviewee to ‘co-construct’ meaning. Furthermore, according to Marshall and Rossman (1999:108) “an interview is a useful way to get large amounts of data quickly.

For the purpose of this dissertation, one-to-one interviews were conducted with four deans presently employed at SALCC, one principal, two former principals, two Ministry of Education (MOE) representatives, and the current Chairperson of the Board of Governors of SALCC. The purpose of the interviews was to elicit these individuals’ perspectives on governance in higher education, especially at SALCC.  Open ended questions are asked in an effort to gather as much information as possible.

3.5.3. Case Study

A case study design is used when the subject being studied is a single entity and has definite boundaries (Merriam, 1998; Miles & Huberman, 1994).  It may include participants own accounts and tend not to look at cause and effect, rather they focus upon exploring and describing. Considering that the research question deals with how recognized Higher Education governance theories can enhance operations, the case study design is particularly useful, for this dissertation, because it can answesr how, what and why questions.

  3.6. Sampling technique and sample size.

         The dissertation applied purposive sampling or deliberate sampling technique to select 50 participants for the study. This was based on accessibility and availability of respondents.  The eligibility criteria was a population of individuals who understood and were knowledgeable of the subject. Participants had to be past or present employees of SALCC, or persons who worked in higher education systems.  The researcher specifically selected participants who would be able to contribute to the research topic and who would be willing to share their experiences, as well as express their challenges and enrich the researcher’s understanding of the subject (Crabtree & Miller, 1992)

The sample size was a total of 50. Ten individuals were interviewed these included, four Deans two MOE officials, one principal, two former principals and chairperson of the BOG. The remaining forty participants were made up of faculty, students, heads of departments and support staff. These participants had worked at the college for more than ten years and were known to the researcher.

Figure 3 below is a list of the ten respondents who comprised those interviewed. They were selected because of their involvement in policy making and implementation. These were the most appropriate people to be interviewed because of their first-hand knowledge with policy matters and its implementation.

 

No RESPONDENT INSTITUTION
1 Chairperson/ BOG SALCC
2 Minister Of Education MOE
3 Permanent Secretary MOE
4 Current Principal SALCC
5 Former Principal 1 Retired
6 Former Principal 2 Educator
7 Deasn/DASGS SALCC
8 Dean DTEMS SALCC
9 Dean DTEAA SALCC
10 Dean DHS SALCC

FIGURE 3. List of Interviewed Participants

The following are descriptions of participants, which explain why they were chosen for this dissertation.

The Chairperson was selected because of the responsibility to oversee the strategic planning of the institution coupled with the facts that she acts as a bridge between higher education administrators, SALCC and the Ministry Of Education. The ability to provide documents as well as intimate knowledge of the relationship made her an appropriate participant.

The Minister of Education is charged with the overall responsibility for policy issues related to higher education and reviewing of higher education policies enacting laws and developing educational policies, making that contribution invaluable. The MOE official were selected for the dissertation because of the shared experiences of working in the higher education system. They advise on financial matters, and is responsible for the development and maintenance of the financial systems of educational institutions. The enforcement of financial policies by the MOE made that contribution useful.

The former Principals were selected because they were able to provide useful information regarding the relationship between SALCC and the Ministry of Education over the years. They were responsible for direct oversight of day-to-day operations of core education activities including faculty planning and university wide planning as well as dealing with issues related to policy. These individuals had both worked at the institution for more than 5 years.

Present Principal is the academic and administrative officer of the institution. By virtue of his position, he has the task of coordinating the transformation process from policy into action plans. His understanding of government higher education access policies and role in implementing these policies was important for the realization of this dissertation.

The Deans are a part of the Academic Board and Finance committees. They are responsible for the development of the curriculum, delivery of programs conducting systematic assessment of capacity for educational policy implementation and the development and overall oversight of SALCC.

     3.7. Reliability and Validity of Data.

.              The quality of a research is evaluated by reliability and validity concepts. These concepts postulate how well a method, technique or test measures something. Reliability is concerned about the regularity of a measure, and validity is about the accuracy of a measure.  Only if another researcher, using the same procedure and studying the same phenomenon, arrives at similar or comparable conclusion is a study is reliable. Consequently, it is important that a comprehensive protocol be maintained in case others may be interested in checking reliability (Sekaran, 2003). Validity and reliability are important considerations in designing a qualitative study, analyzing the results, and judging the quality of the study (Cohen et al., 2007) Cohen et al. (2007) suggests that, triangulation can be used in order to preserve both the validity and the reliability of an item of research. This is where two or more methods of data collection are used to study a specific issue in order to ensure validity and reliability of data.

This research adopted the position and triangulation method to ensure reliability (Ali, and Yusof, 2011). Through triangulation, the use of several research methods like interviews, and questionnaires in data collection were employed (Abowitz, & Toole, 2009). Obtaining the information through different sources contributed in making the results highly reliable. Before processing the responses, the completed questionnaires were checked for completeness and consistency Participants were carefully selected and were willing and appropriate participants.  All interviews were recorded and transcribed in verbatim. This was essential in an effort to ensure the original meaning of the participants responses were not lost.

                3.8. Generalizability.

                      During the process of generalizing the data collected is always important in making sure that everything collected is representative of the study population (Williams, & Vaske, 2003). Generalization helps the research make conclusive results concerning the subject without indicating any form of discrimination. Some of the methods that were used to generalize the data included adopting the right sampling technique, making constant comparisons, and triangulation (Ali, & Yusof, 2011). Furthermore, all the data was checked to make it error-free during the documentation process. Each of the methods and concepts applied were made in a clear way to avoid mixing up issues during the generalization process (Chesney et al., 2006).

3.9. Data Analysis

Data was coded and analyzed using descriptive analysis with the aid of Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS).   To understand it easily the results were presented using tables, graphs and chart.

3.8. ETHICAL ISSUES.

Given the importance of ethics in conducting research and the challenges around conducting research, several ethical considerations were taken into account to ensure that the study was conducted in an appropriate manner (Babbie & Mouton, 2001).  To comply with ethical considerations all participants provided verbal consent to be interviewed and to participate in the research.  They willingly participated once the research purpose and process were explained to them (Leedy, 2000; Neuman, 2000). All participants, were  reassured  that  their  answers  were  treated  as confidential and used only for academic purposes and purposes of  the  particular  research. Anonymity, and confidentiality were ensured during administration of the questionnaires. Additionally, information was provided about the researcher in the event of further questions or complaints.

3.9. SUMMARY

            The goal of this chapter was to outline the research methods used to answer the research questions. This chapter addressed the research onion, population, sampling procedure, data collection instrument and data collection procedure. A discussion of the procedure, study participants, data collection, and interview questions outlined the specifics of how the study was conducted and who participated in the study, how we have identified suitable groups for study and broad procedures for data analysis and software intervention.  .

The next Chapter details the analysis process and describes the findings of the research. It presents an analysis and discussion of the data obtained and  provides the study results, demonstrating that the methodology described in Chapter 3 was followed.

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Wise, G., Dickinson, C., Katan, T. and Gallegos, M.C., 2018. Inclusive higher education governance: managing stakeholders, strategy, structure and function. Studies in Higher Education, pp.1-14.

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Zhang, Y.Q. and Zhang, H.Z., 2018. From imitative market-driven governance to quasi-market-driven governance: the direction of higher education governance change in China. Journal of Higher Education, (6), p.3.

Zhu, Y., 2015. Market-oriented and bank-oriented corporate governance models research base on construction management companies. In Proceedings of the 19th International Symposium on Advancement of Construction Management and Real Estate (pp. 1131-1137). Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg.

Does the design have controls at an acceptable level for the threats to internal validity?

Appraising Nursing Studies

Introduction

  1. Does the introduction demonstrate the need for the study?
  2. Is the problem clearly and concisely identified?
  3. Is the problem presented with enough background material to acquaint the

reader with the importance of the problem?

  1. Is the purpose of the study clearly stated?
  2. Are the terms and variables relevant to the study clearly defined?
  3. Are the assumptions clearly and simply stated?
  4. If appropriate to the design, are hypotheses stated?
  5. Does the study use a theoretical framework to guide its design?

Review of the Literature

  1. Is the ROL relevant to the problem?
  2. Is the review adequate in terms of the range and scope of ideas, opinions, and points of view relevant to the problem?
  3. Is the review well organized and synthesized?
  4. Does the review provide for critical appraisal of the contribution of each of the major references?
  5. Does the review conclude with a summary of the literature with implications for the study?
  6. Is the ROL adequately and correctly documented?

Methods

  1. Is the research approach appropriated?
  2. Was the protection of human subjects considered?
  3. Are the details of data collection clearly and logically presented?
  4. Are the instrument(s) appropriate for the study both in terms of problem and approach?
  5. Are the instrument(s) described sufficiently in terms of content, structure, validity and reliability?
  6. Is population and the method for selecting the sample adequately described?
  7. Is the method for selection of sample appropriate?
  8. Is the sample size sufficient?
  9. Is attrition of sample reported and explained?
  10. Does the design have controls at an acceptable level for the threats to internal validity?
  11. What are the limits to generalizability in terms of external validity?

Results

  1. Is the presentation of data clear?
  2. Are the characteristics of the sample described?
  3. Was the best method(s) of analysis selected?
  4. Are the tables, charts, and graphs pertinent?

Discussion

  1. Are the results based on the data presented?
  2. Is the evidence sufficient to draw conclusions?
  3. Are the results interpreted in the context of the problem/purpose, hypothesis, and theoretical framework/literature reviewed?
  4. Are the conclusions and generalizations clearly stated?
  5. Are the limitations of the findings clearly delineated?
  6. Are the generalizations within the scope of findings?
  7. Does the study contribute to nursing knowledge?

 

 

 

Why has Iran, under the Islamic republic, followed such a different path?

xvii
Introduction:
The Hidden Continent of Iran
In the summer of 2009 the world was watching Iran. Not because of the
unresolved question of Iran’s nuclear programme, nor Iran’s troubled
relationship with the United States, nor (at least not primarily) because of
human rights abuses. The world and its media- wife were watching Iran
because, thirty years after the Islamic revolution of 1979 (and a hundred
years after the Constitutional revolution of 1906 – 11 ), Iranians were
again on the streets of Tehran in hundreds of thousands, demanding free,
democratic government and an end to tyranny. Iranians sometimes have
an exaggerated sense of their country’s importance in the world. But for
once it appeared justifi ed. Would the Islamic republic fall? Or might it
shift to a more open, freer version of itself that permitted elections to run
their course – in contrast to the manipulated process enforced by repression
many believed they had suffered after 12 June 2009 ? If there is a
spirit of movement and change in world events, which moves from place
to place over time according to crises in human affairs, then that spirit
was alive in Tehran in the summer of 2009 .
As it turned out, repression seemed to succeed that time. The spirit
moved on, after a pause, to other places in the region, to Tunisia, Egypt
and Libya, where it was more successful; and to Bahrain and Syria. In
Iran, repression has deepened. But the story is not yet over. Iran appeared
central then and continues to be of central importance.
This book is about the history of Iran since the beginning of the Islamic
revolution of 1978 – 9 . But, as with any historical subject, the roots of
events go back long before the events themselves. This is, if possible, all
the more so with Iran; a country with a long, complex history that is
for the most part unknown to ordinary citizens of Western countries –
something that often frustrates and irritates Iranians, who are proud of
their history and their contribution to world civilization. The apparent
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xviii
Introduction
strangeness of Iranian politics and Iranian behaviour in the last thirty
or forty years is only explicable through an understanding of the history
of the country. So, although this book is focused on the revolution of
1978 – 9 and the three decades since then, it is necessary to go back further
into the history of the twentieth century, and even beyond (for the history
of Shi‘ism for example) to explain recent events.
Iran is less a country than a continent, more a civilization than a nation.
In the past, countries like the USA , China, Russia and India have supported
enough diversity and cultural self- confi dence for at least some of
their citizens to be able to feel that they were worlds unto themselves –
self- suffi cient, sometimes arrogant and superior. That they could do
without the rest of humanity. As the process of globalization advances,
such notions become less tenable, even for those large, imperial- scale
countries. But they retain their attitudes to a certain extent. China and
India have in addition a sense of ancient depth, of history, that strengthens
their sense of self still further.
Iran has this too – albeit often infused with nostalgia, and a sense of
loss and decline – but the Iranians tend to measure themselves not against
China or India (still less against their Middle Eastern neighbours), but
against Europe and North America. Iranians, like the Chinese, have been
able to feel that theirs was the original, the oldest civilization. Many Iranians
have believed – and deep down, may still believe in some way – that
they have the best poetry, the best music, the best philosophy, the best
food – or at any rate the best rice – and of course the best religion. However
untenable, such notions could not even be thought of without there
being at least an element of justifi cation to them. It is great poetry, great
music, wonderful food and great rice.
Within Iran, there is, as ever, still a remarkable, continental diversity of ethnicity,
language, climate, geography, fl ora and fauna. And, thanks partly to the
lonely path trodden by Iran in its revolutionary, anti- Western politics, Iran
maintains that variety and is still less globalized than many other countries. The
bazaars, their merchants and their traditions were close to the revolution of
1979 , have been among the revolution’s prime benefi ciaries and are still close
to the centre of the country’s economic and political life. Iran’s bazaars still sell
more home- produced goods than are on the market elsewhere and sustain
more artisans producing traditional craft items (metalwork, ceramics, printed
textiles, rugs and other items), of higher quality than you fi nd elsewhere.
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xix
Introduction
If you go to hotels on the southern shore of the Persian Gulf, in Dubai or Qatar
for example, you may fi nd that the better- quality souvenirs on sale in the gift
shops (with the price marked up enormously), presented as local, were
actually made in Iran. The apparent economic self- suffi ciency of Iran’s
bazaars (perhaps something of an illusion) still reinforces the country’s
sense of cultural self- suffi ciency.
Since the second millennium BC and the very beginnings of mankind’s
recorded past, Iranian history can be seen as a microcosm of human history
as a whole: empires, revolutions, invasions, art, architecture, warriors,
conquerors, great thinkers, great writers and poets, holy men and lawgivers,
charismatic leaders and the blackest villains. A visiting Martian
wanting to see the full range of human activity, good and bad, to understand
mankind, could well look at Iran as a kind of introductory course. 1
Within this, the history of the last fi fty years in Iran is particularly dramatic,
eventful and characteristic.
A further reason to look at Iran is that since the time of the Iranian
revolution, European and Western attitudes to the rest of the world have
been forced to change. Previously we tended still to think in terms of linear
development in the Middle East and elsewhere towards a Western economic
and social model, a Western idea of modernity, away from the
traditional patterns of life of those countries, which were perceived as
backward and outdated. Now, we cannot afford to think in that simple
way any more. There is for example, a realization that countries like China
and India are following their own developmental path and that their economic
weight in the globalized world is going to demand respect, if not
predominate. The Western model is no longer the only option. This does
not mean we should be shy about values like liberalism and representative
government – it may mean we have to argue for them with greater urgency,
clarity and consistency. The Iranian revolution of 1979 and the Islamic
revival in the wider world that followed (triggered by the revolution if not
directly led or inspired by it) changed assumptions about the direction of
development. The history and culture of the Middle East, and of Iran
within that, has taken on a greater importance because we have to accept
that it is going to be a formative part of the future of that part of the
world, and all parts of the world are closer to us and more intimately
involved with us than formerly. After 1979 we can no longer work on the
assumption that the history and culture of the Middle East are irrelevant.
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xx
Introduction
There are other good reasons to study Iran, beyond the old reason, the
best reason, for studying other countries and cultures – to understand
humanity, and therefore ourselves, better. In a world of intellectual uncertainty,
doubt, complexity and ambiguity, where for many in the West the old
certainties and the old gods of the past have fallen from their plinths, Iranian
intellectual culture has a lot to say. Iranian thinkers have been at home with
complexity, paradox, ambiguity and irony for a long time – at least since the
era of the great Persian poets, between the eleventh and the fourteenth centuries,
who explored those categories as fully as anyone since.
Some Misconceptions
In the West, we think we know about Iran, but what we think we know
is often misleading or simply false. Many people, even otherwise welleducated
people, think of the Iranians as Arabs, but they are not. They
speak Persian, an ancient language of Indo- European origin, like Latin,
modern German and English. It has an elegantly simple grammatical
structure much more like that of German or English than that of Arabic.
Unlike in many other territories conquered by Islam in the seventh
century AD , Arabic did not simply replace the previous speech in Iran,
and in many ways Iranians have traditionally defi ned themselves against
the Arab identity of much of the rest of the Middle East region. We are
encouraged to think of the Iranians as fanatical Muslims, world- leaders
in Islamic fundamentalism. But the fact is that the experience of Islamic
government in Iran since 1979 has turned many Iranians against political
Islam, and the political attitudes of those Iranians have secularized.
The Iranian Islam of the Islamic republic, rather than being fundamentalist
(in the sense of a deliberate return to the style of Islam of earliest
times, as advocated for example by the Wahhabism of Saudi Arabia),
incorporates radical modern innovations that many Shi‘a Muslims, let
alone Sunnis, regard as dubious. If the term fundamentalist has any solid
meaning beyond its use as a boo- word then it is incorrect to label the
Iranian revolution and regime as fundamentalist. 2 And the Iranians are
Shi‘as, which means that any kind of leadership they could offer the rest
of the Islamic world would be questionable at best, given the Sunni / Shi‘a
schism, the strong antipathy many Sunnis feel toward Shi‘as and the fact
that the majority of the world’s Muslims are Sunni.
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xxi
Introduction
We think of images of demonstrations and chanting crowds and
assume (encouraged by our news media) that Iranian Shi‘ism is a dangerous,
uncontrollable, fanatical force. But in truth the religious hierarchy
that Iranian Shi‘ism has developed means that religious Iranians are more
controlled, more subject to religious discipline and the guidance of senior
clerics (most of whom are pragmatic and moderate, and many of whom
are out of sympathy with the Islamic regime) than Sunni Muslims, who
since the dissolution of the Caliphate in the 1920 s have lacked that kind
of structure. Some experts have pointed to that lack as a factor in the rise
of radical, theologically incoherent groups like Al- Qaeda. 3 Iran has been
historically central to humane and refl ective strands of Islamic thought,
including the hugely infl uential Sufi tradition, which inspired some of the
most profound and beautiful Persian poetry. An important strand of
Iranian Shi‘ism is a traditional, quietist principle that commends decent,
honest conduct and the patient endurance of adversity.
Iran is often depicted as an aggressive power, but it has not waged serious
aggressive war since the time of Nader Shah, in the mid- eighteenth
century, and its defence spending today is moderate to low for a state that
size, not faintly comparable with that of militaristic states like the Soviet
Union during the Cold War, for example. Since the eighteenth century
Iran has fought wars, but normally defensive ones – notably the long,
devastating Iran– Iraq War of the 1980 s. In that war the US and other
Western powers supported Saddam Hussein in Iraq against Iran, in the
belief that it was necessary to contain Iranian religious extremism. For
similar reasons, the US later funded the Taliban and Al- Qaeda in Afghanistan,
to prevent pro- Iranian groups taking control after the Russians left.
In both Iraq and Afghanistan the US eventually had to intervene against
the monsters that their policy of containment had helped to create. The
Iranians helped the coalition powers to set up new democratic structures
in both countries, though this has often gone unacknowledged. Instead,
Iran has perversely been blamed for the fact that the removal of these
enemies in Iraq and Afghanistan has enhanced Iran’s regional infl uence.
None of this should permit a whitewash of the current regime ruling
Iran. It is a repressive, autocratic regime run in the interests of a narrow
clique that systematically denies political freedoms and natural rights to the
Iranian people. The defects of the regime have only become more apparent
since the crisis that followed the presidential elections of June 2009 . The
regime continues to be responsible for systematic, serious abuses of human
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xxii
rights. But because of its (largely self- imposed) isolation and its opposition
to the West, and the infl ammatory rhetoric of fi gures like Ahmadinejad,
more opprobrium has been heaped on Iran more indiscriminately than is
justifi ed by the facts, and (even after the Arab spring- cleaning, unfortunately)
there are other regimes in the region that in many respects are as bad, or
worse. If we are to fi nd solutions to the problems of the Middle East it is
essential to see Iran and the region as they really are, in their true form.
It is normal in Western countries for people not to have very much reliable
information about Iran, and yet for certain aspects of Iran to be
familiar. There are things about Iran that are striking and memorable;
useful for news media programming because they make an immediate,
strong visual impression. This often means a mullah, with a beard, in a
turban and robes, talking into a microphone, and an agitated crowd
chanting something. Then perhaps a graph showing the latest movement
in the price of oil, which affects everybody. But how did a cleric get into
a position of such authority? Why has Iran, under the Islamic republic,
followed such a different path? This book tries, by describing the events
of recent Iranian history, to answer some of those questions.
In doing so, I have written a book that is necessarily history in summary
and overview rather than one that attempts to evaluate every item
within the huge quantity of available source material on every event or
episode. In addition, while explaining events as they unfolded, I have
tended to focus on moments and episodes that have been turning- points,
which have been important in determining the shape of what followed,
rather than try to chronicle every month and year as of equal weight. This
is why, for example, the book devotes attention to the origins of the revolution
of 1979, and a long chapter to the Iran– Iraq War, which left such a
deep mark on contemporary Iran. To illuminate the narrative it also
presents the words of ordinary Iranians and other observers, giving an
immediate sense of events, opinions and motivations.
Again and again, the usual kind of reporting and comment in the West
stresses how strange, how alien, how irrational and how disturbing Iran
and Iranian politics are. One of my tasks in this book is to show that
Iranian concerns, values, problems, actions and reactions are wholly
explicable and rational when seen in their own proper context, in the
round; quite open to sympathy, and even familiar.
Introduction
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1
Prologue: ‘Ten Days of Dawn’
( Daheh- ye Fajr )
On 1 February 1979 , just after 9 . 30 a.m., an Air France 747 airliner landed
at Mehrabad airport on the western outskirts of Tehran, and a member of
the crew, with others in attendance, helped an elderly, bearded man down
the steps to the ground. This was no ordinary fl ight. As the aircraft had
entered Iranian airspace, many on board had feared it might be shot down.
As it landed, several million Iranians were waiting on the streets to welcome
the bearded man in clerical robes, and every move he made was
shadowed by crowds of minders, reporters, photographers and hangerson
of all kinds. The special passenger for whom the aircraft had been
chartered was Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, returning from exile, and the
photographs and fi lm of his descent from the aircraft became some of the
defi ning images of the Iranian revolution.
Khomeini had been away from the country since the autumn of 1964 ;
initially in Turkey and Iraq, later (briefl y) in Paris. The Shah, whose government
had exiled Khomeini, had left Iran from the same airport fourteen
days before, on 16 January, after a year- long crescendo of mass protest
against his rule. Newspapers that had carried the headline ‘Shah raft’
(‘The Shah Is Gone’) now printed ‘Emam amad’ (‘The Emam Has Come’).
Many people had waited up all night to witness Khomeini’s arrival.
The crowds cried ‘Allahu Akbar!’ and ‘Khomeini, O Emam!’ In the airport
building he made a short speech thanking the students, clergy and
bazaar merchants for their sacrifi ces in the demonstrations over the previous
year and exhorted them to remain united to defeat the remnants of
the Shah’s regime. At one point the hubbub was such that he had to be
carried outside. 1 There was some tension between the clerics welcoming
Khomeini and those who had accompanied him from Paris.
As Khomeini arrived, the Shah’s last prime minister, Shapur Bakhtiar,
was still attempting to hold his government together. He seems to have
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2
Revolutionary Iran
contacted Khomeini in Paris after the Shah’s departure and offered to
resign, but Khomeini ignored the message. 2 Bakhtiar was next to powerless
before the mass movement of Iranians that had united itself behind
Khomeini. The behaviour of the armed forces was crucial; two days earlier
troops had killed thirty demonstrators on the streets near the
university and injured hundreds more. Bakhtiar had been forced to give
the troops his backing, saying that they had acted in self- defence; but the
incident discredited him further, linking him in the minds of the pro-
Khomeini populace with the actions of the Shah’s regime against
demonstrators in previous months.
From the airport Khomeini was driven through the packed streets
towards the Behesht- e Zahra cemetery on the south side of the city.
Mohsen Rafi qdust drove the car – no simple task, because more than
once it was mobbed and almost overwhelmed by the crowd. Rafi qdust
later said that he nearly lost control several times. Several of Khomeini’s
followers rode on the outside of the vehicle (a white four- wheel- drive) to
fend off the people, and Rafi qdust drove bumper- to- bumper behind a
Mercedes bus some of the way so that the bus could force a way through
(and to prevent people jumping on the front of the car or going under the
wheels). 3 Khomeini’s son Ahmad accompanied him – as they went along,
Ahmad had to explain to his father where they were, because building
over the previous fi fteen years had transformed this part of the city. Eventually
the crowds in the streets became so thick that a helicopter had to
take him the last part of the way. 4
At Behesht- e Zahra Khomeini spoke again, denouncing Mohammad
Reza Shah and the remnants of his government under Bakhtiar:
[The Shah] destroyed our country and fi lled our cemeteries. He ruined our
country’s economy. Even the projects he carried out in the name of progress
pushed the country towards decadence. He suppressed our culture, annihilated
people and destroyed all our manpower resources. We are saying this
man, his government, his Majlis are all illegal. If they were to continue to
stay in power, we would treat them as criminals and would try them as
criminals. I shall appoint my own government. I shall slap this government
in the mouth. 5
He urged the armed forces to join the people, to realize their independence,
and to throw off the infl uence of foreign advisers. (The most
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3
Prologue: ‘Ten Days of Dawn’
senior US military adviser, General Huyser, left on 3 February; 6 there
was a mass departure of Americans and other foreigners in these weeks.)
He also said that from now on the people would take charge of their
own destiny.
Some time in early November 1978 an initially secret Council of the
Islamic Revolution had been formed at Khomeini’s behest to coordinate
action against the Shah’s government. 7 Now Khomeini and the
Council set up their base at the Refah school, near the parliament
building in the centre of the city. The school had been founded in
1968 to educate girls according to Islamic principles; several personalities
associated with the school were signifi cant in the revolutionary
movement. Khomeini gave a press conference there on 3 February,
again urging the military not to use their weapons against the people. 8
The Council had already made contact with some of the leaders of the
armed forces, and with the US ambassador, William H. Sullivan, but
their fi rst priority was to set up a provisional government to supplant
that of Shapur Bakhtiar.
On 5 February Khomeini announced the appointment of Mehdi
Bazargan as prime minister of the provisional government. Bazargan
agreed to this only after a day or more of refl ection, and after warning
Khomeini of his continuing commitment to democratic, moderate
principles.
There were some striking similarities in the political backgrounds of
Bakhtiar and Bazargan – also in the political predicaments in which they
found themselves. Both had a lifelong commitment to liberal, democratic,
nationalist principles – the principles of the revolution of 1905 – 11 and the
constitution of 1906 . Both had been educated in France at the end of the
1930 s, and while there both had volunteered to fi ght with the French against
the Nazis. Bakhtiar had served in the nationalist government of Mohammad
Mossadeq in the early 1950 s as deputy minister of labour; Bazargan
had been the fi rst head of the nationalized oil company (the National Iranian
Oil Company) at the same time. There were differences; Bakhtiar came
from a privileged position as a member of one of the leading families of the
Bakhtiari tribe, had studied politics in Paris and had a more secular outlook,
refl ecting also the infl uence of Mossadeq and his membership of Mossadeq’s
National Front. Bazargan came from a more traditional Islamic family
background, had trained as an engineer and was a member of the Freedom
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Revolutionary Iran
Movement – which had nonetheless normally been closely aligned to the
National Front. Both were wooed into accepting the post of prime minister;
neither was wholly in sympathy with those who had chosen them. It was a
tribute to the strength of the constitutionalist, democratic tradition in Iran
that both the Shah and Khomeini had felt the need for such men at this time
of crisis – but also a sign of its weakness, that such men were not able to take
power in their own right.
So, on his return, as he sought to consolidate his position, avoid
repression from the military and move toward the establishment of an
Islamic republic, Khomeini’s fi rst act was to form an alliance not with
the leftist Tudeh Party, nor the more radical paramilitary leftist groups,
but with the liberal constitutionalists. And this surely refl ected the as –
pirations and expectations of most of the Iranians who had been
demonstrating over the previous year. They had been protesting both
against the autocracy of the Shah and political repression and for a
return to representative government. There were economic grievances
also; there had been nationalist, radical leftist, anti- American and anti-
British elements in the mix. The whole had been given form by the appeal
to Islam as the underlying, authentic focus of the people’s identity, and
by Khomeini’s own simple, direct, charismatic leadership. None of this
was strange or entirely new, at least not to Iranians – in 1906 senior
clerical fi gures had led a revolution in Iran that had combined similar
ingredients. The history of that revolution was well known, and according
to that template many middle- class liberals and leftists, more or less
secular- minded, expected this time also to take over the popular movement,
and for Khomeini and the clergy to recede into the background.
But Khomeini knew the history too. It is unlikely that he had at the outset
any precise blueprint for the eventual outcome, but he was not going
to let religious authority be sidelined.
When Khomeini announced Bazargan as prime minister on 5 February
he presented himself before the press and other news media with his close
adviser and companion Hashemi Rafsanjani, as well as Bazargan. Rafsanjani
spoke fi rst, setting out a programme for the establishment of a new
revolutionary state. There would be a referendum to establish popular support
for an Islamic republic. Then a Constituent Assembly would be set up
to agree a new constitution. That being done, elections would be held and
a new Majles (parliament) would be elected.
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Prologue: ‘Ten Days of Dawn’
After Rafsanjani, Bazargan spoke self- deprecatingly of his suitability
for the responsibilities now thrust upon him, but Khomeini, speaking last,
had a message that was fi rm, sombre and austere:
through the guardianship that I have from the holy lawgiver [i.e. the Prophet
Mohammad] I hereby pronounce Bazargan as the Ruler, and since I have
appointed him, he must be obeyed. The nation must obey him. This is not
an ordinary government. It is a government based on the shari‘a. Opposing
this government means opposing the shari‘a of Islam and revolting against
the shari‘a, and revolt against the government of the shari‘a has its punishment
in our law . . . it is a heavy punishment in Islamic jurisprudence. Revolt
against God’s government is a revolt against God. Revolt against God is
blasphemy. 9
That press conference, within four days of Khomeini’s return to Iran,
combined in this way the two cardinal elements of the revolution and of
Iran’s constitution ever since – Islam and democracy. But the two elements
were in tension from the start. Khomeini’s speech showed that his
vision was of a government blessed and legitimated by God, fi rst and
above all. But the programme of the provisional government, endorsed by
him and presented as a decree from him, though read at the press conference
by Rafsanjani, showed an almost equally strong, indeed almost
pedantic, attachment to an idea of popular sovereignty – of government
according to the will of the people. The tension between these two principles
could be, and was, glossed over in revolutionary rhetoric; and much
of the time they might genuinely work in parallel. Khomeini no doubt
believed that they would harmonize, refl ecting his understanding of the
nature of God and of divine agency in the world. Rousseau once wrote
that the voice of the people was the voice of God; seldom can that idea
have been given more precise expression than by the crowds that welcomed
Khomeini in February 1979 and later voted in a referendum
overwhelmingly for an Islamic republic. Khomeini may also have expected
that his involvement in government could be relatively light. Once the
Islamic system was set up, politicians like Bazargan could run things from
day to day. But politics, and especially revolutions, tend be messier than
that.
Two obstacles remained between the revolutionary movement and
the achievement of complete dominance – Bakhtiar’s government and
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Revolutionary Iran
the armed forces. But neither was as impressive as it seemed. After a
year of confl ict with the demonstrators the armed forces were uncertain
and divided – both the rank and fi le and the leadership. Many offi cers
and some units, notably the Imperial Guard, which had been specially
favoured with pay, prestige and promotion by the previous regime, 10
were still devoted to the Shah. But recruitment to the armed forces was
based on conscription, and many ordinary servicemen were as enthusiastic
about the revolutionary movement and the return of Khomeini
as other, ordinary citizens. The Shah himself had put rival offi cers
and even mutual enemies into senior positions in the armed forces, in
order to reduce the chance of their combining against him and plotting
a coup. 11 But this meant that when the Shah had gone – ‘with no forwarding
address’ 12 – those senior offi cers found themselves at odds with
each other and unable to agree upon concerted action. Even when the
Shah had still been in place, there had been much disagreement about
how best to deal with the demonstrations, with the Shah himself exerting
a restraining infl uence, and some offi cers favouring much harsher
measures.
Disaffection among the military increased after the Shah’s departure,
and, although there has been disagreement over estimates of the level of
desertions, 13 it seems plain that these increased to perhaps 1 , 200 per day
by the second week of February. The revolutionaries encouraged the disaffection,
not just by propaganda and planting fl owers in the muzzles of
carbines during demonstrations, but also by setting up centres to provide
deserters with civilian clothes and expenses to cover their journey home
by bus. 14 Many offi cers had resigned after 16 January, and several senior
fi gures defected after Khomeini’s return. And many, retired or otherwise,
were offering their services to Bazargan or his colleagues (or to anyone
who would listen) after 5 February.
Signifi cantly for what was to follow, 800 air force technicians from
the aircraft servicing organization known as the Homafaran had
defected together to the revolutionary movement in the second half of
January. Attempts to discipline them were lost in the general chaos,
and they became an important militant element in the revolutionary
movement, comparable with the Kronstadt sailors in the February
and October revolutions of 1917 in Russia. Most of them were noncommissioned
offi cers, specialists with a grievance because, although
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Prologue: ‘Ten Days of Dawn’
technically qualifi ed, they felt their promotion within the service was
blocked by a structure that favoured socially and politically privileged
offi cers trained in cadet college – in its way a situation that echoed the
wider disposition of socially insecure petit- bourgeois classes toward the
revolutionary movement. 15 But a number of air force offi cers and cadets
joined them too.
After 5 February, with two rival governments in the country, the leaders
of the armed forces were in an awkward position. Many of the
senior offi cers knew that some of their number were negotiating with
Bazargan and/or clerics close to Khomeini, like Ayatollah Beheshti; as
were the Americans, through their embassy. General Huyser, who had
wanted to keep open the option of a military coup, had left the country.
It seems that, although the account of this episode in his own memoirs
is quite vague, 16 General Hosein Fardust, head of the supervisory Special
Intelligence Bureau under the Shah, may have been instrumental
between 5 and 9 February in steering other generals away from action
against Bazargan’s nascent government. Having been a childhood friend
of the Shah, Fardust seems to have sided with the Islamic regime in
1979 and controversially, afterwards helped the new SAVAMA , later
renamed the Ministry of Intelligence and Security ( VEVAK ), the ugly
phoenix that rose out of the remnants of the Shah’s infamous secret
police, SAVAK .
On 8 February a large number of air force cadets, Homafaran technicians
and others went to the Refah school in uniform and declared their
loyalty to Khomeini and the new provisional government. A photograph
of them doing so was published in the newspaper Kayhan the
following day. The following evening (Friday), possibly fi red up by the
screening on state television of footage of Khomeini’s return eight days
before, the radicalized air force personnel at Doshan Tappeh air base
formed up as a body to salute the Emam. Provoked by this, a detachment
of Imperial Guard troops ( 200 – strong or less) stationed at the base
attacked them, and serious fi ghting ensued, continuing on the morning
of 10 February. Both sides called for help, but whereas the air force
commander authorized distribution of weapons to his men, the Imperial
Guard commander went over to the revolutionaries on 10 February and
did his best to prevent reinforcements being sent to his former comrades.
Armed radicals of the Fedayan- e Khalq and Mojahedin- e Khalq
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Revolutionary Iran
organizations (the latter known as the MKO ) moved in to support the
cadets and Homafaran, and large crowds of revolutionary demonstrators
formed across the whole area, leading to what turned out to be the
decisive confrontation.
Two columns of tanks were sent to Doshan Tappeh by hardline military
commanders. The BBC reporter John Simpson, who had arrived on
the same fl ight with Khomeini on 1 February, saw twenty- six Chieftain
tanks pass by the InterContinental Hotel, breaking through an improvised
barricade there:
The lead tank, fi nding only an upturned Buick and some skips fi lled with
rubble in its path, scarcely checked its speed at all. It struck the Buick’s roof
with a grinding sound and fl ipped it aside as if it were made of tinfoil. The
Buick crumpled up and lay in the middle of the road, twitching now and
then as another Chieftain struck it in passing. 17
But the tanks eventually faltered amid the crowds and roadblocks. Some
were captured, others were set alight by Molotov cocktails, and some of their
crews defected with their vehicles to the revolutionaries. Other commanders
recalled troops to their bases, and the fi ghting spread. Armed revolutionaries
and crowds broke into police stations and other places where weapons could
be found. With the situation rapidly running away from him, Bakhtiar
ordered a dusk- to- dawn curfew for the night of 10 / 11 February and urged
the army and police commanders to enforce the curfew strictly, but Khomeini
told his followers to ignore the order, and cars with loudspeakers drove
through the streets announcing his instruction, calling forth further large
crowds. Bazargan was with Khomeini at the Refah school: 18
Most of our time we were in Refah school and that particular night, we
stayed in the same place. Since we could hear the sound of much shooting,
and there was news on the possibility of an attack on the school, we went
to a house nearby and spent the rest of the night there. When we got up the
next morning, we realized that the whole situation had been turned on its
head and the nation had achieved victory, praise be to God.
The following morning, 11 February, twenty- seven generals and
other senior military commanders met at 10 . 20 a.m. to discuss whether
they could continue to support Bakhtiar. Even those most loyal to
the Shah were by now despondent. Field Marshal Qarabaghi did his
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Prologue: ‘Ten Days of Dawn’
best to get an overview of the situation by collating the views of those
present and presenting himself further reports that he had received by
telephone:
We ordered them all together that morning to attend a meeting . . . Lieutenant
General Sanei had telephoned earlier from ground forces headquarters to say:
‘General . . . you can no longer count on the ground forces . . .’ I told him: ‘I
do not understand. If I am not going to count on the ground forces, what am
I going to count on?’ He replied: ‘This is it. There is nothing we can do.’ I said:
‘This is highly regrettable.’ . . . I proposed . . . to summon . . . a council of commanders
and fi nd out what is happening. During that meeting, each commander
described the situation of his own units. The ground force commander said
that there was nothing he could do. The air force commander said the same
thing . . . I presented the reports, which I had received, to the council. We had
a lengthy discussion. Some of the commanders were in favour of declaring
solidarity [with the revolution], whereas others were in favour of neutrality.
Qarabaghi reminded the commanders that the Shah had ordered them
to keep the army intact, in order to safeguard the country’s independence.
He urged them that they had to make a unanimous decision: ‘The discussion
continued and eventually the minority, who were in favour of
declaring solidarity, agreed that we should declare neutrality.’
It was agreed that Qarabaghi would inform Bakhtiar of the decision,
and that it would be announced on Tehran Radio. Bakhtiar had been
expecting to see Qarabaghi at his offi ce at 8 . 30 a.m.:
I was in my offi ce at eight- thirty the next morning, but he [Qarabaghi] did
not turn up. I waited until nine o’clock, but there was still no sign of him . . .
I became suspicious as to why he had not turned up. I telephoned his offi ce
several times, and each time I was told that he was in a very important meeting.
I went to the balcony, where I could hear the sound of sporadic
machine- gun fi re.
Finally, Qarabaghi telephoned.
I asked him: ‘General, what happened? Where were you?’ He replied: ‘Your
Excellency, Prime Minister, the army has just now declared its neutrality.’
As soon as I heard that, I went to a different world. I told him: ‘Neutrality
between who and who? Is it neutrality between law and anarchy? Is it
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Revolutionary Iran
neutrality between Iran and Iran’s enemies? . . . Thank you, General. Thank
you very much.’ I then put the phone down.
Tehran Radio broadcast the commanders’ announcement at 1 . 15 p.m.:
In view of the recent developments in the country, the Supreme Council of
the armed forces met at ten- twenty hours this morning, 22 Bahman 1357 .
It unanimously decided that, in order to prevent further chaos and bloodshed,
it declares its neutrality, and military units have been ordered to return to
barracks.
Bazargan and the other revolutionaries welcomed the announcement,
which was what they had been working towards in previous contacts
with army commanders. Bazargan believed the US embassy had been
exerting itself to the same end:
Yes, we were in favour of the army’s neutrality. This was achieved by the
arrangements and promises secured through General Moqaddam. The other
side of the coin was that the Americans wanted the army not to become
involved in the affairs. I am not fully aware of the details, but they wanted
the Iranian revolution to take place without bloodshed and without catastrophe.
Well, we also wanted the same thing.
Bakhtiar was left powerless to affect events:
I waited until one- thirty in the afternoon, before deciding that there was no alternative
left to me. I could see that when the people realized that the military men
had decided to withdraw, no other force could stop the others. I ordered a helicopter
to land in the grounds of the cadet training college. The helicopter arrived
at about two o’clock in the afternoon. I picked up a few of my personal belongings
and went downstairs . . . As I came through the doorway, there was one captain,
two NCO s and four soldiers . . . One of them said: ‘We are almost totally surrounded
now.’ . . . I got into the helicopter, and it took off. I said: ‘How amazing!
We want to give these people freedom and democracy, and they do not want it.’
What could we possibly do? I do not know, but, despite the sadness, I experienced
relief. Believe me, it seemed as if a huge burden, as heavy as Damavand Mountain,
had been lifted from my shoulders. I felt as if I were fl ying with my own wings.
It had been arranged previously that Bakhtiar, Bazargan, Qarabaghi
and others would meet that afternoon at Kazem Jafrudi’s house in
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Prologue: ‘Ten Days of Dawn’
North Tehran. Jafrudi had been a member of the Majles under the Shah
and was a friend of both Bakhtiar and Bazargan. But as the time of the
meeting drew closer Jafrudi advised Bakhtiar by telephone that he
should not come after all:
The prime minister had arranged to come straight from his offi ce with
Dr Abbasqoli Bakhtiar. After taking off in the helicopter from the cadet training
college, he had landed at Aqdassiyeh. From there, he went in a Peykan car
to a previously arranged hiding place. Before going, he telephoned me from
Aqdassiyeh, and I informed him that my house was crowded with people and
it was impossible for him to come there and also quite dangerous. As a result,
these gentlemen proceeded to their hiding place.
Jafrudi then telephoned General Qarabaghi and advised him not to
wear uniform to the meeting:
at about fi ve minutes past four, he [Jafrudi] telephoned me again to say that
the gentlemen had arrived and were waiting for me. He also asked me not
to go there in my uniform. I asked: ‘What has uniform got to do with the
meeting?’ He said that he would explain later, but insisted that for my own
safety I should go in civilian clothes. I was very distressed and hung up.
Lieutenant General Hatam, who was sitting next to me, asked me what had
happened, and when I told him I was supposed to attend the meeting in civilian
clothes, he said: ‘Well, General, does it matter so much?’ I said that I had
no civilian clothes with me. He said: ‘Then send someone to fetch your civilian
clothes.’ After one hour they arrived with my civilian clothes, and I went to a
room and changed. My civilian clothes saved my life. I left for Mr Jafrudi’s
house. He opened the gates himself and let me in. He led me to a room fi rst
and said: ‘General, I wanted to make a request before taking you into the
meeting room.’ . . . He told me that Prime Minister Bakhtiar had submitted
his resignation. I was astonished and added that I had not gone there to submit
mine. I asked whether the prime minister was there, and he told me that he was
not at the house but was somewhere in the vicinity and had not been brought
to the house for reasons of security. I said: ‘But you did not tell me that the
prime minister was not going to be here.’ His reply was: ‘The prime minister
is not far away and he is in touch with us. The other gentlemen are waiting
for us next door so that we can reach an agreement.’ I asked who the other
gentlemen were. At this point he asked me to follow him to another room.
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Revolutionary Iran
When I entered, I saw seven or eight people were sitting there, who were
introduced as Messrs. Dr Siassi, [Mehdi] Bazargan, Dr Sahabi, [Abbas] Amir-
Entezam, Engineer Khalili and someone else . . . After I sat down, one of them
began praising the army for its decision and said that the army and the nation
belonged to each other and they asked me to help them to establish security.
I said: ‘Security would be maintained if you were to issue a statement to this
effect. You [addressing Bazargan] have been appointed prime minister by
Khomeini, therefore either you or Khomeini should issue a statement ordering
the people not to attack army barracks and to respect its dignity and honour.
If you were to issue such a statement, security would automatically be established.’
He said: ‘Fine. I shall order such a statement to be issued
immediately.’
In fact, two statements were made on Tehran Radio, one from Khomeini
himself, read out by Ayatollah Musavi- Ardebili:
Now that the armed forces have stepped back, have declared their neutrality
in the face of political affairs and have expressed support for the nation, the
dear and courageous nation is expected to maintain law and order when the
troops return to barracks. You should stop saboteurs, who may try to create
catastrophe and instruct them of their religious and humanitarian obligations.
Do not allow anyone to attack foreign embassies. If, God forbid, the army
were to enter the arena again, you must defend yourselves with all your might.
I hereby inform senior army offi cers that if they were to stop the army’s
aggression, and instruct them to join the nation and its legal Islamic government,
we would regard the army as part of the nation and vice versa.
In addition, Tehran Radio contacted Jafrudi while Bazargan was still
in his house, spoke to Bazargan and got him to make a statement:
We were all sitting in my house, when a friend of mine, who was in charge
of the radio, telephoned and asked to interview Mr Bazargan. He asked
whether they should come to my house or Mr Bazargan should go to the
radio station. I passed the message to . . . Bazargan, who volunteered to go
to the radio station and there he broadcast the following speech: ‘I am
delighted to offer my congratulations to the combative Muslim nation of
Iran, who today has survived a torturous and anxious journey to achieve
victory for its revolution. I deem it necessary to express my gratitude to
army offi cers and soldiers. I would like to recommend that in accordance
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Prologue: ‘Ten Days of Dawn’
with Emam Khomeini’s assertion, the army is part of the nation and you
must treat army offi cers and soldiers as your brothers. Our dear compatriots
must demonstrate patience and must give this government a chance to
employ far- sightedness and justice to direct the country along the right path.
It is obvious that chaos, anarchy and confusion will not only prevent us
from achieving something positive, but it will, God forbid, make matters
much worse and more catastrophic than ever before.
By the end of 11 February revolutionary crowds had broken into Evin
prison, releasing all the prisoners, including the politicals; and had ransacked
the former headquarters of SAVAK . Elsewhere in the country, in
Shiraz, in Rasht, and in other places, the revolutionaries, often led by air
force personnel, took over police and SAVAK buildings and established
locally the same outcome as in the capital. 19 Bakhtiar went into hiding.
On the afternoon of 11 February, US Ambassador Sullivan was
attempting to organize the safe evacuation of some US military personnel
who were trapped in a building that was under attack, when he
received a series of telephone calls from the White House. In one of
these, David Newsom asked him on behalf of Zbigniew Brzezinski what
were the chances of a successful military coup: ‘The total absurdity of
such an inquiry in the circumstances then existing in Tehran provoked
me to a scurrilous suggestion for Brzezinski that seemed to shock mildmannered
Under- Secretary Newsom.’ Back in the US , General Huyser
was asked the same day, as part of the same deliberations, whether and
under what conditions he would return to Iran to ‘conduct a military
takeover’. His response was more polite, but no more encouraging than
Sullivan’s. 20
The fi ghting that fi nally toppled Bakhtiar’s government had been
spontaneous; instigated by the enthusiasm of the revolutionaries themselves,
by the Homafaran, and by the Fedayan and the MKO rather than
by Khomeini, who was more concerned to avoid the revolution descending
into complete anarchy. But the outcome left him dominant. Since
1979 the Islamic regime has regarded 11 February as the date of the fi nal
victory of the Islamic revolution – and has celebrated the ten days
between Khomeini’s return and 11 February as the Daheh- ye Fajr – ‘ ten
days of dawn’. Others since have cynically called the festival Daheh- ye
Zajr – ‘ ten days of torment’. 21
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Revolutionary Iran
Within a short time Khomeini approved summary trials for killings
and other acts of oppression by members of the regime over the previous
months and years, and appointed Sadegh Khalkhali, who was to become
infamous, to carry them out. One of the fi rst to be arrested was General
Rahimi, who had been responsible for enforcing martial law in Tehran.
Rahimi’s captors allowed Western journalists to put questions to him on
the evening of 11 February. He was unrepentant, confi rmed his continuing
loyalty to the Shah and said it had been necessary to send in forces to
restore order. He was asked:
‘Do you believe your life is in danger from the decision of the court which,
we understand, will try you?’
General Rahimi smiled slightly, looked up and lifted his hands a little, as
though all these questions were an irrelevance.
‘I came into this world once, and once I will leave it’ 22
Rahimi and three other generals (including the former head of SAVAK ,
General Nasiri, who had been badly injured after his capture) were shot
on 14 February on the roof of the Refah school. 23
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15
1
The Background: Ma Chegoneh
Ma Shodim? 1 (‘How Did We Become
What We Are?’)
Revolutions
The Iranian revolution of 1979 is sometimes spoken of as the third great
revolution of modern times, after the French and the Russian. 2 The interpretation
of all three of these revolutions will always be controversial, but
many people still broadly think of the fi rst two in terms set out by Karl
Marx in the nineteenth century. According to that analysis, the French
revolution was a bourgeois revolution, in which the perennially rising
middle class pushed aside the old forms of feudalism and asserted its
growing economic power in political terms, setting up the forms of representative
government and establishing the bourgeois class and capitalist
economics as dominant for the period that followed. The Russian revolution,
following on from the French, was the proletarian revolution
predicted by Marx, bringing in an era of socialist government in the interest
of the working class, at least according to the theory.
These crude characterizations conceal many contradictions. Even a
cursory reading of the events of the French revolution shows the way that
populists exploiting the militant infl uence of the urban poor of Paris (and
the threat of war from France’s enemies) diverted the revolution away
from the principles of bourgeois liberalism toward terror, political murder
and repression. One of its prime outcomes was a redistribution of
land to peasant farmers that in the long run had profoundly conservative
and anti- capitalistic consequences. The Bolshevik revolution of October
1917 took place in one of the European states in which the proletariat
was least developed and least numerous as a proportion of the population
as a whole, directly contradicting Marx’s own predictions. It had less
of the character of a mass movement, and more of the character of a coup
d’état . Nonetheless, the labels still stick.
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Revolutionary Iran
The Iranian revolution was an Islamic revolution – that much is clear. 3
But beyond that label, despite some family resemblances to those earlier
revolutions, it remains an enigma, and many non- specialists in the West
(and not just in the West), despite so much writing and comment on the
subject since, have no conceptual moorings for it – no clear sense of why
it happened or what it signifi ed. We are still living through the consequences
of the Iranian revolution of 1979 , and the longer- term outcomes
remain hard to assess.
The bare facts of the Iranian revolution of 1979 can be quite briefl y
told. It began in a period of economic uncertainty, after the oil- fuelled
boom of the early 1970 s had begun to falter, with rising infl ation and
unemployment. In 1977 the Shah’s government relaxed some of its
previous repressive measures, permitting the reappearance of some expressions
of dissent from the liberal left. But an attack in a government- backed
newspaper on the exiled Ayatollah Khomeini in January 1978 led to a
demonstration by religious students in the shrine city of Qom in which a
number of demonstrators were shot and killed by police. Fuelled by condemnations
from Khomeini outside Iran and from other clerics within, a
cycle of further demonstrations and shootings followed, after intervals of
forty days’ mourning each time. The demonstrations (mainly involving
young students and people from the bazaars) got larger and more violent,
and the number of dead increased. Over the summer and early autumn
workers frustrated at low pay joined demonstrations and went on strike –
the strikes in the oil industry being especially damaging. On 8 September
(afterwards known as Black Friday) martial law was declared, and a large
number of demonstrators were killed in Tehran. After this the Shah lost
whatever credibility he had left, and the general wish (aligning with Khomeini’s
longstanding demand) was for him to go. Strikes and demonstrations
continued and increased in intensity, especially in the religious season of
Ashura in December. Troops began to desert, and on 16 January 1979 the
Shah fl ew out of the country. Khomeini returned on 1 February, troops
loyal to the Shah’s government gave up the struggle ten days later (the
Daheh- ye Fajr ), and at the end of March a nationwide referendum gave
97 per cent support for an Islamic republic.
But these bare facts may leave the uninitiated little the wiser. Why did
the Shah lose control? Why did leadership of the revolution fall to the
Shi‘a clergy? What were the people’s grievances and how did they come
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The Background: Ma Chegoneh Ma Shodim?
to be expressed so forcefully? And why did the Shah’s regime fail to accommodate
them? Why were the revolutionaries so hostile to the West? Was it
primarily a religious, or a democratic, or a social revolution? Or a nationalist
revolution? To begin to answer these questions it is necessary to reach
further back into the history of Iran, of the Islamic religion, and of Shi‘ism.
Islam and the Shi‘a
When Mohammad fi rst began to preach the revelation of Islam in Mecca
in AD 613 , he soon encountered opposition from the leading families that
controlled the city. Prime among these were the Quraish, to a junior
branch of which Mohammad’s own family belonged. Those families drew
their prosperity partly from their trusteeship of the pagan shrines in
Mecca, which Mohammad was attacking, and they felt threatened also
by his emphasis on fair dealing in business and generosity to the poor.
Most of what Mohammad preached either stated or implied a criticism of
the status quo, of which the Quraish were the prime proprietors and benefi
ciaries. The Quraish retaliated against the growing number of
Mohammad’s followers with ridicule, and later with violence. So on the
one hand, in the form it has come down to us, we have a picture of
wealthy, corrupt, impious, unjust rulers; and on the other, virtuous, poor,
oppressed Muslims, bravely speaking out against them. This image of
arrogant power and virtuous resistance (initially not unlike the position
of Jesus and his disciples vis- à- vis the ruling Pharisees and Sadducees in
the New Testament) repeats itself again and again in the history of Islam,
and especially in the history of Shi‘a Islam, reinforced each time by new
exemplars, right down to modern times and the 1979 revolution.
Eventually Mohammad and his followers were forced to leave Mecca,
to set up a new Muslim community in Medina. War followed between
the Quraish of Mecca and the Muslims of Medina (the migration from
Mecca to Medina in AD 622 , the Hijra , became the date for the beginning
of the Muslim calendar, representing as it did the proper founding
of the Muslim umma , the community of Muslim believers). Most of the
rulings in the Koran, and in Islam more widely, regulating the conduct
of war (conditions for just war, restrictions on the waging of war, the
treatment of captives, etc.) derive from positions taken on this confl ict.
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Revolutionary Iran
Eventually (in AD 630 ) the Medinans triumphed, occupied Mecca, converted
the Meccans (including the Quraish) to the new religion, removed
pagan idols from the Ka‘ba in Mecca and made it the central shrine of
Islam that it has been ever since. Islam became the dominant religion of
the Arabian peninsula.
But in AD 632 the Prophet Mohammad died, and the new religion faced
a crisis over who should succeed him as the leader of the umma. The way
it was resolved was fateful for the future of Islam. One of Mohammad’s
closest companions, Abu Bakr, was selected as khalifa (caliph – successor).
But some Muslims felt that the wrong choice had been made, and that
another of the companions should have been chosen – Ali, the Prophet’s
cousin and son- in- law. They believed the Prophet himself had chosen Ali
to succeed.
Despite continuing argument and strife, the caliphs Omar and Othman
succeeded Abu Bakr, and eventually Ali himself became the fourth caliph.
But there was confl ict between those who supported Ali, and those who had
supported his predecessor (who had been murdered). There were tensions
also over the spoils yielded by the enormous conquests made by the Muslims
at this time, which had taken rich swathes of territory from the Roman
and Persian empires (the latter conquered after Persian defeats at the battles
of Qadesiyya and Nahavand in 637 and 641 respectively). The followers of
Ali tended to be those who wanted to uphold the austere principles of Islam
against what they saw as the corrupting infl uence of wealth and government
in the expanding Arab Empire. After Ali’s death in 661 , these tensions
continued, and the caliphs of the Umayyad line that followed him (relatives
of the murdered Othman) were regarded as increasingly worldly. Those
who had followed Ali held to the view that the real leaders of Islam should
be the children of Ali (who by virtue of his marriage to the Prophet’s daughter
Fatima were also the descendants of Mohammad himself).
So by now the Muslim followers of Ali saw themselves in much the
same position as that in which the original followers of Mohammad
had perceived themselves in opposition to the pagans of Mecca; virtuous
austerity resisting worldly authority, oppression, immorality and
corruption. It was in this spirit that Ali’s son, Hosein, led a small group
of followers in revolt in AD 680 . He tried to link up with sympathizers
in Kufa, south of present- day Baghdad, but was confronted by the
forces of the Caliph Yazid at Karbala. The Kufans failed to turn out in
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his support, and Hosein refused to make terms. The caliph’s troops
loosed arrows into Hosein’s camp, killing Hosein’s infant son among
others. Outnumbered, his followers tried to fi ght back but were overwhelmed
and massacred, and Hosein was cut down also.
For the Muslim sect that later called themselves the Shi‘a Ali (meaning
the partisans or followers of Ali) or simply the Shi‘a, the desperate battle
of Karbala was the defi ning moment. Ever since that time the Shi‘a have
mourned the event as the essence of injustice; as the victory of the oppressors
over the righteous, of the strong over the weak, of the corrupt over
the pious. The Caliph Yazid became the archetype for all worldly wickedness,
and Hosein the model for heroic self- sacrifi ce. Karbala became one
of the central shrine cities for Shi‘a Muslims, along with Najaf (the tomb
of Ali). Initially Shi‘ism was more a tendency than a sect, drawing to it
people who especially revered the memory of Ali and Hosein, and who
believed that the leadership of Islam should have descended in their line.
Their descendants were known as the Shi‘a Emams, who in each generation
were rivals or at least potential rivals to the caliphs. There was a
further schism after the death of the seventh Emam, Jafar al- Sadiq, in AD
765 , with the supporters of his elder son splitting away to form the Ismaili
sect (despite the fact that he predeceased his father), while the majority of
the Shi‘as followed his younger son, Musa al- Kazim. The succession followed
Musa’s descendants until the twelfth Emam, who was believed to
have disappeared at the time of the eleventh Emam’s death in AD 874 .
Iranian Shi‘as believe that the twelfth Emam (the Hidden Emam, to whom
rightful leadership on earth should fall in principle) never died, but will
reappear at the day of judgement. They are known as twelver Shi‘as
(because they recognize twelve Emams) to distinguish them from the
Ismailis and some other minority Shi‘a sects. 4 In time, Shi‘ism developed
a separate body of traditions and religious- legal rulings of its own, in
parallel to the main Muslim tradition of Sunnism.
Shi‘ism, the Ulema and the Revolution of 1979
Shi‘a Islam became the religion of Iran after it was imposed by Shah
Esmail I and his descendants, the Safavid dynasty, from 1501 . Prior to
that, Iran’s Muslims were predominantly Sunni, with scarcely more
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Revolutionary Iran
Sh’ia Muslims than other parts of the Islamic world. The centres of
Shi‘ism were the shrine cities of what is now Iraq – Najaf, Karbala,
Samarra. After that date, those shrines remained important centres of
Shi‘a religious learning and pilgrimage (as they have to this day), but
Iranian Shi‘ism took on a much greater signifi cance. The Safavids
enforced adherence to Shi‘ism as a matter of state policy. Learned men
of religion – ulema – drew close to the Safavid rulers, in a relationship
of mutual support, especially towards the close of the Safavid period of
rule in the years around 1700 . Religious endowments ( tax- free grants of
wealth and land to institutions like mosques, schools and shrines) proliferated
and channelled wealth to the ulema. Shi‘ism became deeply
entrenched in the cultural, intellectual and political life of Iran.
Did Iran turn Shi‘a simply because the Safavids imposed Shi‘ism? Or
was Iranian Shi‘ism also an expression of the Iranians’ distinctive, separate
consciousness of themselves within the Islamic world? The complex
nature of Iran’s national identity and Iranian nationalism is discussed in
a later chapter. But Iranian Shi‘ism had a series of essential, interrelated
effects on the development of modern Iran, and the revolution of 1979 .
Most fundamental was the development of the independent social and
political authority of the ulema .
In 1722 the Safavid regime, ruling from its splendid capital in Isfahan,
succumbed to a revolt by militant, plundering Afghans. Most of the next
seventy years were marred by foreign invasions, civil war, internal revolts,
military adventures, punitive taxation, expropriation, general chaos and
unpleasantness. The ulema fell from their previous position of privilege
and wealth, many of their endowments were confi scated or plundered,
and some criticized them for their perceived complicity in the failure of
Safavid rule. 5 Many of them emigrated, along with many other refugee
Iranians, to southern Iraq or to India or elsewhere (it is possible, for example,
that Khomeini’s ancestors emigrated to India at this time). This
emigration had a lasting impact in parts of India, in the shrine cities of Iraq
and in some of the territories along the southern shore of the Persian Gulf.
In these circumstances, new patterns of thought emerged among the
Shi‘a ulema , partly in response to this trauma (though the thinking
closely mirrored debates that had rolled back and forth in the early centuries
of Islam, and its beginnings had emerged already in the Safavid
period). One school – the Akhbari – argued for a theological position
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that each individual Muslim had in the Koran and in the hadith (the written
traditions of the sayings and actions of the Prophet and, in Shi‘ism,
the Emams) all he needed for his guidance, and that there was only a
limited place, if any, for the interpretation of religious law based on reason
( ijtihad ). The Akhbari position was close to the traditional line of
Sunni Islam on these points. The other school – the Usuli – argued, on the
contrary, that ijtihad was necessary to reinterpret religious law afresh in
each generation, in the light of new circumstances and new understanding,
and that only trained, learned ulema could be trusted to do this. By
the end of the eighteenth century, as a greater degree of order was restored
by the fi rst Qajar Shahs, the Usulis were winning the argument, and a new
arrangement emerged, according to which ordinary Muslims gave their
allegiance – and often, a portion of their material earnings – to a class of
specially qualifi ed ulema called mojtahed (those qualifi ed to perform ijtihad
). In each generation, among the whole body of mojtahed , one or two
clerics emerged to serve as a supreme guide to other ulema and to ordinary
Muslims in religious matters. Such a cleric was called a marja- e
taqlid (source of emulation) or marja .
In this way the Shi‘a clergy developed a religious hierarchy, analogous to
that of other religions – to that of the Catholic church, for example – but
quite unlike the looser arrangements of Sunni Islam. As time went on, and
more ambitious young men strove to qualify as mojtahed , new, more elevated
levels of dignity were added to distinguish between the
clerics – hojjatoleslam (‘proof of Islam’), and ayatollah (‘sign of God’). This
system helped the ulema to reassert their social authority and to restore their
wealth, as a class; this time quite independently of secular rulers, at a time
(the nineteenth century) when the monarchy continued to be relatively weak.
Religious law has a much wider signifi cance in Islam than in Christianity
and other religions. In principle, it is meant to govern every aspect
of a Muslim’s life. This gave clerics a role much more important than
that of mere prayer- leaders in the mosque. They were arbitrators in
family or business or other legal disputes and acted as judges in criminal
cases. They served as notaries for offi cial documents. Often they
were the only authority fi gures in smaller towns or villages and acted
effectively as governors, in association with elders or village headmen.
In the larger towns and cities the ulema tended to have specially close
connections with the merchants and craftsmen of the bazaars, who
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Revolutionary Iran
often demonstrated their piety by giving money for religious purposes –
for example to repair the roof of a mosque or to help set up a religious
school ( madreseh ). Bazaari and ulema families often intermarried.
Between them, the ulema and the bazaaris tended to be the dominant
urban classes, and their close relationship came to be of central im –
portance in politics from the end of the nineteenth century onwards.
Through the religious hierarchy, the contacts established during their
long training, and family connections, the ulema had access to a network
of clergy and ordinary Muslims across the whole country, and beyond.
The strong position of the ulema in Iranian society meant that when
secular authority failed or was challenged, almost always the ulema (or at
least some of them) emerged as leaders of political dissent. This happened
in 1890 – 92 (when the government attempted to grant a tobacco monopoly
to a British contractor, Major Talbot, but had to reverse the policy in
the face of a determined boycott organized by clerics and bazaaris ), in
1905 – 6 , in 1953 , in 1963 and, of course, in 1978 – 9 . They were able to
communicate and coordinate action with other ulema , and to disseminate
propaganda, often using the most up- to- date communications technology
(in 1892 , the telegraph system; in 1978 , cassette- tapes, telephone and
Xerox copiers). Their religious authority gave them a unique advantage
by comparison with other potential leaders of mass movements; it meant
independence and a degree of immunity from repression, as a class. Secular
rulers found it diffi cult, and often counterproductive, to act even
against individual mullahs. And in addition, the most senior marjas were
often out of reach of the Iranian government altogether, living in Najaf or
one of the other shrine cities of Ottoman Iraq (the three provinces of
Ottoman Iraq – Mosul, Baghdad and Basra – were ruled under a British
mandate from 1920 and became the independent Kingdom of Iraq in
1932 ).
Popular Shi‘ism
Another important element in Iranian Shi‘ism, often viewed with mixed
feelings by the orthodox ulema , were the public, popular manifestations
associated with the death of Hosein, and the other traditions of the
early history of the followers of Ali. Each year, Shi‘a Muslims take part
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in processions that are in effect commemorative funeral processions, to
mark the anniversary of the martyrdom of the Emam Hosein at Karbala.
6 The participants weep and beat their chests. They carry heavy
funerary symbols, including replicas of the Emam’s coffi n, and huge
multi- pronged objects that represent Hosein’s banner. Strongmen train
specially to compete for the honour of carrying these symbols. They also
may beat themselves with chains and in the past some cut themselves on
the head with swords to show their devotion and their fellowship with
the martyrs of Karbala. The grandest processions would take place in
the bazaars of great cities, but smaller versions would go ahead each
year even in otherwise quiet villages. These rituals of collective grief
may seem strange, even threatening, to outsiders (and images often
appear to this effect on Western TV screens), but there are close parallels,
both in the way the processions take place and in the spirit in which
they are enacted, with practices in traditional Good Friday processions
in many Catholic countries.
This parallel is echoed again in the ta‘ zieh – a form of traditional street
theatre in which the events of Karbala and other incidents in the lives of
the Emams are acted out, to the accompaniment of traditional verses –
very like the mystery plays of medieval Europe. The ta‘zieh may also be
performed at other times of the year, but the usual time is at Ashura, the
anniversary of Karbala, like the processions. In former times itinerant
preachers called rowzeh- khans would visit villages and urban households
to deliver the same verses telling the same stories from memory.
Many of the zur- khaneh (‘houses of strength’) in the towns also incorporated
a religious element, venerating the Shi‘a martyrs in their practices
(though the zur- khaneh tradition is of obscure origin, and some argue
that it includes signifi cant pre- Islamic features). The zur- khaneh is a distinctively
Iranian institution, in which men train for wrestling and for
public performances of bare- chested brawniness, including the impressive
juggling of large, heavy wooden clubs, performances of drumming and
poetry recitations. 7
These traditional, popular manifestations repeat and stress the wickedness
of Yazid and the other oppressors of the Shi‘a, and the virtue of
Hosein and the other Emams. They are alien and often abhorrent to
Sunni Muslims, elsewhere in the Islamic world, who regard them as idolatrous
and as innovations not justifi ed by religious texts. In 1979 they
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Revolutionary Iran
were familiar to all Iranians; even to socialists, secular nationalists, atheists
or modernizers, soldiers or rich playboys who had turned away from
Iran’s religious tradition. The Ashura processions in particular made a
template for the public expression of collective solidarity and moral feeling
that was signifi cant in the revolution – as well as reinforcing the
common understanding among all classes of Shi‘a beliefs about the
Emams. The processions reconfi rmed and reinforced ideas about the
arrogance and corruption of power and wealth, and the virtue of modesty
and poverty, that run deep in Shi‘ism and in Islam more generally.
Two Revolutions
The revolution of 1979 was the second revolution of the twentieth century
in Iran. The fi rst happened in the years 1905 – 11 , and is a convenient
starting- point for considering the origins of the second.
Like many previous monarchies in Iran, going back to the time of the
Achaemenids, the Qajar dynasty that ruled from 1796 until the 1920 s did
so with a relatively light touch. Turning their back on the example of
eighteenth- century military monarchs like Nader Shah and the founder of
the Qajar dynasty, Agha Mohammad Shah, the later Qajars employed only
a small standing army. They relied instead on regional governors, who were
often the leaders of local tribes, to maintain their authority in the furtherfl
ung parts of the country. Their rule had more the character of a system of
alliances than that of the centralized government of a modern state. 8
But this relatively weak state showed its disadvantages as the nineteenth
century progressed and foreign powers began to take an increasing
interest in Iran. Russia and Britain watched each other’s involvement in
Iran jealously – the Russians expanding their infl uence southwards; the
British seeking to protect their possessions in India. With little coercive
power within the borders of the country, and therefore little ability to
raise taxes, the Qajar monarchs became increasingly dependent on
loans from Russia and Britain, and they made economic concessions to
them in return (the tobacco monopoly was just one example). This was
unpopular with ordinary Persians, and especially with the bazaaris ,
who would be among the fi rst to feel the economic damage from the
foreigners’ activities (some of them would also have benefi ted, but they
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tended to keep quiet). The economy, still predominantly agricultural,
had also adjusted to outside pressures (cheap imports of food commodities
and textiles in particular), changing from a simple subsistence
structure with only small surpluses towards the production of cash
crops for export. But this meant domestic production of food staples
could no longer support an expanded population in times of famine or
economic disruption.
In the later nineteenth century Naser od- Din Shah, who had ruled since
1848 , had gone from an initially liberal position at his accession to a much
more conservative stance, distrustful of reform. The early part of his reign
had been marred by his removal and murder of the reforming prime minister
Amir Kabir, and by government persecution of the Babi religious
movement. The Babis were largely destroyed and driven into exile, where
the movement evolved into an independent religion, the Bahai faith. Since
that time, with just a few periods of respite, Bahais have been persecuted in
Iran, sometimes viciously. By the 1890 s Naser od- Din’s fi nances were in a
mess, the most effi cient armed force in the country was offi cered by Russians
(the Cossack brigade – only around 400 – 600 soldiers) and the national
bank, the Imperial Bank of Persia, was run under the ownership of the
British- based Baron Paul de Reuter (the founder of Reuters news agency).
When Naser od- Din Shah died in 1896 , he was replaced on the throne
by his more liberal- minded (but sickly) son, Mozaffar od- Din Shah, who
removed censorship and constraints on political associations. The result
was an upsurge in press and political activity, with new newspapers
appearing, and the formation of political societies ( anjoman ). Many of
these new newspapers and groups were critical of the government: the
latest grievance was that the Shah’s ministers had given control of customs
to a Belgian, Joseph Naus. They were also saying, drawing upon
Western models, that the country needed a proper constitution, that the
arbitrary rule of the Shah had to be limited, and the rule of law regularized.
Iranians (some of them at least) have been struggling for those things
ever since, down to the present day.
In 1905 these various developments came to a head under the direct
infl uence of a price crisis caused by a disruption of trade with Russia,
following the abortive revolution and general turmoil in Russia that
year. In the northern part of the country the price of sugar went up by a
third and the price of wheat by 90 per cent. The government responded
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Revolutionary Iran
by accusing bazaar merchants of profi teering, but the slump in imports
also brought a collapse in customs receipts and state revenues, which
meant there was not enough money for the Shah to make his usual payments
to some of the ulema , or to the small number of troops at his
disposal.
After some demonstrations and unrest in June, in December 1905 two
sugar merchants from the Tehran bazaar were given beatings on the feet
(the bastinado or falak ) at the orders of the governor of Tehran for charging
too much for sugar. One of them was a respected elder fi gure who had
paid to repair both the buildings of the bazaar itself, and three mosques.
The bazaar merchants closed their shops, and several thousand bazaaris ,
religious students, ulema and others went to the shrine of Shah Abd ol-
Azim to the south of the city, led by two senior clerics, Ayatollahs
Behbehani and Tabatabai. From the sanctuary of the shrine (taking sanctuary
in this way was called bast ) they demanded the removal of the
governor who had ordered the beatings, enforcement of shari‘a law, dismissal
of the Belgian, Naus, and the establishment of an adalatkhaneh
(House of Justice – a representative assembly). After a month of stalemate
the Shah gave in and accepted the protestors’ demands.
But (as with earlier promises) the Shah made no attempt to convene the
House of Justice, and in July 1906 there were further street protests by theological
students when the government tried to take action against some
radical preachers. One of the students, a seyyed (someone believed to be
descended from the Prophet Mohammad), was shot dead by the police,
which caused an uproar and more demonstrations, in which a further
twenty- two were killed. 9 In the streets the Shah’s government was denounced
as the rule of Yazid, recalling Hosein and Karbala. Behbehani, Tabatabai,
2 , 000 ulema and their students left Tehran for Qom (then as now the main
centre for theological study in the country), and a larger group of merchants,
mullahs and others (eventually several thousand) took bast in the extensive
grounds of the summer residence of the British legation at Qolhak, to the
north of Tehran. The ulema and the bazaaris were effectively on strike, bringing
the capital to a standstill. The Qolhak compound became an impromptu
academy of political discussion and speculation, with liberal and nationalist
intellectuals joining in and addressing the assembled crowds. Many of them
spoke of the need to limit the powers of the Shah by establishing a constitution
( mashruteh ), and the demand for a House of Justice became more
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27
specifi c, shifting to a call for a properly representative national assembly
(Majles). Coordinated by the ulema , like- minded groups from the provinces
sent telegrams in support to the Shah.
One might think that the protection given to the constitutionalist
opposition by the British legation in the summer of 1906 would have created
goodwill toward the British among progressive- minded Iranians at
least. But this did not happen, at least not in any lasting way. British hospitality
toward the revolutionary opposition had more to do with
weakening Russian infl uence at the Qajar court than any deep commitment
to the fostering of representative institutions in Persia. For nearly a
century Britain and Russia had been rivals in the country, but their rivalry
had been aimed more at spoiling the position of the other in the short
term than about winning Iranian affections or creating a partnership with
Iran in the longer term. Russian expansionist motives were fairly plain;
British motives (primarily, until the discovery of oil in Iran in 1908 , concerned
with the security of British India) had often been disguised under
a mask of friendship and an ostensible commitment to development and
liberal institutions. Britain had made alliances with Persia at the beginning
of the nineteenth century, at the time of the Napoleonic wars, only
to renege on them or slither out of their provisions when they became
inconvenient. This had contributed to the humiliating loss of Persian territory
in the Caucasus to Russia in 1813 and 1828 . In the middle of the
century Britain had intervened to prevent Persia from retaking Herat
(part of Afghanistan today but a Persian territory before 1747 ). Eventually
British policy turned against the constitutionalists and through the
rest of the twentieth century was primarily interested in Iranian oil. For
many Iranians Britain was the most dangerous of Iran’s enemies, and
(notwithstanding friendliness toward individuals) that reputation still lingers:
the British have been thought to be devious, untrustworthy and
always looking for new ways to damage Iran. 10
On 5 August, threatened by a potential mutiny among the Cossack
brigade, whom he had been unable to pay, Mozaffar od- Din Shah gave
in again and signed an order for the convening of a national assembly.
By this time the Shah was seriously ill. The Majles met for the fi rst time
in October 1906 , and rapidly set about drafting a constitution, which
was ratifi ed by the Shah on 30 December (one story says that members
of the ulema advised him, in the light of his many sins, to do one great
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28
Revolutionary Iran
good last thing before he died). 11 The revolutionaries had won their constitution.
Mozaffar od- Din Shah died only fi ve days later.
The Majles was elected on the basis of partial, not full, suffrage, on a
two- stage system, and represented primarily the middle and upper classes
(as was the case in most other countries with elected assemblies at the
time). In each region electors voted for delegates to regional assemblies,
and those delegates nominated 156 members for the Majles (except in
Tehran, where they were elected directly). Outside the Majles, both in the
capital and in the regional centres, the political changes and the elections
stimulated the creation of more new political societies, some of which
quickly grew powerful and infl uenced the deliberations of the Majles
itself. Some represented occupations, others regions like Azerbaijan, others
ethnic or religious groups. There were anjoman for women for the
fi rst time. There was another new wave of political activity and debate
across the country, manifested also in the expansion in the number of
newspapers; from just six before the revolution began to over 100 . 12 This
burgeoning of political consciousness was disturbing in itself to the more
traditional- minded; especially to the more conservative members of the
ulema .
The constitution stated explicitly that the Shah’s sovereignty derived
from the people, as a power given to him in trust; not as a right bestowed
directly by God. But the power of the ulema and of Shi‘ism as the dominant
faith of the country was also confi rmed in the constitution. 13 Shi‘ism
was declared to be the state religion, shari‘a law was recognized, clerical
courts were given a signifi cant role, and there was to be a fi ve- man committee
of senior ulema to scrutinize legislation passed by the Majles, to
confi rm its spiritual legitimacy; until the Hidden Emam – whose proper
responsibility this was – should reappear. But the civil rights of non- Shi‘a
minorities were also protected, refl ecting the involvement of many Jews,
Babis, Armenians and others in the constitutional project. Jews and Armenians
had their own, protected seats for their representatives in the Majles.
Many of these features reappeared in the post- 1979 constitution.
Mozaffar od- Din Shah’s successor, his son Mohammad Ali Shah, had
more autocratic instincts than his father. He resolved from the start,
although he took an oath of loyalty to the constitution, to overturn it
and restore the previous form of untrammelled monarchy, with Russian
help. Opposition to constitutionalism began also to harden from the
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religious side. Through 1907 and the fi rst half of 1908 the Majles passed
measures for the reform of taxation and fi nance, education and judicial
matters. The last were particularly disturbing to the ulema , because they
saw their traditional role encroached upon.
Sheikh Fazlollah Nuri was prominent among the ulema who changed
their minds at this time. He had supported the protests of 1905 – 6 (which in
most respects were quite conservative in motivation), but by 1907 he was
saying that the Majles and its plans were leading away from the initial aims
of the movement and that the constitutionalists were importing ‘the customs
and practices of the abode of disbelief’ (i.e. the West). Eventually he shifted
further, to express open support for the monarchy against the Majles, which
he denounced as illegitimate. He also railed against Jews, Bahais and Zoroastrians,
exaggerating their part in the constitutionalist movement. Other
mojtaheds , like Tabatabai, were more willing to accept Western ideas into the
framework of political structures that were necessary to govern human
affairs in the absence of the Hidden Emam. But it is fair to say that Nuri
understood better than many of the ulema the direction that constitutionalism
was leading, and (from his perspective) the dangers of it. The general
ferment of ideas had affected the ulema too, and the ulema had never been a
united bloc of opinion (no more than any group of intellectuals ever is). The
initial success of the revolution had opened up divisions within the revolutionary
movement, as has happened with similar movements in other times
and places (something similar happened in several countries in Europe in the
revolutionary year of 1848 – 9 ). The shift of part of the ulema into opposition
to the constitutional movement was ultimately fatal for the revolution.
In June 1908 the Shah decided that he had enough support to act
and sent the Cossack brigade to attack the Majles. The troops fi red shells
at the building until the delegates gave in, and the assembly was closed.
Many leading members were arrested and executed, while others escaped
overseas. The Shah’s coup was successful in Tehran, but not in all the
provinces. Many of the most dedicated and enthusiastic constitutionalists
came from Azerbaijan, which had long been one of the more
agriculturally productive, densely populated and prosperous parts of the
country, as well as socially and educationally more advanced. In the
years around 1900 some of the inhabitants had travelled over the border
into Russia for work, bringing back radical political ideas with them.
Now, in Tabriz, the regional capital, delegates from the constitutionalist
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Revolutionary Iran
regional assembly and their supporters (notably the charismatic exbrigand
Sattar Khan) successfully held the city against the royal governor
and his forces for a time. In doing so they had the help of a young teacher,
Howard Baskerville, an idealistic American from Nebraska, only recently
arrived in the city to work as a teacher. Baskerville fought alongside the
constitutionalists and was eventually killed leading an attack on the
besieging forces in April 1909 .
In 1907 , newly allied to each other and France, and concerned at Germany’s
burgeoning overseas presence, Britain and Russia had fi nally set
aside their mutual suspicions and reached a treaty over their interests in
Persia. The treaty showed no respect for the new conditions of popular
sovereignty in the country (and proved inter alia that the apparent British
protection of the revolutionaries in their legation in 1906 had little real
signifi cance). It divided Persia into three zones: a zone of Russian infl uence
in the north (including Tabriz, Tehran, Mashhad and Isfahan – most
of the major cities), a British zone in the south- east, adjacent to the border
with British India, and a neutral zone in the middle.
One consequence of the treaty was that the Russians, following the Shah’s
coup of June 1908 , intolerant as ever of any form of popular movement,
were emboldened to send in troops to restore Qajar rule in Tabriz. But the
nature of the electoral process for the Majles had helped to create a depth of
resilience in the revolutionary movement. The regional assemblies set up in
cities like Tabriz and Isfahan by the fi rst stage of the process served as refuges
and as centres of resistance for the constitutionalists, which meant that defeat
in Tehran was not the end of the story. Even when the Russians took Tabriz
some of the revolutionaries were able to escape to Gilan and continue their
resistance with other locals there. In July 1909 they made a move on Tehran,
coordinated with a move from the south, where revolutionaries in Isfahan
had allied themselves with the local Bakhtiari tribe. As the revolutionaries
moved back into the capital Mohammad Ali Shah fl ed to the Russian legation.
He was deposed, went into exile in Russia, and was replaced by his
young son, Ahmad (though Ahmad was not crowned until July 1914 ).
The constitutionalists were back in control, but the revolution had
turned more dangerous. The divisions between radicals and conservatives
had deepened, and the violence that had fi rst destroyed and then
reinstated the Majles also had its effect; many of the armed groups that
had retaken the capital stayed on. Several prominent Bakhtiaris took
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offi ce in the government. The ulema were divided, and many sided with
the royalists, effectively rejecting the whole project of constitutionalism.
But within a few days the leader of the conservative ulema , Nuri, was
arrested, tried and hanged for his alleged connections with the coup of June
1908 . Both wings of political opinion carried out a series of assassinations –
Behbehani was killed, and later Sattar Khan. The radicals (the Democratic
Party in the Majles) found themselves denounced by bazaar crowds as heretics
and traitors and some of them were forced into exile. There was
disorder in many provinces, it became impossible to collect taxes, tribal
leaders took over in some areas, and brigandage became commonplace. To
try to restore order, to counter the infl uence of the Russian- offi cered Cossack
brigade, and above all to establish a body that could enforce tax
collection, the Majles set up a gendarmerie trained by Swedish offi cers.
The constitutionalist government also appointed a young American,
Morgan Schuster, as fi nancial adviser. Schuster presented clear- sighted,
wide- ranging proposals that addressed law and order and the government’s
control of the provinces as well as more narrowly fi nancial matters;
and began to put them into effect. But the Russians disliked Schuster and
objected to his appointment of a British offi cer to head up the Swedish
gendarmerie, on the basis that the appointment should not have been
made within their sphere of infl uence without their consent. The British
acquiesced. Schuster assessed, probably correctly, that the deeper Russian
motive was to keep the Persian government’s affairs in a state of chaotic
bankruptcy, and thus in a position of relative weakness. If the Russians
could keep the Persian government as a supplicant for Russian loans then
they would be better able to manipulate it. Any determined effort to put
the government of Persia on a sound fi nancial footing, as Schuster’s reforms
threatened to do, was a threat to Russian interests. The Russians presented
an ultimatum: Schuster had to go. A body of women surged into the Majles
to demand that the ultimatum be rejected, and the Majles agreed, insisting
that the American should stay. But the Russians sent troops to Tehran and
as they drew near, the Bakhtiaris and conservatives in the cabinet carried
through what was effectively another coup, and dismissed both Schuster
and the Majles in December 1911 . 14 That date is the one normally taken
for the end, and the failure, of the Constitutional Revolution.
Like a love affair, a revolution can turn the familiar world upside
down. It is easy for the participants to be so overwhelmed with delight at
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32
Revolutionary Iran
their initial success that they make mistakes later because they fail to
grasp that the revolution will continue to revolve. While new possibilities
may excite some, others may be afraid. New, previously concealed forces
may be released. And however poignant the memory of the early days of
unity and excitement, later developments and mistakes, however much
regretted, make their loss irretrievable. In a revolution, new leaders
emerge from unexpected directions, surprising those who were too quick
to think themselves the masters, or proprietors. This happened in the
French and in the Russian revolutions; also in the Iranian revolution of
1906 – 11 . And also in 1979 .
Schuster later wrote a book about his time in Iran called The Strangling
of Persia , in which he expressed his admiration for the moral courage and
determination of the people he worked with in Iran. The book explained
much about the revolution, and about Iran at the time, but also about
Schuster’s attitudes to the country, and something of the reasons why he
and by extension the US were so highly regarded by Iranians. Earnest, idealistic
Americans like Schuster and Baskerville made a strong impression
on Iranians at this time, as did wider US principles of anti- colonialism and
self- determination, later promoted by Woodrow Wilson. The United States
in this phase and later looked like the partner Iran had long hoped to fi nd
in the West; anti- colonial, liberal, progressive; modern, but not imperialist;
a benevolent foreign power that would, for once, treat Iran with respect, as
an agent in her own right, not as an instrument. That sentiment toward the
US persisted, despite disappointments.
The efforts of well- meaning individuals like Schuster and Baskerville
could do little enough to swing the balance in favour of the constitutionalists
in 1906 – 11 . The revolution fell victim to violent factionalism
among the Iranians themselves, and also to the machinations of the
Russians and the British. But the Constitutional Revolution was an
important event, not just for Iran but for the region and arguably the
world as a whole; and it was far from a complete failure. Apart from an
abortive move in Ottoman Turkey in the 1870 s, it was the fi rst attempt
in the Middle East by a people of the region to set up a liberal, representative
government by its own efforts. The experience of representative
government had a powerful, unifying effect in confi rming and energizing
Iranian nationalism. The spirit and the goals of constitutionalism
stayed alive and vigorous, and were a major factor in Iranian political
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life for the rest of the century. Subsequent regimes repeatedly bypassed
or fl outed it, but the constitution of 1906 remained in force until the
revolution of 1979 . The Majles continued to be elected and to meet, and
in 1919 was instrumental in preventing a post- war attempt to establish
a British protectorate in Iran.
A young British offi cer in Persia at the time, Arnold Wilson, wrote
sceptically and rather patronizingly after a long conversation with two
optimistic Majles deputies on the road from Shiraz to Isfahan in 1907 :
The majlis will not work: it has no roots in the soil and no tradition: either
the Qajars or some other dynasty will eventually destroy it . . . but Persian
nationalism will get stronger for it has roots and a tradition as old as Persia
itself. 15
Morgan Schuster blamed the Russians and the British for the failure of
the revolution (and perhaps, by extension, the attitudes of some like Wilson).
He wrote of the Majles:
It was loyally supported by the great mass of the Persians, and that alone
was suffi cient justifi cation for its existence. 16
Ahmad Kasravi, who was a supporter of constitutionalism and also
lived through the period of the revolution, blamed the split between the
constitutionalists and the conservative clergy:
So the people were of two minds. Bit by bit, a division appeared between
the two ways of thinking, and when the mullahs did not see it in their interests
to cooperate with the constitution and had to part, a big faction went with
them. But the faction that stood fast did not fi nd the way forward to struggle
and remained confused. This faction of modernists could not show the people
the way forward, either. 17
All three views have some truth to them. Many of the alliances and interests
that played out in 1906 – 11 made their appearance again in 1979 . But
the events of the Constitutional Revolution were also present in the minds
of Iranians in the 1970 s as a warning. In particular, the more politically
minded among the clergy had learned the lesson that the ulema should not
allow political leadership to slide out of their hands as they had in 1906 .
Although the Qajar government, with Russian support, ostensibly
regained its position in December 1911 , it never really restored its
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Revolutionary Iran
authority in the country as a whole. In many parts of Iran local tribal
leaders were the only authority, and in the north, in Gilan, an insurrection
that came to be known as the Jangali movement (named after the
dense forests of the region, which favoured guerrilla fi ghting), descended
from the constitutionalist groupings of 1907 – 9 , continued to fi ght the
Russians and the monarchists for years under its charismatic leader,
Kuchek Khan (‘Little Khan’).
Oil and War
Another story that begins in the time of the Constitutional Revolution is
that of Iran and oil. One month before Mohammad Ali Shah ordered the
Cossacks to fi re on the Majles building in the summer of 1908 , a British
exploratory venture struck oil at Masjed- e Soleiman in Khuze stan in the
south- west (on 26 May). This was the fi rst major discovery of commercially
viable oil in the Middle East, and the Anglo- Persian Oil Company (later the
Anglo- Iranian Oil Company, eventually to become BP ) was set up to exploit
it. From this time onwards, the British government’s prime interest in Persia
was no longer directed at securing the borders of British India (as had been
the case for a hundred years), but ensuring the continued supply of cheap
Iranian oil. The importance of Iranian oil was led by the fact that the British
fl eet changed over from coal to oil to fuel its battleships at this time. Competition
to build battleships was a focal point of the escalating tension
between Britain and Germany – accelerating after the launch of HMS
Dreadnought in 1906 – that helped to bring about the First World War.
Iranian oil became a vital strategic asset for the security of the British Empire.
The contractual basis of the oil strike was a concession granted by the
Persian government to the British commercial adventurer William Knox
D’Arcy in 1901 . Like other concessions granted to foreigners in those years,
the terms were poor for the hosts: in the event of oil being discovered, they
would only get 16 per cent of the profi ts. Successive governments were not
able to break free from the D’Arcy concession until the 1950 s, and over that
period Iran got a bad return for such an important national asset.
The First World War deepened further the chaos that followed the end
of the Constitutional Revolution. Iran was never a major theatre of
war – was barely even a minor one – but at various times Ottoman,
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Imperial Russian, British, Kurdish, Jangali, Bolshevik and all sorts of
tribal forces were fi ghting in one part of the country or other. At one
point in 1915 the Ottomans, with help from allied German offi cers, were
in control of parts of the west and briefl y hosted a Committee of National
Resistance in Kermanshah, drawn from members of the Majles of 1914 . 18
In and around Shiraz a talented German, Wilhelm Wassmuss, organized
attacks against British interests in cooperation with local Qashqai tribesmen.
The British countered by building alliances with other tribes in the
south- west and by establishing a British- offi cered force recruited locally,
the South Persia Rifl es, to protect the oilfi elds. The Ottomans and Germans
had some successes early on, but were pushed onto the defensive
from 1917 onwards. Russian interest in Persia collapsed with the revolution
of 1917 (although the Bolsheviks were active in northern Persia in
1919 – 20 , working with the Jangalis) and with the collapse of the German
and Ottoman war effort in 1918 the British were left dominant in Iran.
The British were dominant in the sense that the other external contenders
had faded from the scene, but they were not in control. Iran came
low on a long list of priorities, and Britain could not spare enough troops
fully to impose order in the country. Britain was globally overstretched at
the end of the First World War and heavily in debt. The British foreign
secretary, Lord Curzon, had a particular interest in Iran: he had spent
some time travelling through the country in 1889 – 90 and had written a
weighty book afterwards – Persia and the Persian Question . But he seems
to have dismissed the signifi cance of the Constitutional Revolution, and
his approach to the country was more redolent of the 1890 s. His plan
was for Iran to become a kind of British protectorate (similar to the
arrangements being set up by the British in Egypt, Palestine and Iraq at
the same time), with Iranian institutions functioning under British control,
a British- offi cered army and Britain controlling the country’s foreign
policy. In return Iran would get help with economic development – railway
construction, road building and so on.
Ahmad Shah’s government, encouraged with bribes, accepted Curzon’s
plan (framed as the Anglo- Persian Agreement), but when its terms
became more widely known there was a strong nationalist reaction
against it across the country, and the Majles rejected it, which meant it
could not legally enter into force. There followed a year or more of grim
limbo. The country was in a desperate state. Law and order had broken
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Revolutionary Iran
down completely across wide areas; trade and economic activity generally
had been disrupted and had slumped; fi ghting continued sporadically in
parts; nomadic tribesmen raided towns and villages; and bandits made
the roads unsafe for travellers. The north- west in particular had suffered
widespread destruction in the fi ghting between the Russians and the
Ottomans. There had been extensive famine in 1917 – 18 , and more deaths
had been caused among the weakened population by the infl uenza pandemic
of 1918 . In London Curzon still hoped to force through
implementation of his plan, but in Iran British soldiers could see that the
situation was hopeless: they did not have enough troops to hold their
existing commitments safely, let alone pacify and police the whole country,
which was turning increasingly hostile.
General Ironside, the senior British offi cer in the country at the end of
1920 , without troubling to consult London over his intentions, found a
solution that would enable him to withdraw British troops safely. The
Cossacks, expanded to weak division strength during the war, still had
Russian offi cers (marooned in Iran after the revolution of 1917 ). Ironside
removed them and appointed Iranians from the ranks in their place. He
then selected one of them, Reza Khan, as the de facto commander and
gave him to understand that, if he were to march on Tehran and set up a
military government, British forces would not stand in his way.
In February 1921 , Reza Khan did just that, and set up a new government
in association with a mixed group of nationalists and former constitutionalists.
British troops withdrew, maintaining only a presence in the south- west
to protect the oil. Less than fi ve years later, having defeated the Jangalis and
some tribal resistance in the provinces, Reza Khan had himself crowned as
the fi rst Shah of a new dynasty, the Pahlavi dynasty. The name Pahlavi
derived from the name given to the pre- Islamic language of Iran (otherwise
known as Middle Persian), but the term drew colour also from the fact that
the heroes of the Shahnameh had been called Pahlavan ; the latter word was
also used for the contemporary strongmen of the zur- khaneh .
The Pahlavi Dynasty
From the beginning the Pahlavi monarchy was a strange creation. When
Reza Shah was crowned in 1926 he had been prime minister for three
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years under the authority of Ahmad, the last Qajar Shah, and he had
attempted unsuccessfully to make the country a republic in 1924 (just
after Mustapha Kemal had deposed the Ottoman Sultan and made himself
president of the new Republic of Turkey, in October 1923 ). Reza
Shah’s family origins were obscure – no hint of any royal or even aristocratic
forebears. The monarchy was a parvenu regime that resembled
other nationalist military dictatorships of the 1920 s and 30 s elsewhere,
with the difference that it came later to be seen in the eyes of many
Iranians (somewhat unfairly) as tainted from the outset by the hand of
the British in its establishment.
A revolution, a military coup and a military dictator who makes himself
a monarch: a familiar pattern. Like Napoleon, Reza Shah inherited
many of his initial supporters and much of his programme from the revolution
that preceded his time. Many constitutionalists supported him as a
strong leader who would restore order and bring in reforms that would
develop the country (so far they were right) – realizing too late just how
autocratic and illiberal his instincts were. But Reza Shah was not Napoleon.
He lacked Napoleon’s triumphal prestige and his freedom of action.
Similarly, he fell short of the model closer to him in time and place – Mustapha
Kemal (Atatürk) in Turkey.
At the start, Reza Shah had a lot of support, including from many of
the ulema . Notable constitutionalists like Abdolhosein Teymurtash and
Hasan Taqizadeh joined his government as ministers. Others who had
opposed Reza Shah, like Seyyed Hasan Modarres (probably the most
prominent surviving pro- constitutionalist among the clergy, who had been
instrumental in the rejection of the Anglo- Persian Agreement), tried to
negotiate a settlement that left room for liberal government – but failed.
Ordinary people wanted predictability, order and stability to return to
their lives, and the chance for economic recovery. Reza Shah delivered
that. His priority from the fi rst was to build a modern army, and in the
1920 s 40 per cent of state expenditure was devoted to it. Already in
1922 he had brought forward a plan for an army of 50 , 000 men. By the
later 1930 s the army was 100 , 000 strong, and because it was based on
conscription, there were a larger number of reservists who could be
called upon in time of war. The army was used to pacify the country, 19
and especially the more troublesome nomadic tribes – who still made
up perhaps a quarter of the population at this time. The tribes disliked
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Revolutionary Iran
conscription, and enforcement of conscription served as an additional
pacifying measure. The policy was implemented brutally, but the majority
of the population would have approved of strong measures – for most
Iranians of the towns and villages the previous independence of the tribes
carried no romantic connotations. It signifi ed disorder, danger, brigandage,
unpredictability and weak central control. The income that Reza
Shah’s new government derived from oil was spent almost entirely on
military equipment, including artillery, tanks and aircraft.
But the army could not exist in isolation, and its effi ciency demanded
wider changes in the country – many of which echoed earlier, failed reform
programmes. Financial administration and taxation were reformed. Ambitious
plans for road and rail construction were brought forward and
implemented. New industries were set up (notably in areas like textiles
and foodstuffs), aimed at stemming imports and keeping capital within
the country by supplying demand domestically. Some were fostered as
state monopolies. Perhaps most importantly for the future, education was
greatly expanded. By 1938 school attendance was over 450 , 000 by comparison
with 55 , 000 in 1922 (out of a total population of around
12 million). Secondary school attendance went up proportionally; the
Shah established the country’s fi rst full university in Tehran (including a
theology faculty, and with it the opportunity for religion to be taught in
Iran as a phenomenon, rather than simply as the Truth); and the government
gave scholarships to talented students to study in universities
abroad. 20 The education provided was somewhat narrow and technocratic,
aimed at producing effi cient offi cers and administrators rather
than encouraging independent thought, but it is seldom possible for the
state fully to manipulate the uses to which individuals may put the education
they have been given. Most of the new schools were in towns and
cities – the illiteracy of the majority of Iranians, who still lived in the villages
and in the countryside, was almost untouched.
Like those of Atatürk in Turkey, Reza Shah’s policies followed a
nationalist, secularizing pattern that sought to modernize the country on
a Western model. They reasserted the position of Iran against foreign
interference, but also sought to push the ulema aside. The educational
reforms aimed at giving a Western- style education rather than the traditional
Koran- based education of the madreseh. The Shah brought in a
wholesale reconstruction of the legal system, with courts supervised by
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secular judges and civil and penal legal codes designed along European
lines. For a time this went in parallel with the traditional shari‘a legal
framework; then in 1936 the religious courts were abolished. But a Westernizing
programme did not mean subservience to Western powers. Reza
Shah also, in 1927 – 8 , abolished the treaties (aptly named Capitulations)
by which foreigners had enjoyed exceptional legal status in the country.
He avoided using British or Russian technical advisers for his development
projects (from the countries with the worst record of interference in
Iran), preferring to use Germans, Frenchmen or Italians. He renationalized
the administration of customs in 1927 , and the central bank in
1930 as Bank Melli – the ‘National Bank’. In 1935 the Shah directed
foreign embassies to stop using the name Persia in diplomatic correspondence,
telling them instead to use the name Iran. This reform was in
one way simply an assertion of self- determination – the term Iran had
been the word used by Iranians for their country since the time of the
Sassanids, at least. But Reza Shah probably intended it also to distance
his regime from that of the Qajars, who had acquiesced, in this as in other
ways, in letting foreigners determine too much of what went on in the
country (the name Persia had been used since classical times in the West,
deriving ultimately from the fact that the Achaemenid dynasty of Cyrus
and Darius I, with which the Greeks had fought lengthy wars, had originated
in the province of Persis – Pars (modern Fars).
Reza Shah did not, like Atatürk in Turkey, attempt to replace Arabic
script with Roman. But he did copy Atatürk’s reform of Turkish by trying
to impose a reform of Persian to exclude words of Arabic or non- Iranian
origin. Most controversially, he ordered that Iranians wear Western dress,
banning traditional robes and headgear, and most radically of all, banning
the veil for women. Many women simply ceased to go out of doors,
and the new rules provoked strong opposition. A protest in Mashhad in
1935 culminated in the Shah’s troops opening fi re on demonstrators in
the precincts of the shrine of the Emam Reza, which caused greater
resentment.
There was a wider mood of secularizing nationalism among intellectuals
at this time. Tending to blame reactionary mullahs for the failure of
the constitutional revolution, such nationalists went further, to blame
the ulema and Islam as a whole for Iran’s backwardness. Nationalists
looked back to the pre- Islamic past, to what they thought of as a purer
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Revolutionary Iran
Iran, before the Arab conquest. The mood fi tted with some of the attitudes
of the Shah and his regime, but was not simply a function of regime
self- projection – as time wore on some of the writers became critical of
the Pahlavi regime too.
Three Writers
Ahmad Kasravi was a central fi gure among the nationalist thinkers
and writers of this time. He wrote extensively on Iranian history and politics;
including the most important history of the Constitutional
Revolution. Kasravi came from Azerbaijan, from a family of Turkic origin,
and spoke Azeri Turkish as his mother tongue – a good example of
the way that Iranian culture and even Iranian nationalism have transcended
narrow ethnic categories. He was born in Tabriz in 1890 , to a
clerical family, was given training in a seminary (though he also attended
the American Memorial School in which Baskerville had taught) and was
involved in the dramatic events of the Constitutional Revolution in
Azerbaijan. In his early days as a student Kasravi turned away from his
religious training (according to one story, this happened when he discovered
that Western scientists had predicted the reappearance of Halley’s
comet in 1910 ) and became a wickedly intelligent critic of the ulema – but
also a critic of many other aspects of contemporary Iranian society. One of
his pamphlets, entitled What Is the Religion of the Hajjis with Warehouses?
, poured scorn on bazaar traders who were keen to present
themselves as pious Muslims, but whose commercial and general behaviour
was amoral, grasping and hypocritical. Another, entitled Hasan Is
Burning His Book of Hafez , attacked the disposition, as he saw it, of
many Iranians to substitute quotation from the classic Persian poets for
genuine thought – illustrating (albeit negatively) the centrality of that
great poetic tradition in Iranian cultural life. 21 Like many of his generation
Kasravi was a committed believer in the principles of constitutionalism
and secular government. He was a nationalist, and attacked the linguistic
and other divisions that had created suspicion between Iranians and, in
his opinion, had made them weak. He worked for many years in the Ministry
of Education and as a journalist and writer. In 1946 he was
assassinated by a group called the Fedayan- e Eslam, followers of a man
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41
who had chosen to call himself Navvab Safavi (thereby associating himself
with the dynasty that had imposed Shi‘ism on Iran). 22 The Fedayan- e
Eslam dedicated themselves to eliminating those they identifi ed as the
enemies of Islam.
Kasravi was signifi cant for a number of different reasons. He stood for
a strand of thinking in Iran, typical of the Pahlavi period, which became
important again in the 1960 s and 70 s, and which rejected the backwardness
of Shi‘ism as it was practised, blaming it for many of the weaknesses
and failures of the country (though his anticlericalism was less extreme
than that of some others). His thinking was a key infl uence on a generation
of educated, middle-class Iranians who benefi ted from the
opportunities that arose under the Pahlavis; and on the generation of
intellectuals and writers that followed him.
Sadegh Hedayat was a more radical writer in a variety of ways: more
troubled, and more of a loner. Born into an a quasi- aristocratic family
of courtiers and scribes in Tehran in 1903 , he travelled to France on one
of Reza Shah’s fi rst scholarships and studied a series of different subjects
including architecture and dentistry there in the later 1920 s, but
never took a degree. As a young man he became an enthusiast for a
romantic, sometimes chauvinistic Iranian nationalism that laid much of
the blame for Iran’s problems on the Arab conquest of the seventh century.
His short stories and novellas like Talab- e Amorzesh ( Seeking
Absolution ), Sag- e Velgard ( Stray Dog ) and his best- known, Buf- e Kur
( The Blind Owl ) combined the everyday, the fantastic and the satirical,
rejecting religion, superstition and Arabic infl uence, but in an innovative,
modernist style combined with a relentlessly honest observation of
everyday life. He translated works by Kafka, Chekhov and Sartre into
Persian (he knew Sartre in Paris). His writing refl ected contemporary
European existentialism and the infl uence of those writers; but he was
also an enthusiast for the poetry of Omar Khayyam, and translated
texts from the pre- Islamic Sassanid period into modern Persian. In his
last years, after a period of renewed vitality after the fall of Reza Shah,
his writing grew more bitter and pessimistic again. His story Tup- e
Morvarid ( The Pearl Cannon – published in 1947 ) included diatribes
against the government of Reza Shah, as well as the writing of history,
colonialism, Islam and the clergy (the passages on religion include some
of the most forthright condemnations of Islam written in any language).
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Revolutionary Iran
He never joined the Tudeh Party, but like many others at the time was
sympathetic to it. 23 Hedayat committed suicide in Paris in 1951 by gassing
himself. He was buried in Père Lachaise cemetery.
Unlike Kasravi, Hedayat received little attention in his own lifetime and
was regarded by his family as a failure who could not hold down a job.
Financial and family problems contributed to his suicide. He only acquired
his reputation as the prime modernist prose writer of twentieth-century Iran
after his death, partly because other writers like Jalal Al- e Ahmad and
Mohammad Ali Jamalzadeh drew public attention to his work.
Mohammad Ali Jamalzadeh was a little older than Hedayat – he was
born in Esfahan in 1892 , the son of a well- known constitutionalist cleric,
Seyyed Jamal al- Din Esfahani, who was murdered in prison in 1908 at the
orders of Mohammad Ali Shah. Jamalzadeh himself was a committed
constitutionalist and joined a group of like- minded exiles led by Hasan
Taqizadeh in Berlin during the First World War. While there he contributed
to the political magazine Kaveh , which had been established by
Taqizadeh and others. It was a political journal, anti- British and anti-
Russian, but also included historical and literary material. At the end of
the war it became less partisan, but continued to favour the principles
behind constitutionalism. Jamalzadeh published several articles and other
pieces in Kaveh ; most notably ‘Farsi shekar ast’ in 1921 (literally, ‘Persian
Is Sugar’ – usually translated as ‘Persian Is Sweet’). This was a short story,
written in a realist style and using simple, colloquial Persian to satirize
both the language of the mullahs, often overburdened by vocabulary and
constructions taken from Arabic, and that of the Western- educated, full of
loan words from French and other European languages. Later the same
year it was republished with fi ve other stories in a collection with the title
Yeki bud, yeki nabud (literally, There Was One, There Wasn’t One : the
phrase used to introduce children’s stories in Persian – the equivalent of
‘Once upon a time’). It created a furore – attacked by some of the clergy,
but welcomed by many other writers and intellectuals as a breath of fresh
air. Many later writers of short stories in Iran followed Jamalzadeh’s lead
(including Hedayat). Jamalzadeh wanted Iranian literature to avoid overcomplicated
language that aped the usage of other countries. Politically, he
was against foreign interference in Iran and against the dead hand of intolerant,
traditionalist clergy within Iran. From 1931 until his retirement in
1956 he worked at the International Labour Organization in Geneva,
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43
but continued to write and publish in Iran, especially after 1941 , when
censorship was lifted. He held true to his constitutionalist principles, and
the principles of the European Enlightenment. Jamalzadeh visited Iran
but continued to live in Geneva, and died there in 1997 . 24
Writers like Kasravi, Hedayat and Jamalzadeh, building on the sacred
tradition of Persian poetical literature, created a new prose literature in
Persian and carved out an important new role for writers in the life of
Iran – not just in literature but also in politics; as standard- bearers for
political and cultural values – as cultural heroes. Plenty more followed in
their path in later decades.
Reza Shah’s policies brought the country many benefi ts, but by the later
1930 s the shine had come off his rule. Most of the constitutionalist politicians
he had appointed as ministers had been removed. Some went into
exile – others were murdered in prison. The constitutionalist cleric Modarres
was killed in prison too (in 1938 ). The Shah was suspicious, and his treatment
of political dissent, or failure, was harsh. His court minister, Teymurtash,
was imprisoned after he failed to get better terms for the exploitation of
Iran’s oil from the British, and he died in prison in 1933 . The cause of death
was given offi cially as heart failure; but he was generally believed to have
been murdered on the Shah’s orders (as with other political prisoners in those
years, the story was that he was one of the victims of Dr Ahmad Ahmadi,
whose favourite technique was allegedly to inject air into a vein, which
caused cardiac arrest when the air bubble found its way back to the heart).
The Shah later secured a marginal improvement in the revenue he got
for Iran’s oil; an increase in the share of the profi ts from 16 to 20 per
cent; but the failure to get a properly fair division of the benefi ts and the
continuing presence of the British AIOC in the country was a persistent
humiliation, especially as other countries, with whom oil companies
made deals later in the century as oil exploration uncovered new re –
serves, made deals yielding a better return to the host country. It is
instructive to compare Reza Shah’s Iran with Atatürk’s Turkey. Atatürk
was able to remove all the concessions his Ottoman predecessors had
made, and to eliminate every vestige of foreign interference in Turkey –
no external power controlled any asset to compare with Iranian oil.
And Atatürk never lapsed into dictatorial paranoia. He maintained his
commitment to representative government – albeit a trammelled version
of it – and ended his life in his own bed, in his own country, still revered
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Revolutionary Iran
by his fellow countrymen (and for long after his death). The Pahlavis
never properly learned the value of politics as a lightning- rod to make
safe the dangers of political dissent. Perhaps Reza Shah never shook off
the contempt for popular politics that he learned from the Tsarist Russian
offi cers of the Cossack brigade.
By the later 1930 s the Shah had alienated many Iranians, and a similar
dangerous combination of opposition forces to that which had caused the
revolution of 1906 – 11 had begun to form. Most hostile were the ulema ,
who saw traditional values abused and alien Western principles followed
in their stead. They had been pushed out of their roles in education and
law. Their close confederates in the bazaar were uneasy at the Shah’s
reforms of the economy and were aggrieved at the way state monopolies
took profi ts out of their hands. But most of the liberal intellectuals were
hostile too. Some of their number had been killed in prison, others had
gone into exile, and it was not safe for any that remained to express criticism
of the Shah. In 1937 he turned on a new generation of intellectuals:
some politically minded young students returned from study in Europe,
including both fascist sympathizers and Marxists, were arrested and
imprisoned. His rule had become repressive and brutal. Incidents like the
shooting in Mashhad roused the deep- seated Shi‘a distrust of secular
power, and the abuse of it.
Another aspect to the Shah’s nationalism was an element of pro-
German Aryanism. The emphasis on linguistic purity and on pre- Islamic
Iran led some further, to an idea of an Aryan/ Indo- European identity that
made some kind of racial commonality between, for example, Aryan Germans
and Aryan Iranians (there is, of course, a common linguistic
root 25 – but since the 1930 s it has become clearer that race, culture and
language can be very different things; and genetic research makes race as
a concept increasingly problematic). In the 1930 s some Germans advised
the Shah’s government on his linguistic policy, and there were German
technicians in the country helping with engineering and other projects.
But a large part of the Shah’s apparent pro- German inclination was based
on the simple fact that the Germans were not British. The Shah was keen
above all to maintain the limited degree of independence he had achieved.
With the outbreak of war in 1939 that independence became more
problematic. In 1941 the strategic situation in the Middle East was dangerously
fl uid, and the supply of oil from Iran was as vital as ever. Iran
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had again declared neutrality, but the British government demanded that
the Shah should expel German nationals from the country. The Shah
refused, the British and Russians invaded, and the Iranian army was
mobilized, but proved no match for the invaders; within a few weeks, in
September 1941 , Allied troops entered Tehran.
War and Occupation
Reza Shah abdicated in favour of his son, Mohammad Reza, and went
into exile. He died in South Africa in 1944 . Some have suggested that the
British moved into Iran not because Reza Shah was too pro- German, but
because they feared a pro- German coup against him (as had just happened
in Iraq). 26 But the outcome was the same – another occupation, and
rule by the Allies (with the US joining in later) until 1945 .
There was no popular outcry at Reza Shah’s removal. Many Iranians felt
relief, and the tribes in particular were able to return to their traditional ways
of life. An American, Arthur Millspaugh, returned to the country to administer
state fi nances (he had served a similar function in Reza Shah’s earlier
years, but had fallen out with the Shah over military spending). Another
American, H. Norman Schwarzkopf (father of the military commander who
led Operation Desert Storm in Iraq in 1991 ) also played a signifi cant part in
the years of occupation. Having been gassed during the First World War,
after which he joined the New Jersey State Police, he had made a name for
himself through his involvement in the Lindbergh kidnapping case and publicizing
colourful exploits against gangsters. 27 In Iran he headed a US military
mission and supervised an Imperial gendarmerie that restored order when
trouble broke out in different parts of the country. Americans were more
acceptable to Iranians in these roles than other foreigners.
The period of occupation was another episode of political and intellectual
ferment, similar to that of the early years of the century. Reza
Shah’s censorship regime was lifted, political prisoners were released, new
political parties and labour organizations formed, and there was another
outpouring of journalistic activity. It was also the time when radio and
radio broadcasts began to reach a large proportion of the population –
another novelty that helped Iranians to feel part of a nation, that national
politics belonged to and involved them.
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Revolutionary Iran
But, impelled by this new freedom (of a kind), the intellectual
mood was shifting. In the 1940 s many writers moved toward a
leftist position, aligning themselves with the Tudeh Party, which formed
in 1941 almost as soon as Reza Shah had gone; founded by some of the
leftist students he had imprisoned in 1937 . Notable among the founders
was Khalil Maleki, who also persuaded the young Jalal Al- e Ahmad
to join.
Tudeh (the name means ‘The Masses’) was set up initially as a social
democratic party, but quickly moved to a communist position, aligning
itself with Moscow for the most part. 28 Tudeh drew support from large
numbers of workers in the new state- sponsored industries. It was well
organized and consolidated that support in the later 1940 s by successfully
pushing through social legislation, including a minimum wage. But
the educated middle class had also grown, and with it support for the
liberal democratic tradition that still espoused the values of the Constitutional
Revolution.
Tudeh’s pro- Soviet alignment was exposed at the end of the war,
when the Soviet Union backed separatist republics in Iranian Azerbaijan
and Kurdestan (the latter probably represented the political aspirations
of the local population rather more than the former). The Soviet Union
also claimed an oil concession in the north- west, which made its
actions resemble Tsarist policy, and Tudeh had to support the concession.
The US and Britain demanded that the Soviets withdraw their
troops from Iran, as had been agreed previously, but the Russians
refused, and for a time there was a stalemate. Internationally, the confrontation
was the fi rst of its kind in what was to become the Cold War,
but it also roused further the spirit of Iranian nationalism that had
already been stimulated by the foreign occupation and the relaxation of
previous political restrictions. The Soviets eventually withdrew; the
army regained some of the credit with Persian- speaking nationalists
that it had lost in 1941 by moving in to crush the pro- Soviet republics,
and Tudeh lost much of its credibility. Hundreds of Azeris and
Kurds who tried to defend their separatist republics were killed, and
thousands fl ed over the border into the Soviet Union, including perhaps
10 , 000 Kurds. 29 With the last Allied troops withdrawn from Iran, political
attention turned to another unresolved nationalist grievance – the
oil question.
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Mossadeq, Oil Nationalization and
Ayatollah Kashani
By the 1950 s world oil production had spread and diversifi ed to many
new countries, and oil companies were exploiting reserves in Iraq, Saudi
Arabia, Venezuela and Mexico. In each of these places European and/or
American companies had made deals with the host governments to
exploit the oil, but all the more recent contracts of this kind had been on
much better terms for the hosts (after some of them had found effective
ways to exert pressure for change) than the terms of the Iranian contract
with the AIOC . A 50 / 50 split of profi ts between host country and oil
company had become the standard arrangement. But the AIOC (with the
backing of the British government, long a majority shareholder) were
obstinately reluctant to renegotiate. Britain was even more desperate economically
after the Second World War than after the fi rst, with a critical
balance of payments defi cit, and could not contemplate losing its supply
of cheap oil.
A signifi cant fi gure in opposition to the Allied occupation and against
British exploitation of Iranian oil was Ayatollah Abol- Qasem Kashani.
He was not one of the most senior ulema (Ayatollah Borujerdi was the
senior marja at the time and supported the monarchy), but his forthright
position on political matters gave him special prominence. Unlike some
other ulema , after the experience of the 1930 s he regarded the constitution
as a potential protection against the dictatorial power of a secularizing
monarch. 30 Kashani was imprisoned during the war by the Allies (his
father, also a cleric, had died fi ghting the British during the revolt of
1921 in Iraq). 31 He served in the Majles as speaker. He had a following in
the Majles and among the bazaaris , but also had connections with Navvab
Safavi and the Fedayan- e Eslam, the extremist Islamic group who had
assassinated Kasravi.
The years following the Second World War were important for the
development of Iranian politics. The monarchy was still relatively weak
under the young Shah, and once the occupying foreign powers had left
the country the interlude of political freedom was sustained. The central
fi gure to emerge out of this new ferment was Mohammad Mossadeq,
who formed a coalition of parties – the National Front – around the
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Revolutionary Iran
nationalist, liberal principles of the Constitutional Revolution. Mossadeq
was descended from the Qajar royal family. He had been educated in
Switzerland and had fi rst entered politics before the First World War. He
had opposed Reza Shah in the 1920 s and 30 s and had withdrawn from
politics, to emerge again after Reza Shah’s abdication. His populist
speechmaking (his voice had a distinctive sing- song quality) 32 and his use
of new media have since prompted a comparison between him and other
anti- colonialist politicians active in the 1950 s, like Nasser in Egypt and
Sukarno in Indonesia. He had an emotional and passionate nature that
lent itself to this role. He saw the monarchy as the main enemy of liberal
democracy in Iran – but he was no great friend of the ulema either. At one
point in the crisis that followed, according to one story, some of Mossadeq’s
supporters put a pair of spectacles on a dog and named it
‘Ayatollah’. They showed it in the Majles and then took it through the
streets. Years later Khomeini commented how at the time he had said
Mossadeq should be slapped – ‘and it was not long before he was slapped;
had he survived, he would have slapped Islam.’ 33
Mossadeq became prime minister in April 1951 , having led the Majles
in a vote to nationalize Iranian oil the previous month. His oil policy was
hugely popular – and Ayatollah Kashani’s commitment to that cause
meant that he supported Mossadeq too, bringing with him an important
slice of traditional, conservative, clerical and bazaari opinion. But he also
needed the support of the Tudeh Party. Tudeh had been banned offi cially
in 1949 , in the aftermath of a failed attempt on the Shah’s life, but
regrouped and continued on an underground basis; as time went on the
party came forward again, and the ban, though technically still in force,
was passed over more and more. 34 Mossadeq also intended to limit the
power of the Shah and establish the country on a permanent basis as a
modern, constitutional monarchy. He thought the US would help, as in
the time of Schuster, Baskerville and Millspaugh.
The British government set about mobilizing international support
against oil nationalization and against Mossadeq. AIOC technicians left
the country, and Britain imposed an oil blockade. The oil industry suddenly
became a burden on the economy and the state, as the government
had to pay maintenance costs and workers’ wages, with no revenue
coming in. Infl ation began to rise, and unemployment too. Having
grown strongly since 1945 , the economy slumped. 35 Tudeh remained
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49
steadfast in their support for Mossadeq, but support from others began
to waver. Mossadeq pressed on boldly, including with divisive measures
like land reform. But as the fi scal and economic strain intensifi ed, and
uncertainty about the direction of his programme spread, he leaned
more heavily on Tudeh, and doubts within and without the country
about communist infl uence also strengthened.
The standard view of the events that toppled Mossadeq says that he
was removed by a coup orchestrated by the CIA and the British Secret
Intelligence Service. But the reality was more complex. In particular, the
role of the clergy in the fall of Mossadeq has sometimes been neglected.
Many senior clergy had opposed Mossadeq and supported the monarchy
from the outset.
By the summer of 1953 the US and the British were ready to act in Iran
to remove Mossadeq. It might seem strange that the US fell in with the
British government in this resolve, but this was a strange time in US politics.
It was the era of Senator Joe McCarthy and the House Committee on
Un- American Activities, of the Dulles brothers heading the State Department
and the CIA . Mossadeq’s populism, his attacks on the Shah, whom
the US regarded as their prime ally in the country, the anti- Westernism
and anti- capitalism of some among Mossadeq’s supporters and above all
his ambiguous but apparently close relationship with Tudeh made him
suspect for the policy- makers of the Eisenhower administration. This was
perhaps combined with a certain lack of confi dence in Middle East affairs
that led the US to listen too readily to British arguments. The communist
threat was the prime danger, and other actors and forces were seen as
useful or otherwise only in relation to the struggle against communism. In
those terms, Mossadeq just wasn’t anti- communist enough.
In reality Mossadeq was more pro- US than many other politicians in the
region – Nasser in Egypt, for example (to whom the US effectively gave
their support, against the British interest, in the Suez crisis three years later).
Mossadeq’s doomed efforts to secure American help showed poignant faith
in fundamental American values. With US backing Mossadeq could have
governed effectively and popularly in Iran and kept Tudeh in their place. Or
(more likely) he might have failed later, under the weight of his own errors,
as democratic politicians generally do. But he did not get the chance.
In 1952 Mossadeq’s position was confi rmed by a new election, and
by a crisis in July (known afterwards as the Si- ye Tir ) between him
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Revolutionary Iran
and the Shah, over who had the right to appoint the minister for war.
Mossadeq briefl y resigned, but the Shah had to reappoint him when
public feeling expressed itself in widespread demonstrations and riots.
Mossadeq had faced down the Shah, and he was able to face down
opposition to his land reform plans from the conservative landowners,
but only by taking emergency powers that neutralized their grip
on the upper house of parliament, the senate. Gaining confi dence, he
appointed secular- minded and anticlerical ministers, and his government
brought forward policies for further nationalization, which
appeared to threaten bazaari interests. 36 Kashani and his followers,
having supported Mossadeq in July, began to express doubts about
the government’s actions against the constitution. They also protested
against plans to extend the vote to women, and to rescind a ban on
the sale of alcohol. When Mossadeq asked for an extension of his
emergency powers, clerical members of the Majles who supported
Kashani left the National Front coalition and set up their own Islamic
fraction.
So although a referendum in July 1953 again showed huge support
for Mossadeq, there were doubts about the fairness of the poll, and
important leaders of the traditional middle class – the clergy and the
bazaaris – had gone over to the conservative, monarchist side (as had
also happened in 1906 – 7 , of course). There were demonstrations against
Mossadeq, and CIA – sponsored newspaper articles agitated against him.
This was the background against which Kermit Roosevelt Jr – grandson
of Theodore ‘Teddy’ Roosevelt – coordinated a CIA operation in Tehran
with a group of Iranian army offi cers (the Americans called it Operation
Ajax; the British, who fi rst put forward the idea, gave it the more prosaic
codename ‘Boot’). The plan was for a coup that would appoint one
of the Iranian offi cers, General Fazlollah Zahedi, as prime minister in
place of Mossadeq. In July– August 1953 they put their plan into effect.
The Shah’s twin sister, the formidable Princess Ashraf, came back to
Tehran from the Riviera to persuade the Shah, who was fearful and hesitating,
to sign the documents necessary for Mossadeq to be removed. At
fi rst Mohammad Reza refused even to see her, but eventually they had a
stormy interview on 29 July. Schwarzkopf also returned, and did his
best (they met on 1 August), but the Shah did not actually sign until
12 August. 37
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The Shah
Mohammad Reza Shah was thirty- three years old in the summer of 1953 .
He had been educated in Switzerland, and his youth had been dominated
by his father; always a severe, daunting man, who as time had gone on
had become ever more domineering and distrustful of ordinary Iranians.
These experiences and traits all left their mark on his son, who grew up
to be diffi dent, rather remote, lacking in confi dence and without any kind
of easy or natural connection with the people he was to govern – but with
a fi rm sense of duty and a compulsion to continue his father’s work. His
fi rst decade as Shah had been traumatic. His father’s deposition and death
had been followed by the failure of his fi rst marriage to the strikingly
beautiful but spoiled Princess Fawzia, daughter of the King of Egypt, who
abandoned and divorced him in 1945 : after her racy, Westernized lifestyle
in Alexandria, she had found the court in Tehran backward, dour and
claustrophobic. His divorce of her according to Iranian law, after the
humiliating failure of attempts at reconciliation, followed only in 1948 .
In February 1949 , as the Shah entered Tehran University to award
diplomas, a man walked up to him and fi red fi ve shots at point- blank
range. Three went through Mohammad Reza’s hat, then one through his
cheek. In a bizarre moment of black comedy, the Shah tried to confuse the
assassin and dodge the bullets – ‘I suddenly started shadow- dancing or
feinting.’ The man fi red again, and another bullet hit Mohammad Reza in
the shoulder. The pistol jammed with the sixth round, 38 after which the
would- be assassin was gunned down by the Shah’s bodyguards, who had
by then remembered their job. ‘I had the queer and not unpleasant sensation
of knowing that I was still alive,’ the Shah said later. The man was
found to have been a member of Tudeh, and this was the incident that
caused the party to be banned. The attack shook the Shah (there was
another attempt in 1965 ) and led him to adopt tighter security – security
that went to even greater lengths in later years and contributed signifi –
cantly to his distancing from ordinary Iranians. In the early 1950 s the
young Shah was confi dent of neither his own abilities, nor his judgement,
nor his standing with his people.
Mohammad Reza remarried in 1951 , to another beautiful woman, the
half- German Soraya Esfandiari Bakhtiari; unlike his fi rst, this marriage
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Revolutionary Iran
was a happy one, but was again to end in divorce seven years later, after
it became apparent that Soraya could not give him children. After the
divorce, Soraya wrote a memoir that gave some insights into the character
of the young Shah. He liked fast cars and was a keen pilot, having
learned to fl y in the 1940 s. But he had a near- fatal crash in 1944 , 39 and
those who had to fl y with him were not always so cheerful about it:
On another occasion we were fl ying to Isfahan. I was seated in the cockpit,
next to the Shah . . . Suddenly I saw that the engine had cut out and that we
were losing altitude with terrifying speed . . . Then the Shah noticed that the
fuel tanks were as good as empty. At the last moment, when we had almost
crashed into the mountains, we began to pump petrol furiously from the
reserve tank and thus gained just enough altitude to clear their peaks.
After this incident I was somewhat dubious about the return fl ight that same
evening. This time I sat in the cabin, next to General Zahedi, and we reached
Tehran without trouble. As we were circling the airfi eld . . . Zahedi said:
‘There’s nothing more for your Majesty to worry about. We’re here.’
‘Keep your fi ngers crossed,’ I replied. ‘We haven’t put down yet.’
Mohammad Reza came lower, the wheels touched the runway, but we did
not come to a standstill. Just before we reached the end of the runway the
Shah gave his engine gas and the plane’s nose went up. It almost scraped the
roofs of a couple of houses.
‘God God!’ I shouted. ‘Didn’t the undercarriage come down properly?’
‘It’s nothing,’ said the Shah. ‘There was a man standing at the end of the
runway, and it made me nervous.’
After ten minutes he tried again, but . . . exactly the same thing happened.
It was simply his nerves. The Shah said:
‘I’ll manage it next time.’
The offi cer in the control tower, however, alerted the fi re- engines and the
ambulance. When the Shah’s third attempt to land was equally unsuccessful,
that offi cer suggested, in polite tones:
‘If your Majesty has enough fuel, it would be better to circle for a quarter
of an hour or so, until you are feeling more yourself.’
Thereupon Zahedi and the other passengers took out their copies of the
Koran and began to say their prayers. They murmured these softly, so as
not to make the Shah more nervous than he already was. But Allah must
have heard them all the same, for eventually we landed on the runway,
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though with such a lurching and bumping that my hat ended up three hundred
yards from where we did.
One result of this day was that I felt a growing dislike of fl ying . . . 40
Coups That Fail, and Coups That Succeed
On the night of 15 / 16 August 1953 Colonel Nasiri of the Imperial Guard
led an armoured column to Mossadeq’s residence in Tehran to deliver the
ferman (royal decree) removing him from offi ce. But the plotters had
taken too long to put their plan into effect, and news of it had leaked.
Nasiri was intercepted on Mossadeq’s doorstep by offi cers loyal to the
elected government, commanded by General Riahi, the chief of staff.
They arrested Nasiri and put him behind bars. In the morning Tehran
Radio announced that a coup attempt had been foiled. 41 Mossadeq himself
came on air and named the Shah and unspecifi ed foreigners as the
instigators. Within minutes of the broadcast, taking only Soraya, the pilot
and one other companion with him, the Shah fl ew out of the country in a
light aircraft, to Baghdad. From there he fl ew on to Rome. Because they
had left so rapidly, the couple had to go shopping, buying a new grey suit
for the Shah and a white polka- dot dress for Soraya. Because he was anxious
not to displease Mossadeq, the Iranian ambassador in Rome made
himself diplomatically absent – he went swimming in Ostia. He also
refused Queen Soraya the key to a car she had left in Rome two years
previously – but another embassy offi cial found it for her. The couple
were worried about money. Soraya later wrote that the Shah told her: ‘We
shall have to economise, Soraya, for I am sorry to say that I haven’t much
money. Enough perhaps to buy us a farm somewhere or other.’ 42
Back in Tehran, crowds went onto the streets to demonstrate for Mossadeq,
and Kermit Roosevelt sent a telegram to Washington to break the
bad news that his coup attempt had failed.
Quite what happened next is not easy to tease out, nor who was in control
or determined events. 43 No one in those days can have felt in control – all
of them were groping in the dark, trying to fi nd a way through to what they
wanted, rather desperately, without much confi dence.
The demonstrations against the coup attempt grew and turned more
militant. Crowds toppled statues of the Shah and his father, and it became
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Revolutionary Iran
clear that Tudeh were using the situation to press for abolition of the
monarchy. On Monday 17 August Mossadeq ordered that the Shah’s
name be removed from prayers in military barracks, 44 a highly symbolic
act in an Islamic country (the inclusion of a ruler’s name in Friday prayers
was traditionally as important as a mark of sovereignty as its appearance
on the coinage). But Mossadeq soon realized that there was a danger of
the situation escaping his grip, and this was reinforced by a meeting he
had with the US ambassador on 17 August, in which the ambassador
noted that the infl uence of the communists seemed to be growing and
urged that order be restored.
There was time over these days for others also to become concerned at
the situation and to reconsider their own position. Plenty of moderate
Mossadeq supporters would have been taken aback that the monarchy
as an institution was now under threat. If the monarchy were to go,
would there be enough security left in the system to prevent Tudeh taking
over? The clergy in particular were alarmed at that prospect – alarmed at
the possibility of an atheistic communist regime and (among other concerns)
the loss of their endowed property ( waqf ) that would presumably
follow.
Many if not most of the offi cers that Roosevelt had been dealing with
had been arrested at Mossadeq’s orders, Zahedi himself was in hiding,
and the CIA ’s ability to infl uence events must have been damaged, to say
the least. The Imperial Guard had been disarmed (in the pre- coup planning
the CIA assessment had been that most police and army units in the
capital were loyal to Mossadeq in any case). Once again, Tudeh networks
within the armed forces helped Mossadeq to do this effectively. There is
evidence that most of the US actors in Tehran had given up the game; in
Washington, Eisenhower’s advisers were telling him that the CIA had
failed, and it would now be necessary to ‘snuggle up’ to Mossadeq if the
US were to retrieve anything from the situation. 45
But the situation, and some loyalties, were shifting. On the afternoon
of Monday 17 August, deciding that enough was enough, Mossadeq
told Tudeh to back down and authorized the police and army to use
force to break up the Tudeh- led demonstrations if necessary. This they
did the next day – leaving the fi eld open for anti- Mossadeq and pro-
Shah demonstrations, which followed on 19 August. After their experience
on the Tuesday, Tudeh kept their people at home, and a confrontation
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developed outside Mossadeq’s residence, in which a number of brawny
members of bazaar zur- khaneh seem to have participated. This turned to
violence as some troops arrived, including six Sherman tanks. There was an
exchange of fi re between these tanks and the soldiers guarding the house.
The shooting continued for two hours, with many casualties, and three tanks
that had been in position to defend the house were destroyed. 46 Meanwhile,
pro- Shah demonstrators took over the radio station and began broadcasting
from there. Eventually, with General Riahi telling him the situation was
hopeless, Mossadeq gave up, an nounced at about 5 p.m. that the building
would no longer be defended and left by a ladder over a back wall. 47 He was
arrested the following day. Zahedi came out of hiding to take control as the
new prime minister, and the Shah fl ew back to Tehran on 22 August. At the
airport a military honour guard turned out to welcome him, but was kept at
a distance in case one of the soldiers made an assassination attempt. 48
So three days after Roosevelt had announced the failure of his coup
attempt to Washington, Mossadeq had fallen from offi ce. Statements
made at the time, both by the US ambassador in Tehran and by the
administration in the US when the news reached them, show that they
were dumbfounded by this reversal of fortune. 49
What had happened? Roosevelt and the CIA did their best to take the
credit later, claiming the coup as one of their greatest successes against the
Soviets in the Cold War. Among other things, they claimed that they
passed $ 10 , 000 to Ayatollah Kashani, to pay mobs to turn out on the
streets on 19 August. But Kashani and other senior clergy did not need
money to persuade them to act against Mossadeq, and their infl uence and
connections were quite enough to bring crowds on to the streets without
American cash. In fact, Kashani himself had created the conditions for the
coup by turning against Mossadeq earlier in the year.
The CIA operation had set a number of personalities and groups in
motion. Some, but not all of these had been neutralized on Monday
17 August, after the initial attempt failed. Some were presumably still
running. But more important was the jolt given to moderate opinion by
the disappearance of the Shah, the breakdown in law and order and
the triumphalism of Tudeh on 17 – 18 August. Against the background of
the withdrawal of clerical support for Mossadeq and suspicions about
his high- handed treatment of the constitution, these factors were enough
to convince enough Iranians in Tehran on Wednesday 19 th (Tudeh having
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Revolutionary Iran
removed themselves from the scene) that the Shah was a better guarantor
of their security and that Mossadeq had to go. The clergy (as at other
times in the twentieth century) were more effective at mobilizing action
on the streets than the CIA could ever have been. Their move to oppose
Mossadeq was the decisive factor in his downfall – but it may not be
entirely correct to regard it as a betrayal. Kashani’s decision was openly
made and was made in response to Mossadeq’s own actions – it was a
development that Mossadeq should have foreseen. He could have made
a greater effort to keep Kashani and his supporters on his side; or to
outmanoeuvre them.
It should go without saying that none of this should be taken as an
exculpation of US or British policy. Both governments deliberately connived
at the removal of a democratically elected prime minister, and the
long- term damage to the interests of Britain and the US in Iran was enormous.
The events of the summer of 1953 are still much debated. For some
Iranians, it reinforced their view of Iran as a victim, and the belief that
most events, whatever their outward appearance, were in fact manipulated
by foreigners. When the Shah returned it was not so much as the
victor as the inglorious benefi ciary of a victory that others had won for
him, in dubious circumstances. Many Iranians quickly perceived the hand
of the US in his reinstatement and in Mossadeq’s removal, and for them
the coup discredited both the Shah and the US as a friend to Iran. Whatever
the realities of 1953 , this perception was important in the attitudes
that led to the revolution of 1979 . The CIA themselves, their critics on the
left of US politics and many Iranians, whether nationalist, leftist or anti-
Western clerics, have all tended to stress the CIA role, for their own
reasons. Other factors in the drama, such as Mossadeq’s own mistakes
and the role of the clergy, have tended to be forgotten. 50
For Tudeh, 1953 was the zenith of their political fortunes, and a
major lost opportunity. They never reached the same position of power
and infl uence again. They had been well organized and well connected
(especially within the armed forces), providing Mossadeq himself with
timely and accurate information at a number of points. But their demonstrations
against the monarchy proved ill- judged, and they had
arguably been too timid in standing down their street activists after
18 August. 51 They had suffered from a number of contingent problems,
aside from the usual handicaps of their stultifying ideology 52 and
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factional strife. Stalin’s death in March had crippled Soviet policy- making
and turned Moscow in on its own concerns, leaving the Iranian party
without the guidance to which it had become accustomed. In addition,
many of the leading personalities of Tudeh had been in the Soviet Union at
the time for one reason or another. Once again, the left in Iran was the
bridesmaid, not the bride. But perhaps their greatest error was their failure
to grab the bouquet. How realistic was it to think that they could use Mossadeq
to smooth their path to power? Why did they never bring forward
a leader of their own to capture the public imagination in a comparable
way? Were they really too weak to make their own coup attempt on 18 or
19 August? Or just not prepared or fl exible or bold enough? The historian
and authority on the Tudeh Party Ervand Abrahamian has pointed to
Tudeh’s failure to mobilize support among the rural population (still the
majority of the population at that time) as the party’s crucial error:
As the Tudeh leaders admitted in analyzing the defeat of August 1953 , the
royalist offi cers could not have carried out their coup d’état if their peasant
rank and fi le had mutinied or the rural masses had risen up in revolt. 53
But was that really so? The French and Russian revolutions were largely
made in cities. The Bolsheviks in Russia had been predominantly an
urban party, like Tudeh, and the Russian peasantry’s support for them in
the period 1917 – 21 had been less than wholehearted. When the Iran ian
revolution came in 1978 – 9 , it was not led or dominated by a rural uprising
or revolt as such. Tudeh’s real failure was a failure of leadership – a
failure to plan realistically for the long term, and a failure to take their
fate and the fate of the country into their own hands, rather than trying
to work through proxies.
However, as the reaction against them after 16 August showed, it is
probably correct that Tudeh were opposed by forces too powerful, with
too much to lose, for them ever to have succeeded in 1953 . In the aftermath,
Tudeh suffered from political repression more severely than any
other group. Many of the leadership as well as the rank and fi le were
taken and imprisoned (some, notably the charismatic Khosrow Roozbeh,
were executed) and by the end of the decade Tudeh had almost ceased to
function as a movement. 54
In London, Churchill was jubilant at Mossadeq’s fall – it was a bright
point in his failing premiership (he had just suffered a stroke). Churchill
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Revolutionary Iran
had been involved in the story of Iranian oil since the beginning, when he
had directed British naval policy before the First World War. When Kermit
Roosevelt met him in London later in August 1953 Churchill said the
AIOC had ‘fouled things up’ but congratulated Roosevelt:
The Prime Minister seemed to be in bad shape physically. He had great diffi
culty in hearing; occasional diffi culty in articulating; and apparently
diffi culty in seeing to his left.
In spite of this he could not have been more kind personally nor more
enthusiastic about the operation. He was good enough to express envy of
Roosevelt’s role and a wish that he had been ‘some years’ younger and might
have served under his command. 55
British celebration over Mossadeq’s fall did not last long. Diplomatic relations
with Britain, broken off by Mossadeq at the end of 1952 , were restored
in 1954 , but from 1953 onwards the US became by far the most infl uential
foreign power in Iran. The US government mediated a new agreement with
the Shah whereby the profi ts from Iranian oil were shared 50 / 50 between the
Iranian government and an international consortium of oil companies.
Within this consortium US oil companies took a 40 per cent share; the AIOC
(soon to be renamed BP ) also got 40 per cent – 20 per cent of the total. If the
British had compromised with Mossadeq early enough they could have got
a much better deal than that. Following in his father’s traditions, the Shah
spent much of the increased revenue from oil on military equipment.
Autocracy
With US backing and with opposition to him crushed, the Shah was
fi rmly in control, and as time went on he gained confi dence. The period
of democratic politics that began under Allied occupation during the
Second World War ended with Mossadeq. Pro- Mossadeq newspapers
were closed, and over 2 , 000 people were arrested by the end of the year,
mainly Tudeh and National Front activists and sympathizers. Government
ministries and the army were purged, and the Majles elections
of 1954 were rigged, setting the pattern for subsequent elections up to
the revolution of 1979 . 56 Two bogus parties, the National Party and
the People’s Party (Melliyun and Mardom) were set up in the Majles,
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competing only in their enthusiasm for the Shah’s policies (they were
satirized as the ‘Yes’ party and the ‘Yes sir’ party). 57 Melliyun was
replaced by Iran Novin (‘New Iran’) in 1963 . From 1953 onwards the
post of prime minister was in the Shah’s pocket – Mossadeq’s successors
were appointed and removed as the Shah pleased. All this was done with
US government and CIA support.
Even if the vexed question of responsibility for the coup is set aside,
the CIA ’s role in suppressing democracy in Iran after the coup, working
with Zahedi, is undisputed. Most notable was its part in forming the
Shah’s secret police, which later became notorious as SAVAK ( Sazemane
Ettela‘at va Amniyat- e Keshvar – National Intelligence and Security
Organization) . The manipulation of constitutional and democratic institutions,
combined with SAVAK ’s sustained and effective attacks on
underground opposition, succeeded in crippling politics in Iran for the
next quarter of a century; permitting the continued autocratic rule of
the Shah, but also facilitating the eventual re- emergence of the only
opposition group with any kind of independence or immunity from persecution
– the clergy.
For the second time, this time under Kashani’s leadership, a section of
the clergy had attempted an alliance with the idea of constitutional, representative
government – with a form of liberal democracy. But eventually,
as some had done in 1908 , they had pulled back and sided with the monarchy
instead. For the next few years, under the leadership of Borujerdi,
Behbehani and Kashani, the clergy supported the monarchy. The Shah’s
government massaged their goodwill; most notoriously, in 1955 , by turning
a blind eye 58 to attacks on the Bahais, who were hated as apostates
and heretics by the ulema . Ultimately though, the Shah’s political instincts
were no more favourable to the clergy than his father’s had been. His
vision of a modern, Westernized, technocratic Iran had little place for the
ulema . This vision emerged gradually through the following years.
Gharbzadegi
As a writer and political thinker, Jalal Al- e Ahmad’s life was strongly
affected by Mossadeq’s fall. He and his thinking can be seen as a connecting
link between the era of Sadegh Hedayat and the era of Ali
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Revolutionary Iran
Shariati. Al- e Ahmad was born into a religious family in 1923 , but under
the intellectual infl uence of the time and of writers like Kasravi and others
turned away from religion toward Marxism. In the 1940 s he was close to
the leftist thinker and politician Khalil Maleki, but like Maleki he disliked
the subservience of Tudeh to Soviet interests. Having been a strong supporter
of Mossadeq, he renounced politics after his fall, but remained
strongly political in much of his work while withholding support from
any particular party or group. Like many of his generation, he favoured a
lean, colloquial way of writing over the more ornate style of earlier decades
and centuries. His most famous work was fi rst published in
1962 – Gharbzadegi , which can be translated as ‘Sick from the West’,
‘Sick of the West’, ‘Westoxication’ or ‘ West- strickenness’. Neither the idea
nor the term was wholly new, but Al- e Ahmad developed it further than
before. In the opening lines of the book he compared gharbzadegi to a
disease that destroyed an ear of grain from the inside, eating it away but
leaving the husk so that from the outside it appeared quite healthy. Gharbzadegi
was an infl uential concept and after the revolution became one of
the standard terms of revolutionary politics. Al- e Ahmad’s intention with
it was not to attack the West or Western ideas as such, at least not directly
(his grasp of the culture and politics of the West was in fact probably
rather inferior to Hedayat’s), but rather the uncritical way in which Western
ideas had been accepted and advocated and taught in schools (often
without being properly understood); producing people and a culture that
were neither genuinely Iranian nor properly Western. Following a story
by Molana Rumi, he compared it to a crow who saw one day the elegant
way that a partridge walked. The crow tried to imitate the partridge and
failed, but kept trying, with the result that he forgot how to walk like a
crow, but never succeeded in walking like a partridge. 59
More strongly than anything, Al- e Ahmad wanted Iranian culture and
Iranian life to be genuine , not bogus or emptily imitative or im ported. In
this, like Hedayat, he showed the preoccupations of the 1940 s and 50 s,
and the infl uence of existentialists like Sartre and Camus. But as time
went on, he gave up the anticlericalism of Kasravi and Hedayat and
turned back to Iranian Shi‘ism as the central, authentic identity of Iran,
while remaining critical of the old- fashioned, superstitious form of
Shi‘ism they had rejected. In later years, he drew attention to the way that
oil wealth was spent on imported absurdities that earlier generations
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61
of Iranians could never have imagined they could want, and to the false
historical heritage presented by Mohammad Reza Shah as the backdrop
to the Pahlavi monarchy. He supported Khomeini’s attacks on the Shah
in the early 1960 s. For many he was a charismatic hero; the archetype of
the politically committed intellectual. After his death in 1969 his widow,
Simin Daneshvar, went on to make a literary reputation in her own right,
and her descriptions of their troubled married life diminished his reputation
only slightly. 60
As elsewhere, in many parts of the world, the second half of the 1950 s
was a period of growth in Iran. Between 1954 and 1969 , albeit with some
blips, the economy grew (adjusted for infl ation) by an average of around
7 per cent per year, but fl uctuated between 3 and 14 per cent. 61 The Shah’s
government did not invest only in the armed forces – the new stream of
oil money went also into roads, railways, education and medical services.
Improvements in living conditions and medical care led to rapid population
growth – from 19 . 3 million in 1950 to 27 . 3 million in 1968 . 62 Tehran
and other cities began to grow as new industries drew in surplus population
from rural areas.
But at the beginning of the 1960 s a series of new developments came
together to create a new atmosphere of uncertainty and crisis, anticipating
in several ways the crisis of 1978 – 9 . After a sustained boom came a recession,
63 encouraged by government policies of retrenchment after a period of
overspending and over- borrowing. The cost of living had risen, and with it
the number of strikes. The Shah’s proposals for land reform, prompted by
the Kennedy administration in the US , encountered opposition, including
from Ayatollah Borujerdi (previously the Shah’s close ally). Land reform
was tricky for the clergy, who collectively owned a signifi cant proportion of
the country’s best agricultural land. The proposed reforms drove a wedge
between them and ordinary peasants, with whom it was understandably
popular. The clergy also disliked proposed changes to the law for the election
of local councils – including provisions for councillors to take an oath
on religious books other than the Koran, and allowing women to vote for
the fi rst time. 64 Taken together, these measures broke the rapprochement
between the monarchy and the clergy that had held since 1953 and reminded
the ulema of their worst moments in Reza Shah’s time. The new US administration
was also encouraging political liberalization – in response the
Shah lifted the ban on the National Front, which led to further strikes
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62
Revolutionary Iran
and demonstrations. Then two deaths among the top ulema left a sudden
vacuum of religious authority. Borujerdi died at the end of March 1961 ,
and Kashani just under a year later.
Among the ulema , Seyyed Ruhollah Khomeini had a degree of prominence
as a thinker and pious scholar before this time, but he had avoided
speaking out on controversial subjects and was not well known among the
population generally. He was sixty years old in 1962 . The deaths of Borujerdi
and Kashani allowed him to emerge as a religious leader and also,
within a short time, as a major fi gure in national politics. It has been suggested
that other clerics made Khomeini a marja to protect his life when
he was arrested at a later stage, but it seems in fact that his elevation to this
status occurred in the normal way after Borujerdi’s death. Clerics talked
among themselves in Qom over a period of days or weeks and visited each
other’s houses. Khomeini’s followers acclaimed him, and his new status was
gradually accepted by his most senior peers. 65
The government’s initial proposals for land reform stalled, so in 1962 the
Shah brought forward a new Land Reform Act, which he then (in January
1963 ) presented for a national referendum as part of a six- point plan he
called the ‘White Revolution’. The other fi ve points were privatization of
state factories, nationalization of forests, female suffrage, profi t- sharing
for workers and a literacy corps of young educated people who were to go
into rural areas to teach reading and writing at primary level (many rural
areas were still without schools). The referendum, according to the results
announced by the government, gave the plan massive support; but the
National Front had boycotted it, on the grounds that the proposals should
have been drawn up by a constitutionally elected government. After a
series of critical telegrams to the government, and coordinating his actions
with other senior clerics, Khomeini had begun to speak out against the
Shah’s regime. 66 A loose association called the Coalition of Islamic Societies,
formed largely of bazaaris with clerical leadership, came together to
support Khomeini. In March troops and SAVAK agents attacked the
madreseh in Qom where he was preaching, killed some of the students and
arrested Khomeini himself. He was released a few days later but continued
his attacks on the government, denouncing corruption, the rigging of elections
and other constitutional abuses, neglect of the poor and the sale of
oil to Israel. He avoided the subject of land reform (and, for the most part,
female suffrage), instead targeting issues with mass appeal on which the
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63
government was vulnerable. According to one story that circulated at the
time (which shows the sort of things that were being said, even if the
exchange never actually happened), the Shah sent Khomeini a message
threatening to put on his father’s boots and come to Qom to sort Khomeini
out. In response Khomeini is supposed to have replied, ‘Your father’s
boots are too big for your feet.’ 67
In that year Ashura came at the beginning of June, and that was when
the tension reached its climax. Khomeini gave his strongest speech yet on
3 June, the day of Ashura itself. Khomeini addressed the Shah directly and
referred to the events of 1941 :
I don’t want you to become like your father. When America, the Soviet Union
and England attacked us people were happy that Pahlavi [i.e. Reza Shah]
went . . . Isn’t it time for you to think and refl ect a little, to ponder about
where this is leading you, to learn a lesson from the experience of your
father? 68
There were demonstrations in Tehran and several other major cities in
the days that followed, which drew added force from the intense atmosphere
of Moharram. The government, directed by Asadollah Alam (prime
minister from July 1962 to March 1964 ), acted decisively, imposed martial
law and put troops on the streets, and hundreds of demonstrators
were killed before the protests ended, after three days. The Shah later
thanked Alam for his fi rm handling of the crisis. 69 The deaths, especially
because they took place at Ashura, invited comparison with the martyrs
of Karbala on the one hand, and the tyrant Yazid on the other.
Khomeini was released in August but despite SAVAK announcements
that he had agreed to keep quiet, he continued to speak out, and was rearrested.
Finally, he was deported and exiled in 1964 after a harsh speech
attacking a new law that gave the equivalent of diplomatic immunity to
US military personnel in Iran:
They have reduced the Iranian people to a level lower than that of an
American dog. If someone runs over a dog belonging to an American, he
will be prosecuted. Even if the Shah himself were to run over a dog belonging
to an American, he would be prosecuted. But if an American cook runs
over the Shah, the head of state, no one will have the right to interfere with
him. 70
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64
Revolutionary Iran
Shortly after this new law was passed in the Majles a new US loan of
$ 200 million for military equipment was agreed – a conjunction all too
reminiscent of the capitulations conceded in the time of the Qajars and
abolished by Reza Shah.
Khomeini went into exile fi rst to Turkey, then to Iraq and fi nally (after
the Shah put pressure on the Iraqi government to remove him from the
Shi‘a shrine city of Najaf) to Paris in 1978 . In Iran, the Shah had a range
of his opponents arrested, including the leadership of the National Front.
Protest faded, aside from occasional manifestations at Tehran University
and from members of the ulema . But underlying resentment remained,
and despite his exile Khomeini continued to be regarded by religious Iranians
as the leading cleric of the time.
For the Shah, the lesson from 1963 seemed to be that autocracy worked:
he could govern with a fi rm hand and overcome short- term dissent with
repression (one might add that the Shah’s autocracy worked when there
was a fi rm, loyal minister to apply the policy for him – Asadollah Alam in
this case). In the longer term, his policies for development – his White
Revolution – would bring material benefi ts to ordinary people, overcome
any temporary unpopularity and secure his rule. The term White Revolution
was revealing in itself and showed the Shah’s preoccupations. It wasn’t
a Red, or communist, revolution, but a White, monarchist revolution
(refl ecting the terminology of the civil war that followed the Russian revolution
of 1917 , and of the French revolution before that): a progressive
social and economic transformation of the country, but launched by the
Shah rather than a political movement from the left. The juxtaposition
showed also the Cold War parameters of the Shah’s thinking. To him, the
prime danger was Red revolution. Marxism declared that material inequalities
between classes would eventually produce revolution, so the way
to avoid revolution was to undercut it, by stimulating economic development
and providing material improvements for society as a whole, reducing
class tensions (but also by resisting Soviet infl uence and infi ltration, and
crushing leftist political activity). After the defeat of clerical opposition
in 1963 the clergy appeared irrelevant to this programme of ideas. The
Shi‘a clergy belonged to the past: a new, economically developed Iran
would naturally turn in a secular direction, as had the Western societies
Iran was emulating (and neighbouring countries like Turkey and Egypt
also). This programme was congruent with the expectations of the US and
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65
other Western governments too: Iran and other Middle Eastern countries
had been somewhat backward, but they would embrace material development,
reject elements of their traditional culture that had been holding
them back (notably, Islam) and, if they could avoid the seductions of Soviet
communism, become normal countries just like those of Europe and North
America.
And for fi fteen years this model appeared to work. There was little sign
of overt political dissent, but there was a queasy, widespread awareness
of discontent that manifested itself in a variety of ways. One was the
growing popularity among young people and students of the writings of
Ali Shariati.
Shariati was born in 1933 , in the small village of Kahak, near Mashhad
in Khorasan. 71 His father had studied as a religious scholar but
became a teacher, and Ali grew up largely with his mother while his father
was away. Intelligent, but often absent- minded and lazy, with a tendency
to melancholy in private despite his good humour in company, he developed
a witty and independent way of thinking that often got him into
trouble with his teachers. His thinking was infl uenced by his father, who
was an advocate of progressive political Islam in his own right, by Sufi sm,
by Kasravi (absorbing his criticism of contemporary Shi‘a Islam without
accepting his rejection of it) but also by Western thinkers like Maeterlinck,
Schopenhauer and Kafka. He had a particular attachment to
various forms of mysticism – especially to the poetry of the great Molana
(Rumi) – but the events of 1953 also made a strong impression on him.
He had been and remained a fervent supporter of Mossadeq; but, in addition
to strengthening his criticism of the traditionalist clergy, Mossadeq’s
fall persuaded Shariati that democratic institutions were too weak for the
stresses involved in lifting a country like Iran out of tyranny. 72
As a student Shariati went to Mashhad University, and then to Paris,
where he attended lectures by Marxist professors (but also the Islamic
scholar Massignon), read Guevara and Sartre, communicated with the
theorist and revolutionary activist Frantz Fanon and took a doctorate
from the Sorbonne (in 1964 ). His political activities also attracted the
attention of SAVAK . Returning to Iran in 1965 , from 1967 he lectured to
students in the university of Mashhad, attracting large numbers, and
wrote a series of essays, books and speeches. His criticism of the traditional
forms of Shi‘a Islam in Iran, combined with his burgeoning
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66
Revolutionary Iran
popularity, soon led to increasing criticism from some members of the
clergy, especially after the publication of a book based on his lectures
( Eslamshenasi – The Study of Islam ) in 1969 . Some clergy tried to get
Khomeini to condemn Shariati’s views from his exile in Iraq, but Khomeini
declined to do so, saying that they were not un-Islamic. 73 Khomeini
gave no direct approval of Shariati’s opinions either, but recognized his
popularity and the harmony of their aims. In time Khomeini’s own antiimperialist
rhetoric came to refl ect the ideas popularized in Iran by
Shariati, and Al- e Ahmad.
In the same year that Eslamshenasi was published Shariati met Jalal Ale
Ahmad in Mashhad several times, and on one occasion (on which Al- e
Ahmad argued for the importance of cooperation between the clergy and
the non- clerical intellectuals) future supreme leader Ali Khamenei was also
present, as a young religious student. 74 When his teaching post was withdrawn
in 1971 , Shariati went to Tehran and lectured at the recently
established Hoseiniyeh Ershad instead (he had given occasional lectures
there since October 1968 ). 75 The Hoseiniyeh Ershad had been set up as a
charitable institution for the exchange of ideas and for the application of
Islamic principles to contemporary issues. Mehdi Bazargan and Morteza
Motahhari were among the fi gures, later to become prominent in politics,
who were instrumental in founding it.
Shariati’s general message at the Hoseiniyeh Ershad and in Mashhad was
that Shi‘ism had its own ideology of social justice and resistance to oppression.
This had been masked by a false Shi‘ism of superstition and deference
to monarchy, which he called Black Shi‘ism or Safavid Shi‘ism, but the essential
truths of the religion were timeless, centring on the revolt and martyrdom
of Hosein and his companions. Shariati was not a Marxist, but could be said
to have recast Shi‘a Islam in a revolutionary mould, comparable to the
Marxist model, urging not quietism and immersion in the details of religious
observance, but earnest involvement in the vital political and moral questions
of the day – ‘Every month of the year is Moharram, every day of the
year is Ashura and every piece of land is Karbala.’ 76 It was a powerful and
infl uential message, but (as with other revolutionary ideologues) his critique
of the present showed more intellectual depth than his prescriptions for the
future. He was incensed when some clergy so far missed the point of his
message that they criticized his lectures at the Ershad for the presence of girls
in mini- skirts. Even though he seldom attacked the Shah’s rule directly, the
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1. Iran
N
0 200 miles
0 300 km
Tehran
Khoy
Tabriz Ardebil
Ashkhabad
Baghdad
Kerman
Rezaieh Mianeh
Saghez
Rasht
Amol
Kermanshah
Hamadan Qom
Khorramabad
Dezful
Masjed-e Soleiman
Gurgan
Bujnurd
Quchan
Nishapur
Mashhad
Yazd
Tabas
Herat
(Desert One) Birjand
Zabol
Zahedan
Bam
Lingeh
Bandar Abbas
Jask
Chahbahar
Lar
Shiraz
Bushire
Bandar Khomeini
Ahwaz
Abadan
Khorramshahr
Basra
Isfahan
AFGHANISTAN
PAKISTAN
SAUDI ARABIA
IRAQ
TURKMENISTAN
AZERBAIJAN
KUWAIT
UZBEKISTAN
I R A N
ARMENIA
Pe r s i a n G u l f
C a s p i a n
S e a
Euphrates
Tigris
Z a g r o s M o u n t a i n s
A l b o r z Mt s .
T U R K EY
Dasht-e Kavir
NORTH
KHORASAN
SOUTH
KHORASAN
EAST
AZERBAIJAN
SISTAN
AND
BALUCHESTAN
KERMAN
FARS
ISFAHAN
QOM
MARKAZI
ILAM
KERMANSHAH/
BAKHTARAN
KURDESTAN
ZANJAN
QAZVIN
GILAN
YAZD
SEMNAN
GOLISTAN
MAZANDERAN
KUH
GILUYA
KHUZESTAN
LORESTAN
KHORASAN
RAZAVI
HORMUZGAN
BUSHEHR
BAKHTIARI
HAMADAN
TEHRAN
WEST AZERBAIJAN
ARDEBIL
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68
Revolutionary Iran
subversive message of his thinking was plain enough to the regime,
which closed the Hoseiniyeh Ershad in 1972 . Shariati was imprisoned in
1972 , released in 1975 and kept under house arrest thereafter. He continued
his writing and his support for his version of radical Islam. He
managed to escape to England in 1977 , but was stricken by his failure
to take all his family with him. He died in Southampton, apparently of
a heart attack, in June the same year 77 (many Iranians believe he was
murdered by SAVAK , but it is hard to see, from the circumstances, how
this could have been carried out). In an echo of the bast of 1905 and
1906 , there was a demonstration later in the year at the shrine of Shah
Abd ol- Azim to the south of Tehran to commemorate Shariati’s death 78 –
prefi guring the larger and more momentous demonstrations of the
following year. Iranians in exile marked his passing with other events
and demonstrations.
Khomeini would never endorse Shariati’s thinking directly, but was
careful not to condemn it either. Shariati’s radical Islamism, both fully
Iranian and fully modern, was a strong infl uence on the generation of
students that grew to adulthood in the 1970 s; 79 slogans drawn from his
writings were everywhere on the streets in 1979 , and his face still appears
on fresh graffi ti in Tehran thirty years later.
One young high- school student, Massoumeh Ebtekar, attended Shariati’s
lectures at the Hoseiniyeh Ershad:
It was impossible for me, as a young person, to understand everything he
said, but I could feel that a change in direction was coming. Islam, he taught,
could be a viable alternative to the ideologies of fatality and despair that
emanated from the West.
I was certainly not alone. Many young people found in Dr Shariati’s message
a new meaning and direction in life. I met him shortly before he left for
London, where he was to die under suspicious circumstances. We spoke
about my views, and he encouraged me to do further reading. That meeting
was one of the decisive moments in my life. 80
Massoumeh Ebtekar was later one of the students who occupied the
US embassy in November 1979 and, later still, became vice- president
under President Khatami.
Shariati’s story illustrates some important points about Iran in the
1960 s and 70 s – particularly about the limits of the Shah’s control, and
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2. Iran and its Neighbours
N
0 500 miles
0 600 km
Istanbul
Ankara
Izmir
Athens
Mersin
Aleppo Tabqa
Damascus
Erzerum
Tabriz
Mosul Tehran
Mashhad
Baghdad Isfahan
Shiraz
Bushehr
Sharja
Dubai
Abu Dhabi
Jubail
Kuwait
Abadan
Basra
Beirut
Haifa
Amman
Jerusalem
Suez Eilat
Aqaba
Alexandria
Cairo
Asiut
Aswan
Wadi Haifa
Atbara
Khartoum
Sennar
Rosaris
Sanaa
Aden
Mukalla
Salala
Socotra Island
Muscat
Karachi
Herat
Kabul
Islamabad
Lahore
Medina Riyadh
Jedda Mecca
Yanbu
GREECE
GEORGIA
ARMENIA
JORDAN
KUWAIT
BAHRAIN QATAR
DJIBOUTI
ISRAEL
LEBANON SYRIA
AZERBAIJAN
TAJIKISTAN
T U R K E Y
E G Y P T
S A U D I A R A B I A
O M A N
S O M A L I A
UA E
REPUBLIC
OF YEMEN
S U D A N
E T H I O P I A
ERITREA
LIBYA
I R A N
AFGHANISTAN
PAKISTAN
CHINA
I N D I A
TURKMENISTAN
I R AQ
UZBEKISTAN
Lake Van
Lake Nasser
Black Sea
Caspian
Sea
M e d i t e r ra n e a n S e a
A ra b i a n S e a
INDIAN OCEAN
Tigris
Euphrates
Nile
White Nile
Blue Nile
SENNAR DAM
ASWAN DAM
EUPHRATES DAM
R e d S e a
Gul f of Aden
Persian Gulf
Gulf of Oman
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70
Revolutionary Iran
changes in the intellectual climate. One lesson of 1953 was the failure of
secular leftism; many intellectuals (like Jalal Al- e Ahmad) and many
young people especially, turned toward political Islam instead in this
period. The broad umbrella of Islam gave at least a degree of immunity
from repression; not least because the Shi‘a centres of Najaf (where Khomeini
spent most of his exile) and Karbala in Iraq were beyond the Shah’s
control. Large numbers of Iranians were studying abroad during this
period (many of them, like Shariati, on state scholarships). The Shah
could control education within Iran to some extent, but he could have
little control over the political infl uences young Iranians absorbed while
studying in foreign countries.
This was a period of political radicalism in universities in Europe and the
US , where the Shah’s regime and its poor human rights record were special
targets for criticism. Young Iranians studying in the West were exhilarated
by the fashionable enthusiasm for Marxism and Maoism, for revolution
and against the Vietnam War. A further illustration of the interlinked nature
of international and national politics at this time is the shooting of Benno
Ohnesorg in Berlin in June 1967 . Ohnesorg, although unarmed, was shot
by a policeman and killed on the fringe of a demonstration against the
Shah’s presence in the city (the Shah was going with Queen Farah to see a
performance of Mozart’s Magic Flute at the Deutsche Oper). The temperature
of the confrontation between protestors and police had risen after
some provocative actions by the Shah’s own SAVAK security men. The
shooting was an important event in the radicalization of the left in Germany,
leading to the greater unrest of the following year and the formation
of the Baader- Meinhof terrorist group. Ironically, although some on the
German left justifi ed turning to political violence on the basis that the
shooting showed the latent fascism of the state, the killer turned out much
later to have been an agent of the East German Stasi (though his motives for
the killing seem to have had more to do with the fact that he was a thug). 81
Through the later 1960 s the Shah was able to keep a grip on politics
within Iran, gaining confi dence as time went on. But he still distrusted his
ministers and other subordinates, and avoided allowing any to get too
powerful by permitting and indeed encouraging a degree of rivalry. This
helped to produce a poisonous atmosphere at court and in the upper
reaches of government, 82 as is illustrated by the case of Ahmad Nafi si,
who was mayor of Tehran in the early 1960 s. Having been something
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71
of a favourite with the Shah, Nafi si was suddenly arrested and imprisoned
in December 1963 on vague charges of fi scal abuse, accompanied by even
vaguer allegations from SAVAK of consorting with the clerical opposition.
Months in prison dragged into years with little sign of proper legal
proceedings. Nafi si rebutted the accusations against him at every opportunity
(though he never was properly charged), and it emerged that the
real problem was probably the jealousy of the prime minister of the time,
Hasan Ali Mansur. 83 After Mansur was assassinated in January 1965 pressure
on the government to release Nafi si increased, but in a twist
reminiscent of Kafka he was told that for this to happen he would have
to write a letter to the Shah expressing contrition for his alleged crimes –
thereby exonerating the Shah for his unjust imprisonment. Nafi si wrote a
letter, but it obstinately denied any wrongdoing. He was eventually
released in August 1966 , after his friends had paid a huge sum in bail. 84
After Mansur died, he was replaced as prime minister by Amir Abbas
Hoveida, who continued in that offi ce for twelve years, until 1977 . Hoveida
was born in 1919 to an aristocratic family in Tehran. His mother was
descended from a sister of Naser od- Din Shah. His father, who had been a
Bahai but who moved away from that religion, was a diplomat, and so
Amir Abbas had a rather disjointed childhood as his father moved his family
from posting to posting (the Bahai connection was used against him by
some at the time of the revolution). His education was predominantly in
French; although he did also spend some time studying in England, like
many of his contemporaries he always preferred French culture and French
literature. Back in Iran after 1942 , he served briefl y in the army and then
took up a diplomatic career, like his father. He was a cultured, intellectual
man, and a friend of Sadegh Hedayat, with a louche, bohemian side. Some
hated him, thinking him devious and unprincipled – Al- e Ahmad believed
his interest in writers and thinkers was merely a screen for self- advancement.
It seems he became more cynical over his years as prime minister. Others
admired his integrity. 85
For thirteen years after 1963 Iran’s economic development, guided
by the Shah’s government, seemed only to accelerate. Under the new
arrangements with the international syndicate, oil revenue grew to
$ 555 million in 1963 – 4 and to $ 1 . 2 billion in 1970 – 71 . But after that,
boosted by the Shah’s successful takeover of control of oil production
and by the quadrupling of oil prices achieved by the OPEC oil cartel
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Revolutionary Iran
from 1973 (in which the Shah played a signifi cant role), revenue ballooned
even more extravagantly, to $ 5 billion in 1973 – 4 and $ 20 billion in 1975 –
6 . 86 Large sums were spent on Western military equipment, as before, but
most of the revenue was put back into economic development; both
through direct state investment into infrastructure, industry and education,
and through state loans to private entrepreneurs. Initially, the government
focused on infrastructure and agricultural development; later, on industry,
education and health services. The railway from the Caspian to the Persian
Gulf was fi nally completed, and other railways were built, including from
Tehran to Tabriz and Mashhad. Large dams were built for the generation
of electricity. Thirteen thousand miles of new roads were constructed. Education
and health services expanded too – the number of children in
primary schools went from 1 . 6 million in 1963 to over 4 million in 1977 ;
new universities and colleges were set up, and enrolment expanded from
24 , 885 to 154 , 215 . The number of students at foreign universities grew
from under 18 , 000 to over 80 , 000 . The number of hospital beds went from
24 , 126 to 48 , 000 . Improved living conditions, sanitation and health services
all contributed to a big drop in the infant mortality rate and a spurt in
population growth that continued until the 1990 s; in the mid- 1970 s half
the population were under sixteen, and two- thirds under thirty. 87
Some have contrasted the economic growth achieved in the two decades
before the revolution with the growth in the 1930 s, judging that, whereas
under Reza Shah growth was a by- product of the policies he followed in
constructing a modern state, under his son government pursued economic
development as a primary goal. 88 No doubt there were errors and ineffi –
ciencies in the way the investment was carried out, but the results were
impressive. Growth rates between 1963 and 1976 averaged around 8 per
cent; the non- oil sector grew even more than the overall economy, averaging
8 . 6 per cent. 89 Industrial production expanded hugely between 1965 and
1975 , and thousands of new factories were set up. Coal production jumped
from 285 , 000 tons to over 900 , 000 tons; iron ore from 2 , 000 tons to just
under 900 , 000 . Over the same period pro duction of motor vehicles of all
kinds went from 7 , 000 to 109 , 000 . Other manufactured items showed
similar dramatic increases. The middling class of managers and professionals
expanded with the industrial economy – an educated class of
entrepreneurs, factory managers, retail and wholesale managers, teachers,
doctors, engineers and so on.
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73
This was the period in which Iran made the transition from an agricultural
economy to an industry- and services- based structure. But, as in other
countries that had made this transition, the other half of the process was
the transformation going on in the countryside, in the agricultural sector.
The question of whether the Shah’s land reform was a success depends to
some extent on what one believes it was intended to achieve.
The declared aims of the programme were to break the death- grip of
absentee landlords, to make agriculture more effi cient and to achieve a
fairer distribution of land among those who actually worked it. 90 The
reform drew credibility for its modernizing, anti- feudal character, and perhaps
from the fact that Mossadeq had championed it. In acting against the
traditional landowning class (previously some of the staunchest supporters
of the monarchy), the Shah appeared to be sacrifi cing his own political
interests for the sake of the country. But the results were mixed. About two
million peasant householders became landowners in their own right for
the fi rst time, and some were able to prosper in their new circumstances.
For many more, the holdings they were given were too small to be economically
viable – 65 per cent of peasant landowners in 1972 owned less
than 5 hectares 91 (though some were able to pool their resources in staterun
farms, which in the Soviet Union would have been called collectives) –
and large numbers of agricultural labourers were left out of the
redistribution altogether, because they had not had cultivation rights as
sharecroppers before the reform. It has been estimated that 1 . 1 million
families fell into this category of landless rural labourers and nomads. 92
The landlords who were expropriated (in return for compensation) were
only allowed to keep one village each, but some were able to evade the
provisions, for example by giving their property to relatives or by creating
mechanized farms, which were exempt. Because the reform was accompanied
by a general push for the mechanization of agriculture (the government
subsidized land reclamation, irrigation projects and the cost of tractors,
fertilizers and pesticides) there was less work for the poorer peasants and
labourers anyway. Some agricultural production became more effi cient.
But the low prices for staple foods imposed by the government, and the
infl ow of cheap imports, eroded incentives for farmers and tended to depress
agricultural production overall. Disruption to traditional landholding
arrangements and to traditional methods of land management also
reduced production. 93 Combined with the long- term countrywide trend
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Revolutionary Iran
of rapid population growth, the net result was rural unemployment and an
accelerating movement of people from the villages to the cities, especially
Tehran, in search of work. It has been suggested that the rate of internal
migration reached 8 per cent per year in 1972 – 3 ; and that by 1978 the
urban population was 46 per cent of the total. 94 By 1976 Tehran had grown
to become a city of 4 . 5 million people. In general, the Shah’s policies benefi
ted the cities more than the countryside. For example, the efforts of the
literacy corps in the villages were largely unavailing. Despite some successes
by some of the sepahis (corps members), most of them failed to establish a
cooperative relationship with the villagers. There was a gap of understanding
between the peasants, who were suspicious and felt patronized by the
whole initiative, and the young urban middle- class sepahis , too conscious
of their own superiority and often resentful at being forced to do the work.
(There were corps also for health and for development of agricultural techniques.)
Serious spending on education was mainly directed at those living
in towns and cities, and there was little real impact on rural illiteracy:
The sepahi doesn’t come here any longer. We had two before. The fi rst boy
was good. He built the school. I sent my son there for three years. And I
went to the adult class, too. The other sepahi was a bad example [for the
children] and we were happy to see him go. Now we have a teacher from
town. He comes every day. He always curses at the children and calls them
stupid [ khar – donkey]. And we have to pay for this teacher. But I can’t. I
know my son must learn if he is not to be a poor peasant like me. But where
do I get the money? My family must have bread. So my son doesn’t go to
school any longer. 95
In many countries an industrial revolution has been accompanied by
an agricultural revolution. In England, particularly in the slump after
the Napoleonic wars, the enclosure acts drove peasants off the land and
into the cities, where they worked for long hours for low wages in
new industries because the alternative was even more miserable rural
unemployment. In the Soviet Union in the early 1930 s Stalin’s collectivization
policy achieved something similar, more quickly, by more brutal
methods and with much greater loss of life. The process in Iran in the
1960 s and 70 s was rather gentler than that, but nonetheless traumatic
for those involved. Whether the mass movement to the cities was a central
part of the plan remains obscure (though, as under Stalin, government
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75
control of agricultural prices systematically worked to give the urban
population cheap food while making survival even more diffi cult for
small farmers). 96 But the rapid expansion of new industry could not
have happened without it. The Shah once apparently said to US Ambassador
William Sullivan:
Mr Ambassador, don’t you understand? I don’t want those villages to survive.
I want them to disappear. We can buy the food cheaper than they can produce
it. I need the people from those villages in our industrial labour force. They
must come into the cities and work in industry. Then we can send all those
Afghans, Pakistanis and Koreans back home. 97
The Shah seems to have envisaged the creation of a new rural class of
prosperous peasants, who would be loyal to the Pahlavis, and the extension
of state control, his control, over the countryside. But as well as
alienating the landless, the interference of the state in the villages alienated
even the peasants who profi ted from land reform. 98 The Shah may
have thought he could cleverly split the peasants from their traditional
attachment to the clergy with his land reform measures, but that link
remained too strong.
In Tehran the newcomers from the countryside settled on the southern
edge of the city, in collections of makeshift dwellings with poor or nonexistent
services that were little better than shanty- towns. People from the
same village or area tended to seek each other out and settle down
together, and often they would know a mullah from the same locality
also, who enjoyed added authority in these new circumstances of dislocation
and uncertainty. 99
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2
The 1970 s and the Slide
to Revolution
( THE VOICE OF IOKANAAN ) He shall be seated on his throne. He shall
be clothed in scarlet and purple. In his hand he shall bear a golden
cup full of his blasphemies. And the angel of the Lord shall smite
him. He shall be eaten of worms.
Oscar Wilde, Salome 1
The 1970 s were an uncertain decade of seedy fl amboyance, bad taste, soft
furnishings in brown and orange and (in Europe at least) ideological radicalism
on the turn, when a realization began to dawn on some that the
zeal for the new of the 1960 s had sometimes destroyed things of value
and replaced them with meretricious mediocrity. In the Middle East old
assumptions about development and Westernization still dominated, but
were coming more and more into question.
Despite the successful, rapid development, or perhaps at least in part
because of it, the contradictions and the unease were in no place more
concentrated than in Iran – and few events of that decade were more
extravagant and contradictory than the celebrations held in 1971 at the
historic sites of Persepolis and Pasargadae for 2 , 500 years of monarchy
in Iran. In the 1950 s the Shah had proposed a similar celebration for
1959 ; he had set aside the idea for lack of support, but it had continued
to bubble away. 2 The occasion was anomalous in a variety of ways.
It had to be 2 , 500 years ‘of monarchy in Iran’ rather than ‘of Iranian
monarchy’ because there was an awkward period between the seventh
century AD and the sixteenth (at least) when most of the monarchs were
not Iranian. It seemed the 2 , 500 years could be celebrated as readily in
1971 as in 1959 . To take the 2 , 500 years literally (from 1971 ) would be
to go back to 529 BC ; one year before the usually accepted date for the
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The 1970s and the Slide to Revolution
death of Cyrus the Great, who established the Achaemenid Empire. Why
pick 529 BC ? Cyrus had been a king for perhaps thirty years already by
then, and there had been many Iranian kings (notably, the Medes) before
him. But the date was not meant to be taken too precisely, and the point
was that the Shah wanted to connect himself and his monarchy with
Cyrus, as the founder of the fi rst great Persian empire. 3 He wanted to
assert the strength and enduring character of Iranian kingship, at a time
when monarchy as an institution was menaced by republicanism and
communism internationally, and when some in Iran were asserting Islam
rather than monarchy as the true centre of Iranian identity. Perhaps, too,
he felt the provisional, parvenu nature of the Pahlavi claim to royal status.
To counter accusations of extravagance and waste, the occasion was
accompanied by the building of thousands of new schools, a new Pahlavi
Library to foster all aspects of Iranian studies and a variety of infrastructure
projects in the Shiraz region and around the country.
Over the two days of the celebration ( 15 – 16 October 1971 ), the event
went smoothly. Television images of an impressively grand Parade of History
at Persepolis with thousands of participants dressed up as the soldiers
of the ancient Medes and Persians were broadcast around the world by
satellite. Heads of state of many of the most important countries of the
world, along with senior representatives of many others, were lavishly
wined and dined. The catering was laid on by Maxim’s of Paris in three
huge air- conditioned tents and fi fty- nine smaller ones, and 25 , 000 bottles
of wine were imported for the event. Rumours of the overall cost ranged
from $ 100 million to $ 300 million. 4 The Shah made a speech at the tomb
of Cyrus at Pasargadae claiming a rebirth of ancient Iranian greatness:
‘Sleep easily, Cyrus, for we are awake.’ 5 As an event for the world to mark
both the ancient heritage of Iran and the country’s new- found wealth and
power, it was a success.
But the festivities left most ordinary Iranians nonplussed. The spectacle
of distinguished foreigners drinking wine and eating foreign food
meant little to them. Along with the international TV broadcasts, the
event indeed seemed primarily designed for foreigners. 6 For them, the
emphasis on Cyrus and the ancient past might have the appeal of a Hollywood
epic, but for most Iranians it ignored the Shi‘a Islamic heritage
that was central to their identity. 7 To many, the celebrations seemed bogus
and artifi cial, and served only to distance the monarchy further from the
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Revolutionary Iran
people. Like the prophet in the wilderness, Khomeini denounced what he
called the decadent debaucheries of the event from his exile in Najaf in
Iraq, thundering that Islam was fundamentally opposed to monarchy in
principle, that the crimes of Iranian kings had blackened the pages of history,
and that even the ones remembered as good had in fact been ‘vile and
cruel’. 8 Shariati criticized the event, in passing, as part of a series of fi ery
lectures at the Hoseiniyeh Ershad in the following weeks that contributed
to the closure of the institute shortly afterwards. By contrast with the
Shah’s eulogizing of 2 , 500 years of monarchy, he spoke of 5 , 000 years of
‘deprivation, injustice, class discrimination and repression’. 9
As the decade proceeded, the decade in which 2 , 500 years of Iranian
monarchy were to come to an end, the impression given by the celebrations
was confi rmed, of a Shah remote from his people and their thinking
in a range of important ways.
Montazh and Gharbzadegi
Tehran in the 1970 s was a strange place. The city was already largely a
city of concrete, with only a core of a few older palaces and government
buildings. But despite the American cars, the traffi c and the ugliness, the
older Iran was still there in the chadors on the streets, in the smell of mutton
kebab grilling on charcoal and fresh barbari bread being carried away
from local bakeries, in the mountain water running swiftly down the jubs
at the sides of the road in the dappled shade of the plane trees, and the
call to prayer fl oating over the city at dusk. The West, and the US especially,
were constant presences, from the Coca- Cola and Pepsi on sale
everywhere to the American advertising and American Forces Radio playing
Abba and Blue Oyster Cult – but constant also (beside a continuing
admiration for America and an associated desire for economic development)
was a tension and a distaste for that presence.
The juxtaposition of old and new, Iranian and foreign, rich and poor,
produced odd contrasts common to many developing countries, but
odder for the rapidity of the development, the tensions below the surface
and the large sums of money being spent in all directions. Wealthy
people, many wealthy to a degree most Europeans could only dream
of, lived hard by poor people poorer than could be seen anywhere in
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79
western Europe. At the end of December 1969 Asadollah Alam, the
Shah’s court minister, was held up by a traffi c accident as he drove in
the early morning (‘in my sleek Chrysler Imperial’) through Farahabad,
on the eastern side of the city:
I waited, and meanwhile I got a glimpse of the life that goes on in that squalid
district of Tehran. The street running off from the highway was fi lthy, not an
ounce of asphalt since there’s no risk of an inspection by HIM (His Imperial
Majesty – i.e. the Shah). It was still early, the traffi c police had not come on duty,
but a single policeman strutted around, dragging on his cigarette, puffed up like
the monarch of all he surveyed. A few men, women wearing the veil, on their
way home from the communal bath house . . . a gaggle of children, the girls all
veiled. The upper classes would never be up so early in the morning, nor would
the girls wear veils. They converged haggling on a merchant selling hot beetroot.
Pariah dogs and a few unwashed babies pawing over a heap of rubbish at the
street corner . . . shaven- headed servicemen wearing badly cut trousers, ill- fi tting
boots, strolling along clearly enjoying their Friday morning off. It was both droll
and desperately depressing; a scene from a top- heavy society. The Shah struggles
day and night, confi dent that within a decade we shall have surpassed much of
the developed world; change can never come quickly enough for him. Yet no
manner of wishful thinking can alter life in these streets. 10
There were a lot of Americans in Tehran in the 1970 s, employed as
advisers and technicians, and in many other roles. The number of US residents
(leaving aside visitors and tourists) in Iran increased from less than
8 , 000 in 1970 to nearly 50 , 000 in 1979 . There were foreigners from
many other countries too, of course, attracted likewise by the money to
be earned in activities related to Iran’s economic, military and infrastructure
development – but benefi ting from the special favour of the Shah’s
regime, the US was much the most important foreign infl uence. Most of
the foreigners lived in Tehran (though many were also to be found in
Isfahan, where large numbers of Americans worked in new defencerelated
industries around the city outskirts). The Americans tended to live
entirely separate lives, shopping in the US commissary (the biggest of its
kind in the world at the time) and often living on American- only compounds.
Many British and other expatriates lived in a similar way. The
American school admitted only children with US passports (unusually by
comparison with American schools in other countries), and occasional
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Revolutionary Iran
suggestions that the children be taught something about Iran generally
failed – a school board member said in 1970 that the policy had been
‘Keep Iran Out’. Other Americans, notably those working for the Peace
Corps, worked with ordinary Iranians and were much appreciated. But
the majority (some of them moving on from the debacle in Vietnam) were
in Iran for the money and the lavish lifestyle, which they could not have
afforded at home. The American observer James A. Bill commented:
As the gold rush began and the contracts increased, the American presence
expanded. The very best and the very worst of America were on display in
the cities of Iran. As time passed and the numbers grew, an increasingly high
proportion of fortune hunters, fi nancial scavengers, and the jobless and disillusioned
recently returned from Southeast Asia found their way to Iran.
Companies with billion- dollar contracts needed manpower and, under time
pressure, recruited blindly and carelessly. In Isfahan, hatred, racism and
ignorance combined as American employees responded negatively and
aggressively to Iranian society. 11
Within Iranian society there were other tensions. South Tehran was full
of young men, newly arrived from conservative- minded villages, either
with no jobs or with only poorly paid jobs. For many of them, that meant
little prospect of being able to afford to marry or support a family for some
years – perhaps indefi nitely. But if they paid a small fare for a shared taxi
to the richer central and northern parts of the city, for nothing they could
see pretty young women parading up and down the streets, dressed in
revealing Western fashions, unaccompanied or with girlfriends, fl aunting
their freedom, money, beauty and, from a certain point of view, immorality
and disregard for religion. To those used to life in more traditional parts of
the country (where many women spent most of their time in the family
home), there just seemed to be more women around in Tehran:
Parviz told him that he was lucky (or unfortunate, depending on how you
looked at it) to miss Tehran in the miniskirt craze of the sixties, for one hour
on a principal shopping street would have provided him with enough
thoughts to repent for a month.
On hoardings, garish posters of half- dressed women advertised the latest
fi lms: ‘The threatening forwardness of the posters was increased by the large
number of tough and sullen- looking young men hanging around.’ 12
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Status, and the lack of it, is not just about money – it is also about sex
and desire. For those that had moved there from the country, Tehran was
a place of aspiration, but in the late 1970 s it became a place of resentment,
frustrated desire and frustrated aspirations for many. 13
Aspiration is also about direction . The US presence in Iran in the
1970 s was small in relative, statistical terms. But in Tehran it dominated
advertising, TV and print media – even when the medium was Persianlanguage.
The Iranian upper classes were those most obviously
Westernized. So for the rest of society, the models presented to them to
aspire to were predominantly Western – and American. They were new
and exciting. American advertising and the image of American culture it
presented was not shy and retiring. It was self- confi dent and brash.
Even other foreigners in Iran found it so. The response of Iran and Iranians
was contradictory and troubled. Many Iranians admired the US
and many hoped for the sort of economic development the US stood for.
But Iran ians had (and have) a great pride in Iran, its history and culture
also. Seeing that history and culture shouldered aside in their own country
was not easy for them. 14
One Iranian woman, later a radical student, has written of that time:
Most of the Americans who lived in Iran behaved in a way that revealed
their sense of self- importance and superiority. They had come to expect extra
respect, even deference from all Iranians, from shoe- shine boy to shah . . .
in our country, American lifestyles had come to be imposed as an ideal, the
ultimate goal. Americanism was the model. American popular culture –
books, magazines, fi lm – had swept over our country like a fl ood. This
cultural aggression challenged the self- identity of people like us. This was
the idol which had taken shape within Iranian society. We found ourselves
wondering, ‘Is there any room for our own culture?’ 15
In his great book The Mantle of the Prophet Roy Mottahedeh
described this time in Tehran as the time of montazh (from the French
word montage – a setting- up or assembly of parts), when imported things
were being assembled and put together in the city, often rather less than
satisfactorily, and never quite completed – a time when everything in
Tehran seemed to be ‘intimately connected with the airport’, when ‘in joking,
Tehranis called all sorts of jerry- built Iranian versions of foreign ideas
true examples of Iranian montazh’. 16
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Revolutionary Iran
The most obvious examples of montazh were the Paykan cars assembled
in great numbers just outside Tehran from imported parts (to the design
of the British Hillman Hunter) – becoming by far the most common vehicle
on Iranian roads. But the same principle could be seen or imagined at
work elsewhere too – in the mutual incompatibility of ideas brought
home by enthusiastic graduates from American, French and German universities;
in corrupt property deals, in big buildings put up without
enough cement and left half- fi nished, in the chaotic traffi c, and in the new
statues of the Shah that appeared everywhere.
The idea of montazh also applied to the huge Shahyad monument,
inaugurated just after the celebrations for 2 , 500 years of monarchy in
1971 to commemorate the reign of the Shah himself; supposedly an amalgam
of architectural styles from all periods of Iranian history – and
erected just where all visiting foreigners would see it, on the way to
the centre of Tehran, just outside Mehrabad airport. Montazh recalls Al- e
Ahmad’s concept of gharbzadegi – an intoxication with the West that
prompted abandonment of all other principles in pursuit of an alien ideal
that could not be properly understood, applied, absorbed or assembled.
Another example was a little pamphlet published in Tehran in 1978
called Iran Scene , designed for foreign visitors. The second (April) issue
contained articles on Noruz, the province of Fars and the city of Yazd; and
a factual section (‘Iran at a Glance’) including the sentence ‘The new single
party system known as Rastakhiz (national resurgence) was begun in
1975 .’ The advertisements contained enough information to enable a foreigner
to live almost as he or she might have done in a large Western
city – shops, hotels, restaurants (including French, Italian, Greek, Chinese,
Indian, Japanese, US – style steak and fried chicken, Mexican, as well as
Persian and the Polynesian restaurant Tiare in the InterContinental Hotel);
nightclubs and cabarets (including ‘La Boheme – Old Shemiran Road,
International show. Expensive ’). There was also a ‘Meat Service’ offering
imported meat, including pork, and all kinds of shellfi sh; range shooting
and skating at the Ice Palace, bowling, and cinema – American, French,
German and English fi lms – (including ‘ Far from the Maddling [ sic ]Crowd
with Julie Christie’). And then, amid this international junk, a page entitled
‘Literary Scene’, and, like a splash of cold water, the poem ‘Window’
(‘Panjareh’) by Forugh Farrokhzad, from which the following is a short
extract (translated by Ardavan Davaran): 17
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I feel that the time has passed
I feel that the moment of my portion is of the pages of history
I feel that the table is a false distance between my hair and the
hands of this sad stranger.
Speak a word to me
The person that bestows upon you the kindness of a
living body
Would want from you what else but the perception of the
sense of existence?
Speak a word to me
I, in the shelter of my window,
Have communication with the sun.
The poetry of Forugh Farrokhzad refl ected the wider period in which she
lived (she died in a car accident in 1967 when she was only thirty- two
years old), but it was also vividly personal, alluding to erotic encounters
and traumatic affairs, and their bleak aftermath. The personal nature of
the verses and the reaction to it is itself a refl ection of the time – such
poetry was only barely possible. Its frankness created a furore of shock,
and prurient interest in her private life, that threatened to overwhelm Farrokhzad;
she said in a radio interview in 1964 : ‘I really think talking
about it is tiring and pointless.’ 18 She had married young, giving birth to
a son, but separated from her husband in 1955 , divorced and was denied
access to her son, after which she had a mental breakdown and later
attempted suicide. 19 In 1962 she made a hard- to- watch but moving fi lm
with the title The House Is Black ( Khaneh siah ast ) in an institution for
lepers. Her work, insistent above all on the diamond- hard validity of her
own voice, fused the edge of European modernism with a strongly Iranian
anger about politics, veering between despair and crazy hope. In
particular, the poem ‘Someone Who Is Like No Other’ (‘Kasi ke mesl- e
hich- kas nist’), mingling millenarian Shi‘a religious and Marxist imagery,
had an urgent visionary quality:
I’ve dreamed that someone is coming.
I’ve dreamed of a red star
. . .
Someone who is like no one. Not like father,
not like Ensi, not like
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Revolutionary Iran
Yahya, not like mother,
And is like the person who he ought to be.
. . .
And his name is just as mother says
at the beginning and the end of her prayer,
the judge of all judges,
the need of all needs,
Someone is coming.
Someone is coming.
Someone who’s in heart with us.
In his breathing is with us.
Someone whose coming can’t be stopped, and
handcuffed and thrown in jail. 20
Aryamehr – ‘Light of the Aryans’
Most of the symptoms of strangeness were the outcome of the huge sums
of money rolling into the country. Investment rose dizzyingly as Iran continued
to benefi t from a windfall bonanza of oil income – especially after the
oil price doubled in 1973 following the Yom Kippur War, and doubled again
at the end of the year, when the Shah led the other OPEC countries to
demand higher prices on the claim that oil had not kept pace with the price
of other internationally traded commodities. Between 1971 and 1973 the
Shah, with the help of his chief adviser and negotiator on oil matters Jamshid
Amuzegar, achieved secure control over domestic oil production, a strong
position in the OPEC cartel to protect Iranian interests and beyond that,
through his leading role in OPEC itself, much higher returns on oil sales for
Iran and the other OPEC producers (notably Saudi Arabia and Iraq, but also
Kuwait and Venezuela). 21 It was a major achievement, in which the Shah
took justifi able pride. Yet more money was pumped into the Iranian economy,
though a large amount went back to the West – especially to the US
and the UK – in return for quantities of new military equipment. The Shah
bought more Chieftain tanks from the UK than the British army itself owned,
and by the end of the decade his forces were equipped with some of the very
latest military technology, including British Rapier/Blindfi re anti- aircraft
missile systems and American F- 14 fi ghter aircraft (both of which caused
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85
the originators anxiety after 1979 , lest the technology fall into the hands of
the Russians). 22 The government was awash with money, and a proportion
of it fl owed, through corrupt commissions and bribes, into private hands;
often removed to bank accounts in other countries.
Personally, the Shah was more confi dent by the 1970 s than he had been
in the 1950 s. He was older and more experienced. His second divorce in
1958 had been traumatic, but he had remarried in 1959 , and his new wife,
Queen Farah, had given him a son the following year and more children
later. He gained confi dence from the success, as he perceived it, of the
October 1971 celebrations as a breakthrough for him on the international
stage; but more seriously from his success in negotiating secure control of
Iran’s oil production and, through that, infl uence over OPEC and oil
prices. His new confi dence emerged in a number of ways. He took a
greater interest in foreign policy in the 1970 s than he had earlier, and Iran
became a more assertive regional actor. The Shah faced down Iraq and
secured a favourable settlement of the dispute over the Shatt- al- Arab
waterway in the Algiers Accords of 1975 . Earlier, he moved into the vacuum
left by the departing British imperial presence and occupied the small
islands of Abu Musa and the Tunbs (creating a minor dispute with the
United Arab Emirates over possession of the islands that continues to this
day). Some called him the Policeman of the Persian Gulf. He was lauded
by Western leaders and by US presidents in particular as a bulwark against
Soviet encroachment in the region, and this role was again refl ected in the
level of arms sales. The rise in oil prices altered the power balance between
the Shah and the West; he had been the partial architect of the rise, and it
had damaged Western economies, but the West still needed him. To benefi t
from Iran’s wealth, Western politicians, including those from countries
like Britain that had hurt Iran and the Shah’s family in the past, fell over
themselves to secure contracts. 23 The Shah would not have been human if
he had not derived some satisfaction from this. 24
But the Shah was still scarred by experiences earlier in his reign. In
particular, he was wary of further assassination attempts and had himself
surrounded by heavy security arrangements. He went from place to place
by helicopter and usually viewed parades and other events (carefully
staged to give the best impression for the TV cameras) from inside a special
bullet- proof glass box. 25 These measures cut him off still more from
the people.
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Revolutionary Iran
The scars showed also in other ways. In 1976 a hugely popular television
comedy, Dear Uncle Napoleon ( Dai jan Napoleon , based on the
book of the same title by Iraj Pezeshkzad, 26 one of the funniest comic
novels in any language) satirized, among other things, the widespread
tendency at the time to blame a concealed British plot – kar kar-e Ingliseh ,
the work of the British – for almost everything, however trivial. From
some accounts the Shah himself seems to have been not so far removed
from the paranoia of the comedy’s main character. Talking to Asadollah
Alam in 1970 , recalling the attempt to kill him at Tehran university in
1949 , the Shah apparently mentioned that his assailant’s girlfriend had
been the daughter of the head gardener at the British embassy. Alam
respectfully doubted that the British would have ‘hatched such a stupid
plot’. After a pause, the Shah said (alluding to the further attempt on his
life in 1965 ): ‘You realize, of course, that British communists made
another attempt on my life four years ago?’ Alam again demurred. 27 It is
hard to accept that the Shah seriously believed that British intelligence
were behind both assassination attempts, and the communists in Iran,
and the clerical opposition. But this ingrained suspicion was the legacy of
persistent British meddling in the events of the fi rst half of the twentieth
century in Iran and in the early part of the Shah’s reign. It is borne out by
the rueful account of Sir Anthony Parsons, who was British ambassador
in Tehran from 1974 to 1979 (the Shah’s book that Parsons refers to was
published in exile, after his fall):
In his book, ‘Answer to History’, the Shah has implied that he did not believe
in the sincerity of my advice and that he could not clear his mind of his
obsessive suspicion that I was the front- line instrument of some devious
British plot to rob him of his throne. But I can only repeat that the advice I
gave him was genuinely personal and based on my best judgement of events
in a country in which I had served continuously for nearly fi ve years. Indeed,
I can still hear my own voice telling the Shah on numerous occasions that I
would not tell him what I thought unless he assured me that he would accept
what I had to say as the disinterested advice of a genuine well- wisher,
untainted by any ulterior motive. He invariably gave me such assurances,
although I now know, as I suspected at the time, that he was intellectually
and emotionally incapable – who can blame him in the light of his own
history? – of accepting my views at their face value. 28
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Despite his successes, the Shah had a persistent sense of insecurity, and
his thinking about the forces opposed to him was unrealistic. He was still
fundamentally a shy man – ‘a rather awkward, withdrawn person, at his
best with technocrats, Westerners or cronies, at his worst with people en
masse’. 29 A further consequence of the Shah’s insecurity was his encouragement
of factions and division in his government and court. As in the
army high command, 30 his aim was to prevent any one personality from
becoming powerful enough to become a danger to him. As under other
tyrants, spheres of responsibility overlapped in such a way as to create
disputes. Alam and Hoveida were particular enemies. 31
The atmosphere of rancour and intrigue at court was encouraged, and
complicated, by the Shah’s extramarital amusements. The Shah had
affairs and briefer liaisons with many women; both in Iran and on his
trips to other countries. Alam, who was similarly promiscuous, and with
whom the Shah compared exploits, 32 recorded that ‘even when he fi nds a
companion, however attractive she may be, he sooner or later tires of
her’. There were many rumours and much gossip, and anxiety lest the
rumours should reach the ears of Queen Farah. 33 Various courtiers acted
as procurers for the Shah, but the main man was Amir Hushang Davallu
(an offshoot of the old Qajar royal family):
a man of great shrewdness who by intelligence and sycophancy has risen
high in HIM ’s favour. At court we know him by the accurate enough nickname
‘Prince Pimp’. Every year he accompanies HIM to St Moritz, to carry
out his rather sordid functions and to indulge his [Davallu’s] taste for opium. 34
Remarkably enough, Davallu appears to have rendered similar services
for Nazi generals in Paris during the German occupation of France in the
1940 s. 35
Two further salient features of the court were sycophancy and corruption.
The Shah was not stupid, but he was susceptible to fl attery, and this
contributed to the dangerous unreality of the atmosphere around him. 36
Alam criticized this tendency, but was aware that he too was guilty of
contributing to it:
Submitted the Daily Telegraph ’s review of HIM ’s latest book. I told him
it struck me as being favourable. ‘What on earth’s “favourable” about it?’
he snapped back, as soon as he’d read it. I told him to look again at the
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Revolutionary Iran
fi nal paragraph. ‘What do you suppose this word “megalomania” means?’
he said. ‘Greatness,’ I replied. ‘Greatness be damned,’ he exclaimed. ‘Greatness
to the point of madness.’ I was thoroughly ashamed of myself. I should
have read it more carefully, but by then it was too late. 37
On another occasion, the urbane Alam was perhaps playing with a
rather gullible interlocutor when he said (replying to her question as to
whether the Shah had a fl aw):
‘I cannot say that he is faultless,’ Mr Alam at last replied. ‘Everyone, as
you say, has faults. But I may say something that – he might not like it,
and perhaps it’s bad for me to say it, or it might be interpreted as fl attery,
but what I can say (perhaps you will laugh at me too), his fault to my
mind is that he is really too great for his people – his ideas are too great
for we people to realize it [sic].’ 38
The effect of the sycophancy (even if tinged, in Alam’s case, with a
knowing irony) was strengthened by the fact that courtiers and ministers
kept information from the Shah, avoiding telling him anything he might
not want to hear; concentrating instead on good news and the recycling
of propaganda. 39
Corruption was endemic. Sometimes the Shah accepted it with weary
resignation; at other times (when he uncovered a new scandal) it made
him furious. 40 It has long been believed that corruption was widespread
among the Shah’s family. 41 But newly released documents from British
diplomatic records indicate that, although the Shah himself has usually
been given the benefi t of the doubt, he too had been taking sweeteners on
defence contracts. After the fall of the Shah, David Owen, foreign secretary
at the time, commissioned Nicholas Browne, then seconded to the
Cabinet Offi ce, to carry out a post mortem on the conduct of British
policy toward Iran. Sir Anthony Parsons (whose valedictory despatch had
prompted the exercise) was consulted carefully as the review went forward.
Browne wrote to Parsons on 9 October 1979 :
The Randel papers strongly suggest that, in accordance with this general
behaviour, the Shah personally had been taking money from the British,
indirectly through Sir S. Reporter 42 and the Pahlavi Foundation, in return for
defence contracts . . . I wonder whether we took this into suffi cient account
in our assessments of the Shah’s character, and political standing . . . If you
think I am prying too much please tell me to shut up . . . 43
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From the fi les so far released, it appears that Browne never had a
proper reply, and this angle was passed over when the post mortem was
completed. Within the papers so far released that bear upon these matters,
some sections have been withheld, several of which appear to relate
to the activities of defence attachés.
Pumped- up Autocracy
On several occasions during his time as court minister, according to his
own account, Alam urged the Shah to reintroduce a real degree of democracy
in the country, in order to close up the dangerous gap between the
people and the government. 44 Instead, in the mid- 1970 s the Shah turned
in the direction of reinforcing autocracy. In March 1975 the two parties
in the Majles (Mardom and Iran Novin) were abolished and replaced by
the Rastakhiz (Resurgence) party. The Shah dismissed criticism that only
a decade before he himself had stressed the importance of a two- party
system for preparing the way toward democracy; notably in his book
Mission for My Country , in which he had written:
If I were a dictator rather than a constitutional monarch, then I might be
tempted to sponsor a single dominant party such as Hitler organized or such
as you fi nd today in Communist countries. But as constitutional monarch I
can afford to encourage large- scale party activity free from the strait- jacket
of one- party rule or the one- party state. 45
Now, his statements and those of his ministers were rather less enthusiastic
about democracy, echoing the line taken by Hoveida in a speech to the Iran
Novin Party’s Central Committee in 1970 (confi rming the regime’s faith
that economic development had to precede political development):
As the Shah has said, social democracy cannot exist without economic
democracy. In my view most of those who talk about democracy are still
limited in their concept to the schools of thought advocated by Plato [ sic ],
Montesquieu and others. We do not believe democracy means anyone should
be free to act against national interests and moral values and traditions.
From our standpoint democracy means respecting human rights and individuals.
The interesting question is whether such democracy exists in those
countries which are preaching to us on democracy. 46
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Revolutionary Iran
By the mid- 1970 s many of the democratic countries of western Europe
and North America were suffering from recession and infl ation, unemployment,
political unrest, strikes and (in some cases) home- grown
anti- democratic terrorism. They (especially the UK ) looked weak. Those
countries struggled as Iran boomed and prospered, and the Shah was less
inclined than previously to defer to them as a model. Democracy also
appeared to be in trouble in some of the states that were Iran’s neighbours
or near neighbours – notably in Pakistan, and in India, where Indira
Ghandi declared a state of emergency in June 1975 .
Rastakhiz was intended as the apparatus of a one- party state (although
it did retain something of the previous fi ction of pluralism, in having two
wings that were supposed to represent different shades of opinion). Some
of its inspiration seems, following the logic of the Shah’s White Revolution,
to have derived from Leninist theory of a political avant- garde (some of
those involved in the early stages had formerly been members of Tudeh). 47
Within a few months Rastakhiz activists set up bodies for farmers, women
and industrial workers, and a youth movement; and the party had extended
its infl uence into all sectors of the state bureaucracy. The purpose was to
ensure that all elements of Iranian life fell into line with the political opinions,
aims and objectives of the party and the Shah – something like Hitler’s
Gleichschaltung (‘co-ordination’). 48 In introducing the party the Shah gave
Iranians a stark choice. He said that anyone who did not join Rastakhiz or
support its principles was to be regarded either as a member of Tudeh, in
which case he belonged in jail, or as a traitor, in which case he was no
longer an Iranian and should leave the country for good. 49
Before long the effects began to be felt. Under the strictures of Rastakhiz
vetting, the number of books published per year fell from 4 , 200
to 1 , 300 . Writers were imprisoned, some suffered torture, and one was
forced to make a televised confession (a tactic now associated more with
the Islamic republic) – to the effect that he had not given enough credit
in his writing to the successes of the White Revolution. SAVAK men
went into libraries and bookshops to remove copies of the Shah’s own
book Mission for My Country , because its statements about freedom
and democracy were now out of date. Twenty- two writers, poets, academics
and other well- known intellectuals were in prison by the end of
1975 . 50 The disillusionment of the intelligentsia was deepened and reconfi
rmed. Regime propaganda and adulation of the Shah reached new
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levels. He had taken the title Aryamehr (‘Light of the Aryans’) in 1965 –
now he was being called by the ominous title Farmandeh (‘Commander’).
The regime came in for more criticism from human rights organizations
(notably Amnesty International), 51 and in June 1977 the Red Cross
reported privately to the Shah that 900 out of 3 , 000 political prisoners in
Iranian jails bore signs of torture. 52
Particular targets for Rastakhiz were the bazaar and the ulema . Both
had traditionally been centres of potential opposition; both were now
subjected to infi ltration and coercion. Bazaar guilds were reformed and
placed under the direction of state governors. Rastakhiz activists set up
offi ces in the bazaars and forced donations from the merchants and artisans.
Employment legislation on minimum wages and health insurance
was enforced rigorously on traders who had become accustomed to
ignoring it. This pressure added to the economic pressure the bazaaris
were already feeling. They were seeing their products and businesses
edged aside by imports, new factories, suburban stores and supermarkets;
and by the introduction of state corporations to import and carry out the
wholesale distribution of basic foodstuffs. 53 Newspapers carried articles
about the outmoded character of bazaar trading, demolition plans and
new boulevards being driven through the bazaar quarters.
The Shah’s attack on the ulema (building on measures taken by his
father to control religious endowments and to infl uence the training of
mullahs) was an attempt to replace the existing Shi‘a hierarchy with a
new structure whose defi ning characteristic would be loyalty to the
Shah’s regime – a din- e dowlat (state religion). Rastakhiz intensifi ed the
measures taken to achieve this since 1963 , which included action to monitor
and regulate the operation of religious endowments, and a religious
corps (like the literacy corps) to disseminate the offi cial line on Islam in the
countryside. The ulema also regarded the Family Protection Law of 1967 as
an unacceptable attack on important traditions. The new law discarded
shari‘a practice to allow women to petition for divorce and to have custody
of children after divorce if the secular court so decided. It stipulated that a
man could only take a second wife if his fi rst wife gave written consent (a
largely theoretical provision; po l ygamous marriage had become, and remains,
uncommon in Iran). The government selected and supported pro- regime mullahs
to conduct Friday prayer in major mosques. 54 It made a further symbolic
change in 1976 to replace the traditional solar calendar that took the year of
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Revolutionary Iran
Mohammad’s fl ight from Mecca as year 1 with a new calendar taking year
1 as the date of the accession of Cyrus the Great. So instead of 1355 , the
year was now 2535 . The symbolism of dumping Islam as the point of reference
in favour of a monarchical date was signifi cant. 55 But also, in terms of
the Western date ( 1976 ), Iran had jumped from the medieval period to the
era of the far future. It was montazh again – time itself had been reassembled.
In some strange numerological sense, Iran was now ahead.
Khomeini blasted the foundation of Rastakhiz from his exile, claiming
that it both violated constitutional norms and was aimed at the destruction
of Islam. The regime responded swiftly. Within a short time many of
Khomeini’s most prominent supporters were arrested, including Ayatollahs
Montazeri, Beheshti and Rabbani Shirazi, and more junior clerics
who would later take greater roles, including Ali Khamenei.
The aggressive actions of Rastakhiz intensifi ed the political debate
within Iran, without creating a genuine link between state and society as
the Shah had intended. It appeared that quiet dissent was no longer an
option: the regime was intent on erasing all dissent. It was not just Tudeh
and extremists that were threatened – large sections of Iranian society
became anxious that their interests were in danger.
The 1970 s were also the period in which new forms of political extremism
appeared, and faded. The two most important groups were the
Sazeman- e Cherikha- ye Fedayan- e Khalq- e Iran (usually called the Marxist
Fedayan or just the Fedayan) and the Sazeman- e Mojahedin- e Khalq
(known as the MKO or the MEK – though since 1979 this organization
in exile has disguised itself with a plethora of front organizations, cover
names and acronyms – PMOI , NCRI , NLA , etc.). Both groups rejected
peaceful politics and the previous political parties on the basis that these
had failed to bring about change in Iran – for them the events of 1953 and
1963 amply demonstrated this. They believed the Shah’s regime could
only be removed by armed struggle, along the lines of what political guerrillas
had achieved in Cuba and Algeria. Some of the MKO trained with
the PLO in Lebanon. The Fedayan and the MKO were recruited predominantly
from educated backgrounds – most of their leaders had been
students, and their leftist and anti- US attitudes again refl ected the international
student activism of the late 1960 s and early 70 s.
The Fedayan, initially the larger group, were Marxist; the MKO ’s
ideology fused Marxism and Islam (they claimed Shariati as their
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ideologue but their ideas developed independently and Shariati
appears to have kept them at arm’s length). On 8 February 1971 guerrillas
later associated with the Fedayan attacked a gendarmerie post
at Siahkal in Gilan, in an attempt to rescue one of their companions
who had been arrested. SAVAK and the authorities responded quickly,
and harshly, and within three weeks all thirteen of the attackers were
found and executed. Under continuous pressure and having failed to
light up the people’s revolution as they had anticipated, the Fedayan
split in 1975 , with one faction favouring continued armed struggle,
while the other, at least as a temporary measure, sought instead to
work through infiltration of labour organizations and more conventional
(if still radical) political activity.
Where the Fedayan grew out of circles associated with Tudeh, the
original members of the MKO had connections rather with the Freedom
Movement and the Hoseiniyeh Ershad. The MKO attempted to disrupt
the Shah’s celebrations for 2 , 500 years of monarchy in October
1971 with a bomb attack and an attempt to hijack an airliner. Like the
Fedayan, many of the MKO ’s people were arrested in 1971 and although
they continued to recruit through the 1970 s and continued attacks,
including assassinations of six Americans in Iran between 1973 and
1976 , 56 recruitment was unable to keep pace with the arrests. By 1976 – 7
SAVAK had effectively repressed both organizations (more than 300
MKO and Fedayan, plus fi ghters and supporters from similar, smaller
groups, were killed in these years) but when the revolution began and
some political prisoners were released both guerrilla movements were
reinvigorated. 57
Achievements
The Shah’s regime had achieved a lot by the mid- 1970 s. Unlike many
other national leaders in many countries (including some democratic politicians)
the Shah deserved credit not just for governing to secure himself,
his dynasty or his interest group in power, but for a genuine effort to
move his country forward in its development, which achieved real gains.
Gross National Product per capita had jumped to $ 2 , 000 from
$ 200 (in 1963 ). Much of this was down to the oil boom – but the Shah
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Revolutionary Iran
was himself partly responsible for the big rise in oil income, and the income
was being reinvested. The country had reoriented away from agriculture
toward more developed economic activities that would yield greater benefi
ts to the people, in industry and services. The movement of population
to the cities, however traumatic and marked by deprivation it was in the
short term, could be regarded as a necessary step towards a more sophisticated,
developed, modern society. Investment had greatly improved
infrastructure and the standard of education and health services. 58 Women
and minorities had benefi ted from his reforms. Iran was respected internationally
and had taken on a more confi dent regional role, as evidenced by
her infl uence both within OPEC and within the regional security organization
CENTO . The Shah’s relationship with the US had also matured since
the 1950 s; he was less of a stooge and more of a partner.
But it was a mixed picture. There was also waste and corruption, and
huge inequality. 59 The surge of investment for growth created a problem
of what the planners called ‘absorptive capacity’ – the scale of investment
was such that the existing administrative, transport and other
infrastructure could not cope with the expansion. Vital industrial supplies
waited for weeks and months at Iran’s borders because customs
offi cials could not process the paperwork quickly enough, or because
the ports did not have the capacity to unload them from ships quickly
enough, or because there were not enough lorries to carry them away
once unloaded. When extra lorries were imported, there was a shortage
of drivers. This situation was of course a dream for corrupt offi cials,
who took bribes from those who could pay to jump the queue. 60 Because
the population was expanding rapidly (from about 15 million in 1939 –
40 to just under 19 million in 1956 , 25 . 3 million in 1966 and 33 . 7 million
in 1976 ), 61 improvements in health and education provision, for example,
did not have the impact that had been hoped. Infant mortality
dropped, but was still high; 68 per cent of adults were still illiterate and
fewer than 40 per cent of children completed primary school. Illiteracy
was particularly marked in the countryside, refl ecting again the Shah’s
inclination to sacrifi ce traditional, rural Iran for the development
of urban Iran. 62 Standards of housing in the poorer parts of the cities
were desperately inadequate. Not all the effects of the oil boom were
benefi cial. Some of the elements of what has been called the rentier economy
began to emerge: an overgrown, ineffi cient (and often corrupt)
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bureaucracy, real- estate speculation, damage to import- substitution
industries by rising costs of domestic production and erosion of non- oil
exports by a high currency exchange rate. 63
The most important failures were primarily political. The state was not
totalitarian, but it was not free either, and the dynamic was heading in the
wrong direction. As the Shah had grown more confi dent, his rule had
grown more autocratic, and his previously declared aspirations to democracy
had faded. By 1975 he had no programme for restoring representative
government, and his only solution for dissent was propaganda and repression.
If he had succeeded in making the monarchy truly popular, perhaps
he could have sustained that for a time, but instead the monarchy had
become ever more remote and disconnected from the attitudes and concerns
of the people. Rastakhiz had succeeded only in destabilizing
assumptions and stirring up resentment, rather than thickening the attachment
between the Shah and ordinary Iranians, as Alam had advocated it
should. Partly as a result of combating real and imaginary Marxists for so
long, the Shah made the mistake of himself taking an overly materialist,
Marxist analysis (as we have seen, his thinking showed a Marxismthrough-
the- Looking- Glass tendency in a number of areas). He believed
that material prosperity would yield political stability, and that his faith in
the ancient bond between people and monarch would be justifi ed by economic
success and renewed gratitude. But few economies deliver continuous
sustained growth indefi nitely, and politics is often an ungrateful business.
Iraq – and Khomeini
Another manifestation of the Shah’s stronger position and greater confi –
dence in the mid- 1970 s was the successful resolution of outstanding
disputes with Iraq. For the most part the position of the long border
between the two countries was uncontroversial and had been stable since
the Zohab treaty agreed between the Safavids and the Ottomans in
1639 (given more exact delineation by a multi- nation border commission
in 1914 ). But for many years there had been uncertainty and
disagreement over the precise position of the border at its southernmost
point, where the waters of the Tigris and Euphrates fl owed into the Persian
Gulf along the waterway known as the Shatt al- Arab (Arvand Rud
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Revolutionary Iran
in Persian). The uncertainty was important because of the proximity of
both countries’ oilfi elds, and because both used the waterway for the
passage of oil tankers carrying oil away for export. As vice- president
of Iraq, Saddam Hussein had claimed the whole waterway up to the Iranian
shore.
Tension rose in 1974 – 5 as the Kurdish leader Mostafa Barzani led a
successful insurgency against the Iraqi regime further north, supported by
the Shah with weapons and other supplies. 64 As this progressed, the Shah
went further, allowing artillery fi re across the border in support of the
Kurds and fi nally, sending two units of the Iranian army into Iraqi territory.
With the Kurds increasingly successful and the threat of war with
Iran looming, Saddam sought a settlement through Algerian mediation.
An agreement was signed in Algiers in March 1975 which, as set out in
more detailed treaties signed later, agreed to the Iranian position that the
Shatt al- Arab border should be in the deepest part of the river, where the
fl ow was most rapid (the Thalweg – this solution was potentially still
problematic because the pattern of fl ow of the river changed over time,
and the waterway had to be dredged regularly to remove silt). In return,
Iran agreed to end its support for the Iraqi Kurds. The result for the Kurds
was that their insurgency collapsed within days, Barzani had to take refuge
in Iran, and large numbers of Kurds surrendered to Iraqi troops. Iraq
resented the concessions over the Shatt al- Arab, and the dispute surfaced
again in 1980 as one of the causes of the Iran– Iraq War.
Another consequence of the Algiers agreement was that Shi‘a pilgrims
were again free to visit the shrines at Karbala, Najaf and elsewhere in
Iraq. This new freedom of movement made it easier for pilgrims to bring
propaganda material back with them when they returned to Iran, notably
Khomeini’s speeches recorded on cassette tapes. After a time the
Shah began to put pressure on the Iraqi government to expel Khomeini,
who had been living in Najaf (the city of seminaries that contains the
shrine of the Emam Ali) since he left Turkey in 1965 . While in Najaf
Khomeini had developed further his network of contacts within Iran,
and a theory of Islamic government, but he was opposed in Najaf by the
powerful Ayatollah Abol- Qasem Khoei, who took a more traditional,
more quietist position like that of Borujerdi in the 1950 s; resistant to
involvement in politics. His followers came to be known as the Najafi
school, opposed to the school of Khomeini, and since Khoei’s death in
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1992 these positions have been maintained and taken forward by Ayatollah
Ali Sistani. Khoei and Sistani were both Iranian- born. Although
both spent most of their lives in Iraq, and despite the Iranian revolution,
large numbers of ordinary Iranians have followed their example as their
marja- e taqlid (source of emulation).
Khomeini’s theory was not accepted by the Shi‘a ulema as a whole;
indeed initially, it was not accepted by very many at all. In 1906 – 11 the
ulema had controlled a hierarchy and a national network of supporters
that allowed them to be an actor in politics, while remaining reluctant to
take the responsibilities of government upon themselves. Then and later
(notably in 1951 – 3 ) their beliefs limited them to encouraging and supporting
secular political actors with whom they thought they were in
sympathy – with mixed results, as we have seen. But now Khomeini’s new
ideas (prompted and radicalized by his experience in 1963 – 4 ) meant that
the clergy, or at least a section of them, might try to take power in their
own right. 65 Khomeini stayed in Iraq until October 1978 , when the Iraqis
fi nally ejected him. Having failed to get into Kuwait, he went (briefl y, as
it turned out) to Paris.
The Economy Falters; Carter Arrives
By mid- 1976 the economy was overheating, there was too much money
chasing too few goods, imports could not keep pace, there were bottlenecks
and shortages, and infl ation rose sharply – especially on items like
foodstuffs and housing rent, and especially in Tehran, where rents rose by
300 per cent in fi ve years in some areas. Then growth began to subside, as
infl ation ramped up. 66 The Shah blamed profi teering for the price rises,
arrested some well- known entrepreneurs, and then turned on small traders,
sending gangs (backed by SAVAK ) into the bazaars to make arrests.
Shops were closed down, 250 , 000 fi nes were issued, and 8 , 000 shopkeepers
were given prison sentences – none of which altered the underlying
economic realities one jot. The arrests and fi nes joined the list of grievances
felt by bazaari artisans and merchants, fuelling their anxiety that
the regime intended to eradicate them altogether. 67
The government realized in the early part of 1977 that there was serious
trouble ahead. 68 Iran’s developing economy had run out of control,
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Revolutionary Iran
and the period of heroic spending was coming to an end because there
was going to be a slump in oil revenues (against the Shah’s wishes, Saudi
Arabia had negotiated a cut in production within OPEC ). In mid- 1977 the
worrying economic picture prompted the Shah to change his prime minister.
After twelve years in that job Hoveida moved over to become court
minister (taking over from Asadollah Alam, who had been forced to retire
by ill- health; leukaemia killed him the following year). Jamshid Amuzegar
took over as prime minister, and introduced a new, defl ationary
economic policy, designed to moderate government spending, bring infl ation
under control and restore some stability. But the result, as growth
declined further, was a jump in unemployment. Infl ation and the sudden
faltering of the economy particularly affected the poor, but to some extent
everyone; rents were high for the middle- class engineers, managers and
professionals in Tehran just as for the slum dwellers, and those with a
stake in new businesses and loans to service felt the impact of defl ation
acutely. The sense of economic crisis added to the political uncertainty
that had been created by Rastakhiz, and those who had forgiven the
regime’s other shortcomings for their competence in economic development
felt their faith slipping away.
In January 1977 Jimmy Carter took over from Gerald Ford as president
of the United States. The Shah had always been more at ease with
Republican presidents than with Democrats. From this point on, he came
to feel greater pressure on his regime’s human rights record. Carter and his
advisers were less tolerant of repressive allies than their predecessors had
been, and the Shah began to relax some of the instruments of repression. 69
In February some political prisoners were released. Later on court rules
were changed to allow prisoners proper legal representation, and access to
civilian rather than just military courts. The Shah met representatives from
Amnesty International and agreed to improve prison conditions. In May a
group of lawyers sent a letter to the Shah, protesting at government interference
in court cases. Politicians and activists who had kept out of trouble
for years began to wonder whether they might now cautiously re- emerge.
In June three National Front activists, Karim Sanjabi, Shapur Bakhtiar
and Dari ush Foruhar, sent a bold letter to the Shah criticizing autocratic
rule and demanding a restoration of constitutional government. Later that
month the Writers’ Association, suppressed since 1964 , resurrected itself
and pressed for the same goals, and for the removal of censorship (many
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99
of the leading members were Tudeh sympathizers or broadly leftist). When
the Shah replaced Hoveida with the more moderate Amuzegar in July, the
change was interpreted as part of a movement towards a more liberal
position. In the autumn more political associations reconstituted themselves;
notably the National Front, under the leadership of Sanjabi,
Bakhtiar and Foruhar; and the Freedom Movement, closely associated
with the National Front, under Mehdi Bazargan and Yadollah Sahabi. 70
At this stage, all these groups, representing mainly the educated middle
classes, were calling for a constitutional monarchy and the full restoration
of the constitution of 1906 .
The Freedom Movement ( Nehzat- e Azadi- ye Iran – sometimes translated
as the Liberation Movement) had been founded in 1961 by Mehdi
Bazargan and Ayatollah Mahmud Taleqani, among others. Both were
important fi gures in the history of political Islam in Iran. Ali Shariati was
also active in the Movement in its early years, but the line taken by Bazargan
and Taleqani was less radical than Shariati’s in the main – aimed at a
liberal, democratic politics that was compatible with Islam, while keeping
a distance from the anticlericalism of some in Mossadeq’s circle (Taleqani
had been one of the few clerics to continue supporting Mossadeq after his
split with Kashani in the run- up to the crisis of August 1953 ). The Freedom
Movement was signifi cant in the events of 1963 – 4 , supporting the demonstrations
against the Shah and suffering with other opposition groups in
the aftermath. Like Khomeini, Taleqani was arrested in 1963 – and again
in the early 1970 s amid the fuss that led to the closure of the Hoseiniyeh
Ershad (which he and Bazargan had helped to establish). The Freedom
Movement kept up a stream of propaganda against the Shah’s regime in its
publications outside Iran, coordinated by Ebrahim Yazdi, often stressing
its ideas’ line of descent from those of the Constitutional Revolution, and
the need for an alliance between the ulema and the secular intelligentsia if
free, democratic government were ever to be established in Iran.
In the later 1960 s and 70 s the Freedom Movement continued activity
at a low level within Iran, but also among students and others in the
US and in France (where its leaders were Ebrahim Yazdi and Sadegh
Qotbzadeh – Abol Hassan Bani- Sadr was associated with the Freedom
Movement but had connections with the National Front also, and generally
kept a somewhat semi- detached position). Bazargan, Taleqani, Sahabi
and their movement were infl uential in their advocacy of political Islam,
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100
Revolutionary Iran
but also because, from their activity in 1963 and their pro- Islamic position,
they were trusted by Khomeini and were able to keep contact with
him in exile. 71 In 1978 – 9 this put them in a crucial position as a hinge
between Khomeini and the rest of the non- clerical opposition to the Shah.
All these members of the Freedom Movement became important fi gures
in the fi rst two years of the revolution.
Khomeini and his supporters among the clergy were also alert to the
rise in tension and the relaxation of regime repression in 1976 – 7 , and set
up a group to coordinate their work against the regime. It was called the
Jame- ye Ruhaniyat- e Mobarez (the Combatant Clergy Association) and
was effectively a tighter reconfi guration of the Coalition of Islamic Societies
that had backed Khomeini in 1963 – 4 – where the Coalition had
included secular bazaari members, the new group positioned the clergy
fi rmly to the fore. Founder members were Morteza Motahhari (the fi rst
leader of the association), Mohammad Beheshti, Ali Khamenei, Akbar
Hashemi Rafsanjani, Mohammad Javad Bahonar, Mohammad Reza
Mahdavi- Kani and Mohammad Mofatteh. The association and its leading
members were central to the development of the pro- Khomeini revolutionary
movement and its establishment of control over the countrywide
network of mosques, madresehs and religious societies in 1978 . Most of
them took important positions in the new Islamic republic in 1979 .
On 10 October 1977 the Goethe Institut in Tehran hosted an evening
of poetry readings organized by the newly revived Writers’ Association.
It was the fi rst of a series of ten such evenings, which from the beginning
had a political character, demonstrating again the close association
between politics and literature in Iranian cultural life. The German
director, coming under pressure from the authorities, became more and
more anxious that SAVAK would close the institute down, and watched
the proceedings from a distance with a bottle of whisky that gradually
emptied as each night went on. Many of the speeches made in between
the readings were strongly critical of the Shah’s regime, pushing against
the boundaries of what was becoming permissible again. Many, if not
most, of the speakers were Tudeh sympathizers; most of the audience
were young students. On the fi fth evening one speaker asked for a
minute of silence for those writers of the previous half century who had
suffered under censorship and repression and had died prematurely –
among them the poet Nima Yushij, Sadegh Hedayat, Samad Behrangi, 72
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101
Jalal Al- e Ahmad, and Ali Shariati, who had died only four months earlier.
73 By this time (despite the fact that there was virtually no reporting
of them in the state- controlled media) the evenings were attracting
crowds of several thousands, some of them from distant parts of the
country, to huddle in the garden of the institute. Audio and video tapes
were recorded, reproduced outside the country, reimported and distributed.
The poet and playwright Saïd Soltanpur, a prominent member of
the Association, agreed to moderate his readings in order to avoid trouble,
but when he came to the microphone found himself unable to hold
back, reading some of his most radical poems against the Shah, some of
them written when he had been in prison. The bolder and more antiregime
the poems became, the more popular they were with the audience.
By the end of the series the organizers had managed to avoid serious
trouble, but a further series of evenings held at the Aryamehr University
ran into greater diffi culties. 74 On 22 November a rally of National Front
supporters just outside Tehran, aimed at forming a new anti- regime coalition,
was violently broken up by SAVAK before it could really start. 75
Another event that raised the tension that autumn was the suspicious
death of Khomeini’s son, Mostafa. A respected cleric in his own right,
Mostafa had been living in exile in Najaf in Iraq like his father. One
evening in October he was visited there by two unidentifi ed Iranians
and the next morning he was found dead, apparently from a heart
attack. 76 The news reached Qom quickly, and memorial gatherings took
place there (organized by Morteza Motahhari and others), in Tehran,
and also in Yazd, Shiraz and Tabriz. At fi rst Khomeini himself responded
to the news calmly and non- committally, but at the memorial events
there were calls for Khomeini to return to Iran, anti- Shah slogans, and
accusations that SAVAK had murdered Mostafa. Over the next few
weeks, word spread in Qom that there would be further substantial
demonstrations at the beginning of December, on the traditional fortieth
day ( arba‘in , or in more common usage chelom ) after Mostafa’s
death. The forty- day period of mourning was to take on greater signifi –
cance the following year. Khomeini’s supporters used the network of
contacts and the hierarchy of relationships among the clergy and
religious students to organize speeches and demonstrations on the day.
In Qom large numbers attended the speeches, which had been coordinated
and made relatively moderate demands: for Khomeini’s return,
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102
Revolutionary Iran
the release of prisoners like Ayatollahs Taleqani and Montazeri (Khomeini’s
close ally), freedom of speech, and the restoration of the Islamic
calendar. But the mood was turning more radical. After the speeches
religious students went on to the streets, chanting ‘Marg bar Shah’
(‘Death to the Shah’) outside the Faiziyeh seminary, which had been
closed down by the authorities after disturbances in 1975 . Police broke
up the demonstrations, beat people up, and arrested some. There were
further disturbances in the bazaar district of Tehran around Ashura on
21 December, including marches with banners, and there were more
arrests. Mostafa’s death had brought Khomeini’s name back on to people’s
lips. SAVAK bosses noted the upsurge in religious dissent. 77
The Shah himself was in Washington in November, where he had talks
with President Carter at the White House on 15 and 16 November. 78 Much
of the visit was taken up with discussions on the supply of military equipment
and the regional politics of the Middle East. Some at least of Carter’s
offi cials found the Shah an impressive interlocutor – Hamilton Jordan, who
was Carter’s chief of staff, commented later rather fulsomely that the Shah
had been one of the most astute international statesmen that Carter met
around that time. But the Shah’s response to Carter’s tentative probing on
the human rights situation was defensive in a way that was becoming characteristic
– according to him the critics of his rule were all communists, and
his response was dictated by the law, leaving him little room for manoeuvre.
For his part, privately, he judged that Carter was naive about the communist
threat. The Shah continued to misunderstand the domestic opposition
and perversely to pretend that his regime’s response was out of his hands.
While in Washington, the Shah was given an offi cial welcome by the
president in front of the White House. But there were demonstrations
against the Shah by a large mixed group of Iranian and American
protestors, who appeared mainly to be young students. The US ambassador
to Iran, William Sullivan, who was in Washington to accompany
the Shah, noted with surprise that some of them carried placards with
Khomeini’s face on them. Queen Farah was surprised too – she could
not understand why students with a progressive political agenda would
take as their hero someone she regarded as a reactionary traditionalist.
79 At one point the police, in danger of losing control, used tear gas
on the demonstrators. Unfortunately the wind was in the wrong direction,
and the gas drifted toward the VIP group. The Shah had to bring
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103
out his handkerchief to wipe his eyes, in full view of the TV cameras. The
Shah’s loss of face made an impression in Iran, where some (unable to accept
that it was an accident) assumed the US government had deliberately humiliated
him to show that their support for him was waning.
Another incident on this trip showed the Shah’s shyness, and lack
of a common touch. Knowing the Shah’s liking for jazz, Carter had
arranged a private performance by Dizzy Gillespie and Sarah Vaughan.
Another even more legendary fi gure, Earl ‘Fatha’ Hines, was present in
the audience as a guest, and at the end Carter persuaded him to join
Gillespie for a fi nal impromptu session together. ‘As the applause was
swelling,’ Carter went on stage with the First Lady to congratulate
and thank the performers. Empress Farah tried to nudge the Shah to do
the same, but he sat stiffl y in his place until she was forced virtually
to shove him up on to the stage, where he shook hands ‘in evident
discomfort’. 80
Whatever the rumours and suspicions in Iran, Carter was keen to display
his backing for the Shah’s regime. He accepted an invitation for a
quick return visit only a few weeks later. He was in Tehran on New Year’s
Eve and made a speech that became notorious, declaring the Shah’s Iran
to be an ‘island of stability’ in the region, saying that ‘There is no other
head of state with whom I feel on friendlier terms and to whom I feel
more gratitude.’ 81 In his fi rst year, and having had a more domestic perspective
previously than some presidents, Carter was still fi nding his feet
in international politics. He had a clear sense of Iran’s importance to US
policy. But his praise was already more perhaps a sign of unease than an
indicator of his true feelings, and the enthusiasm of his speech was
misleading.
At around the same time the British ambassador, Anthony Parsons,
sent his usual annual review despatch back to London. He used it to draw
attention to the awakening of political dissent and the economic diffi culties
of the regime, though he assessed ‘no threat to basic stability’. The
response of his colleagues in London was mixed. The formal reply to his
despatch airily asked whether the character of Iranians had really changed
from their stereotype (‘the epitome of idleness, deceitfulness, corruption,
charm and conceit’), and suggested that other regional leaders (Sadat in
Egypt for example) ‘would be glad to exchange their problems for the
Shah’s’. 82
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Revolutionary Iran
Four Times Forty Days
On 7 January 1978 , presumably in response to the earlier protests over
the death of Mostafa Khomeini, a politically motivated article attacking
the clergy and Khomeini appeared in the paper Ettela‘at . The article had
been written by someone trusted by the regime (under the pseudonym
Ahmad Rashidi Motlaq) and according to one account had been passed
to the editor of Ettela‘at via the court minister, Hoveida, and the information
minister, Dariush Homayun. Alarmed by its content, the editor
queried the instruction to publish, but was given to understand that the
Shah himself had given his approval. 83 Published under the title ‘Black
and Red Imperialism’, the article alleged that Khomeini was plotting with
communists and British interests against the Shah’s government, and that
other senior clerics did not support his opposition to the monarchy. It
also said that he was a foreigner (from his grandfather’s birth in India)
and a poet (the last was true, and was intended to detract from his clerical
seriousness: most ulema , with some backing from the Koran, disapproved
of poetry), and even suggested that he was a homosexual.
Many of the religious class were outraged. Within a few hours of its
arrival in Qom, religious students were going from house to house en
masse, pressing religious leaders to sanction protests against the article,
which they regarded as a deliberate insult. In the streets they clashed
with the police, abused the ‘Yazid government’ and demanded an apology,
a constitution, and the return of Khomeini. But on the fi rst day
( 8 January) there were no serious casualties. The senior clerics recognized
the indignation of the students, but were worried that the authorities
would use demonstrations as an excuse to take further action against
religious institutions. Some prevaricated (Haeri, Shariatmadari); others
cautiously supported peaceful protest (Golpaygani). There was a student
strike on 8 and 9 January, and the bazaar closed in support. On
9 January the leaders of the demonstrations called for calm and silence
rather than the chanting of the previous day, but there were further
confrontations with the police, stone- throwing and broken windows.
The crowds were now thousands strong. The police fi red in the air
initially and the demonstrators scattered, but when they regrouped
some police fi red directly at them. Several were killed – early reports
suggested twenty or thirty, but the real number was perhaps as low as
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105
fi ve. 84 When news of the deaths spread, there were protest demonstrations
in cities across the country. The next day Khomeini praised the
courage of the students and called for more demonstrations. Shariatmadari
and others in Qom condemned the shootings (several at least of
those killed had been religious students from Iranian Azerbaijan; Shariatmadari’s
followers), supported the call for a return to constitutional
government, and urged people to observe the traditional commemoration
( chelom ) after forty days.
In the intervening period many of the clergy spoke out to urge restraint,
and the demonstrations in twelve cities on 18 February, after the forty
days, were mainly peaceful. Bazaars and universities closed. But in Tabriz
(where the demonstrations were large, refl ecting the origin of the victims
shot in Qom) the police locked the main mosque of the city, next to the
bazaar and attempted to bar entry. The demonstrators overwhelmed
them and turned to attacking and occupying buildings that were symbols
for disapproval – police stations, Rastakhiz Party buildings, banks, cinemas
and shops that sold alcohol. Again the police fi red on the crowd,
causing more deaths, and within a few hours army units, including
armoured vehicles, were brought in to restore state control. Again the
number of deaths was exaggerated in reports – research after the revolution
has suggested the real number killed was thirteen, 85 but there would
have been a larger number of wounded. The forty- day rhythm continued,
breathing in indignation, breathing out more demonstrations and intensifi
ed radicalism like a great revolutionary lung. With each cycle moderate
clerics like Ayatollahs Shariatmadari and Marashi- Najafi in Qom,
Khademi in Isfahan and Abdollah Shirazi in Mashhad came under greater
pressure from radicals and supporters of Khomeini, who exhorted them
to condemn the regime as well as the killings, and in some cases camped
in the clerics’ houses. As in previous crises in Iran, the informal network
of contacts and associations between mosques, seminaries, bazaar guilds,
marjas , mullahs and their followers came into play to organize and coordinate
the protests. The moderates began to take a harder line, and
support among religious students shifted to favour more radical clerics. 86
The demonstrations grew larger and more vocal.
On 29 March there were large commemorations for the dead of
Tabriz in fi fty- fi ve cities and towns, most of which were peaceful, but
violence broke out in several places, including Tehran, Isfahan and
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Revolutionary Iran
Yazd. The rioters targeted similar buildings to those that had been
assaulted in Tabriz, but some statues of the Shah and his father were also
attacked, as in 1953 . This time the violence was worst in Yazd, where
Ayatollah Mohammad Saduqi, a follower of Khomeini, became the centre
of protest. As protestors came out of his mosque, heading for the main
police station, they were fi red on, and many were killed – the offi cial fi gure
given was twenty- seven, but the opposition claimed more than 100 . 87
On 10 May, after another forty days, there were large demonstrations
again across the country, and the Shah cancelled an overseas trip to stay
close to developments in Tehran, where the bazaar district was sealed off
with troops and the authorities used tear gas to disrupt a gathering outside
the Friday Mosque (in fact the protests ran from 6 to 11 May). In
Qom the city was rocked by demonstrations and riots for ten hours, more
died in shootings, and at one point agents of the regime pursued activists
into Shariatmadari’s house and shot two dead. 88
But although mourning was called for again on 17 June, the cycle of
demonstrations was broken at this point, and there was a pause. One reason
for this was that Shariatmadari, supported by Golpaygani and
Marashi- Najafi in Qom, urged that mourners should stay at home on the
day in order to avoid further deaths. There was a perception that the
regime’s stance was hardening and that the response on 17 June might be
particularly harsh. But Khomeini called for the street demonstrations to
continue. Why did Khomeini’s followers, notably Beheshti and the others
coordinating the radical effort in Tehran, acquiesce to Shariatmadari’s policy
of restraint? They might have felt that they had temporarily reached the
limit of the support they could mobilize by this tactic, and that to continue
with it would only make themselves more vulnerable. Initially the forty- day
rhythm had worked in favour of the protests, by providing dates for demonstrators
to rally to. But now, with the cycle established, the dates might
begin to work for the regime, by en abling them to prepare for repression
(this was perhaps the lesson of what happened in Tehran on 10 May); and
the protestors might begin to lose out if their numbers, intimidated by the
violence of the authorities, started to fall off. Perhaps they just felt the need
for a breathing- space or wanted to avoid a division between the followers
of Khomeini and the more moderate clergy. 89 Perhaps it was a combination
of these factors. Whether the pause was tactical or not, approved by the
radicals or not, there was no particular sign of a disagreement among the
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107
clergy over the issue, and 17 June passed off peacefully. But feeling was still
running high.
Over the previous months the Shah’s government had followed a tough
policy of arresting and intimidating leading opposition fi gures. By midsummer
about seventy of Khomeini’s clerical supporters had been arrested,
including important members of the Combatant Clergy Association like Ali
Khamenei and Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. 90 SAVAK also targeted members
of the secular opposition – the Writers’ Association, the Freedom Movement
and the National Front. Human rights activists and others received
threatening letters, some were beaten up and the offi ces of Karim Sanjabi,
Mehdi Bazargan and Dariush Foruhar among others were bombed. Meetings
were attacked by thugs in the pay of the regime and were broken up. 91
At the same time as it attacked opposition groups, over the summer the
government tried to placate popular feeling by making concessions. The
regime promised truly free elections for the following year (the Shah
made a speech to this effect on 5 August), 92 and to reopen the Faiziyeh
seminary in Qom – it ended the harassing measures against small bazaari
traders, apologized to Shariatmadari for the attack on his home and
replaced the chief of SAVAK , General Nasiri. The Shah also tried to
address accusations of corruption against his own court by directing that
members of his family should end their business activities. 93 Some secular
liberals were encouraged by the concessions, but Khomeini and his followers
were implacable.
The Shah was reluctant to permit all- out violent suppression of the
demonstrations, but despite his extensive security apparatus, he was
largely baffl ed by the protests against his rule. Members of that apparatus
seemed scarcely better aware. Part of the problem was that what
was happening did not fi t with their expectations of the threat – primarily,
as they had thought, from Marxism – or their rhetoric against it.
Others in the regime fell back on the suspicion that foreign powers were
involved – usually code for the British or the US . Prime Minister Amuzegar
seems to have genuinely believed, such was the level of malicious
backbiting at court, that the protests were engineered by Hoveida and
others to get rid of him personally. 94 Amuzegar was wrong – but right
too in a sense; on 27 August the Shah removed him and appointed
Jafar Sharif- Emami, who came from a clerical family and had connections
with the ulema . There was a further tentative relaxation of some
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108
Revolutionary Iran
regime controls: some press restrictions were lifted, the Shah’s Imperial
calendar was abolished and the old calendar was restored. In addition,
in another attempt to appease religious opinion, the government banned
casinos.
Mashhad, Ramadan, Isfahan, Abadan
Despite 17 June passing off quietly, other incidents in June and July
showed that tension was still high and opposition to the government still
strong. On 15 July some protestors were shot in Rafsanjan, but more serious
demonstrations in several cities followed the death in a car crash of
Sheikh Ahmad Kafi , a popular preacher, on 20 July. In Mashhad several
mourners were shot and killed. Ramadan began on 6 August. The month
of daytime fasting was always an unusual time, sometimes tense, of
heightened religious feeling. It was normal for there to be daily gatherings
at mosques at dusk, and in August 1978 these became regular occasions
for political debate and the intensifi cation of feeling against the government.
There were renewed demonstrations in several cities, more or less
spontaneous, but in Isfahan feeling was stronger because of the recent
arrest of Seyyed Jalaloddin Taheri, one of the most prominent and popular
clerics in the city. There were nightly demonstrations until 10 August,
when the authorities lashed back with force, and a number of participants
were killed. They then imposed martial law and a curfew, with
troops and tanks on the streets. There were demonstrations and killings
on 10 August in Shiraz also, and protest demonstrations against the killings
followed in other cities in subsequent days.
On 19 August a terrible incident raised indignation against the government
to a new pitch. A fi re broke out in the Rex Cinema in Abadan
and killed about 370 people – emergency doors were locked from the
outside. Government and opposition both accused each other, but
events, trials and investigations in later years indicate that a radical
Islamic group with connections to ulema fi gures was responsible. 95
Despite the fact that clerical disapproval of cinemas was well known,
and that cinemas had been attacked by demonstrators earlier in the year,
the mood was such that most believed SAVAK had started the fi re in
order to blame religious radicals. The fi re was important in turning
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109
many ordinary Iranians defi nitively against the Shah’s rule. Many had
reached that point at which they not only did not believe what their
government told them – such was their distrust that they assumed that
the opposite of what they were being told must be true. There were new
demonstrations in cities across the country, and many jumped in size
from around 10 , 000 to double that number or more. By the end of the
month ten more cities were under martial law. 96
Eid- e Fetr is the holiday at the end of Ramadan that ends the month of
fasting. In 1977 prayers had been held in the open air at Qeytarieh in
north Tehran on the day, and in 1978 the authorities gave permission for
the event to be repeated, on the understanding that it would be peaceful
and limited to the designated site (this may have been one aspect of the
gentler line taken by the new prime minister, Sharif- Emami). The prime
organizers were two bazaaris with National Front connections, but the
cleric chosen to lead the prayers was Ayatollah Mohammad Mofatteh,
who was aligned with Khomeini. There is some uncertainty about just
what was intended by whom, but some of those present had brought banners
and placards with pictures of Khomeini, and as the planned event
came to an end, large additional numbers appeared. Mofatteh announced
that the programme was over and (perhaps disingenuously) asked the
crowd to follow marshals to the exits, but instead an impromptu march
began, heading off almost the length of the city, downhill towards the
bazaar district. As it went the demonstration grew in size; later estimates
ranged between 200 , 000 and 500 , 000 . The hum of the crowd and their
chanting could be heard far over the city, even in normally quiet, affl uent
parts of north Tehran like Shemiran and the Elahieh ridge, where butterfl
ies fl oated among the tall trees and swimming pools. Participants,
impressed by the size of the demonstration, felt as though the whole
country was marching. Troops encountered along the route stood aside
and asked the marchers to avoid violence, because they did not want to
shoot. Members of the crowd threw fl owers at them and chanted ‘Soldier,
Brother, why do you kill your brothers?’ It was much the biggest demonstration
up to that time and marked a shift up to a genuinely popular
movement; no longer just one or two radicalized sections of society. And
it was peaceful. 97
The Shah had fl own over the demonstrations in a helicopter, and afterwards
listened to recordings of some of the chanting. He was shocked by
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what he heard – it seems it was in these days that the seriousness of what
was happening in the country fi nally broke through. But he still could not
grasp the nature of the force that was growing against him. Perhaps it
was not the communists who were behind it, but the US and the British?
A revolution was growing on the streets, but in the Shah’s thinking no
revolution dawned. 98 In his book Shah of Shahs Ryszard Kapuscinski
wrote:
The Shah was reproached for being irresolute. Politicians, they say, ought
to be resolute. But resolute about what? The Shah was resolute about retaining
his throne, and to this end he explored every possibility. He tried shooting
and he tried democratizing, he locked people up and he released them, he
fi red some and promoted others, he threatened and then he commended. All
in vain. 99
The Shah’s Illness
Some have suggested that a major reason for the Shah’s inability to deal
with the protests, and therefore a major reason for his eventual fall, was that
he was ill. 100 He had been diagnosed with a form of leukaemia in May 1974 ,
having himself noticed a swelling in his abdomen the previous autumn,
which turned out to be an enlarged spleen. There followed one of those odd
chains of events that sometimes take place in royal courts, which demonstrate
that, bizarrely, even an autocratic court circle may work against the
personal interests of the monarch it is supposed to serve. When the Shah was
diagnosed, the French doctors who made the diagnosis gave it not to him,
but to the Shah’s doctor, General Ayadi, who passed on the news to the Shah
himself, to Professor Safavian (chancellor of Tehran University and a trained
physician – he had ar ranged the contact with the French doctors) and to
Asadollah Alam, but to no one else beyond that restricted group. But even
to them, Ayadi seems not to have passed on the full seriousness of the diagnosis
– he did not want to upset the Shah. Concern that the news should not
get out was paramount; at several points the need for secrecy interfered with
and prevented treatment. Queen Farah was not told at all (she only found
out in the spring of 1977 ). There was no further investigation or treatment
for four months, until September 1974 , when the French doctors were
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111
asked to return (to their surprise – they had expected that American doctors
would be called in). As time went on, it became clear that the Shah’s condition
was worsening, but the same casual attitude to treatment continued.
The Shah was not told the disease was cancer, but was given vague terms
like ‘lymphoma’ (he probably worked it out for himself, nevertheless). Only
when Queen Farah was told did the treatment become more intensive, and
by then it was probably too late. It may be that from the beginning nothing
could have been done anyway, but the situation within the Shah’s court
certainly did not help. 101
The main effect the illness had on the Shah’s thinking seems to have
been to add a sense of urgency that the country should be brought on in
its development, and that things should be ready for a transition of power
so that, when he died, his son Reza could take power smoothly. The disease
may have affected the Shah’s judgement in the crucial months in the
middle of 1978 , but it is far from clear that it was a decisive factor. The
French doctors noted that the Shah was tense and tired during the visits
they made in 1978 , but they seem to have attributed this to the increasing
strain of political matters, rather than the effect of the illness. One would
have to ask, how might the Shah have behaved differently, in such a way
as to shape events differently, if he had not been ill? If he had been fully
fi t, is it more likely that he would have ordered a brutal crackdown at a
point when it might have worked – perhaps in the spring of 1978 ? There
seems no good reason to think so – his illness did not affect the reasons
that held him back. If he had not been ill, might he have been better able
to identify the real nature of the movement against him, and the way it
was developing, such that he would have been better able to act against
it? Perhaps that is more plausible, but again, we have seen there were
major obstacles to the Shah perceiving those realities, which were in any
case diffi cult for anyone to perceive (virtually no one else did). The operation
of the court and the intelligence services seems to have worked
against the Shah getting the analysis he would have needed; his erroneous
assumptions and prejudices about the nature of the opposition were
deep- seated and tenaciously held.
His illness was a factor in the Shah’s behaviour, undoubtedly. It
is possible, perhaps even likely, that it made a difference to the way
events fell out in some chance way. But it is far from obvious that it
acted in such a way that we can say that his illness was a signifi cant
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Revolutionary Iran
determining factor in bringing about his fall, or in making the Islamic
revolution successful.
Black Friday
Clerics participating in the march on 4 September told the crowd that
there would be another on 7 September, starting from the same place.
There was some unease among the organizers in the intervening hours,
because there were rumours of a military crackdown. On the day, the 7 September
march was even bigger, and violence was limited to vain attempts
early on by the security forces to disperse the demonstrators with tear
gas. But the mood was more subdued and militant, ending in the square
around the Shahyad monument with the chanting of a new slogan – calling
for an Islamic republic. 102
That evening, the Shah appointed General Gholam- Ali Oveissi as military
governor of Tehran. Oveissi had a reputation for ruthlessness from
his involvement in the suppression of demonstrations in 1963 . Early the
following morning (Friday 8 September), the government declared martial
law in Tehran and eleven other cities. The announcement may have
come too late for some of those who had planned to take part in further
demonstrations that day, but perhaps they would have demonstrated anyway.
By 8 a.m. a crowd thousands strong had formed in Jaleh Square,
where they were confronted by troops. Tear gas forced the demonstrators
to pull away, but they came back. The second time, the troops fi red in the
air as well as using the tear gas. Again the crowd retreated, then re-formed,
following the example of three who walked back to stand just a few
metres away from the soldiers. Then the soldiers fi red straight into the
crowd with their automatic weapons. Hundreds fell, some taking cover
behind the bodies of the dead, dying and wounded. The rest fl ed. There
were further clashes across the rest of the city over the rest of the day.
In the following days estimates of the dead ranged from hundreds to
thousands (in fact, the number that died was probably around eighty,
with a larger number wounded). Rumours spread that crowds had been
machine- gunned from helicopters, and that the regime had used Israeli
troops against the demonstrators. No one credited reports playing
down the numbers killed; everyone believed a wholesale massacre had
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occurred. In the space of four days Tehran had gone from peace and love
to blood and fury. The mood shifted again, from shock to anger and general
rejection of the Shah. 103 From this point onwards street confrontations
in Tehran became more bitter and violent. The events of the beginning of
September were a turning point. After 3 and 4 September (and even more
so by the end of October) participation in the opposition and in demonstrations
became normal; more the thing to do than to stay at home or
avoid trouble. People participating in acts against the government had the
feeling from this point on of safety in numbers. 104 In addition, after 8 September,
notwithstanding the fact that he had been pressing upon his security
chiefs the need for restraint, the Shah lost the remainder of what in medieval
Iran had been called farr – the aura of rightful kingship, associated
with just rule and military success. People rejected him. They did not want
to hear new suggestions or ideas from him, they just wanted him to go.
There is evidence that the shooting at Jaleh Square was a shock to the
Shah also. When he spoke to President Carter on the telephone on
10 September he sounded ‘stunned and spoke almost by rote, as if going
through the motions’. 105 It seems that this was the week in which the Shah
realized, too late, the full gravity of the opposition to him, and his
predicament.
Strikes
As summer turned to autumn, profi ting from Sharif- Emami’s liberalization
to combine and organize again, the number of workers going on
strike grew. Some accepted settlements that improved pay and working
conditions, but others increased the scope of their demands. Khomeini
called for a general strike, but a more powerful inducement was the defl ationary
policy of the regime, which had brought wages down, slashed
government spending and government- funded projects, and boosted unemployment.
At the same time, rents and food prices in particular were still
high after the preceding period of infl ation. The discontent over living
conditions, pay cuts and the threat of unemployment fused with the general
disillusionment and anger with the regime – after all, the Shah’s
government had laid great emphasis on, and made great claims for, their
economic planning and economic management. It seemed legitimate to
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Revolutionary Iran
blame him rather than industry managers or business owners. And when
the workers were on strike, it was natural enough that they would take
part in the demonstrations. Through the fi ve years before 1978 , one
authority recorded an average of around twenty- three strikes per year, but
in October 1978 alone there were thirty- six. By the beginning of November
most of the country was on strike, including railways, airports, banks,
some newspapers, and most crucially, the oil workers, some of whom
went on strike within days of the Jaleh Square massacre. The oil workers’
demands were both industrial and political, including an end to martial
law, the release of political prisoners and the dissolution of SAVAK . It has
been estimated that by the end of October oil production had fallen to
just 28 per cent of normal. The economy began to grind to a halt. 106
The strikes were important in bringing down the regime. The Shah
could conceivably have continued to face down the demonstrations, if the
rest of the structure of his regime had remained solid. The strikes undermined
that solidity, and the instruments of repression (army and police)
could not, ultimately, break mass strikes if they persisted. But one should
be wary of assuming that from the summer of 1978 onwards a growing
fl ood of industrial workers and other poor Iranians joined the movement
against the Shah and made his overthrow inevitable. The majority of
Iran’s population still lived in the countryside in 1978 , and there was little
sign of the rural poor taking more than a minor part in demonstrations
even by December. The revolution was predominantly urban. Even among
the poor of south Tehran, there is evidence that many were more preoccupied
with the day- to- day business of survival, and had little interest in
the demonstrations. 107 Iranians from humbler backgrounds were involved
in the protests, and more of them joined in from the summer of
1978 onwards, but the social home of the revolution lay with the bazaaris ,
the religious students, lower- middle- class clerical, business and publicsector
workers who found their aspirations frustrated by corruption,
cronyism and rising living costs, and the secular intellectuals and their
followers among the educated middle class. 108
For a period after Black Friday, concerned to avoid more massacres,
Khomeini and his followers encouraged strikes as a weapon against the
regime rather than calling for more demonstrations. Nonetheless, demonstrations
continued in regional towns like Qazvin, Amol and Sanandaj.
Some of these were in response to the activities of groups of thugs hired
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by SAVAK and local police chiefs. On 16 October, one such regimealigned
mob attacked a mosque in Kerman and then moved on to make
mayhem in the bazaar district, while police and the city authorities did
nothing. Similar actions were reported around the country. Pro- regime
mobs attacked students, teachers, bazaar shops and mosques in places
like Khoy, Kermanshah and Hamadan. 109 The intention of these actions
was presumably to intimidate regime opponents into silence. The result
was rather to discredit the regime still further, and to emphasize the lawlessness
in the country and the Shah’s loss of control. Rather than
intimidating the opposition, in many cases it stimulated communal selfprotection
(notably in Amol, where on 31 October the opposition took
matters into their own hands, arresting SAVAK agents and organizing
patrols on the streets to identify troublemakers) and a new wave
of anti- regime violence. In the latter part of October, after an abortive
and seemingly half- hearted attempt by the government to negotiate with
representatives of the bazaaris , SAVAK paid hoodlums to attack, loot and
burn shops in the bazaars of some towns. As a result, many merchants
cleared their shops of goods, making a strike or shut- down of the bazaar
superfl uous. In the last week of October, in Hamadan, police offi cers were
accused of raping three girls, one of whom, Mahin Ardekani, later committed
suicide. Within a few days the city descended into chaos, with
protests on the streets, fi res lit and barricades erected. Eventually troops
moved in and many were killed. 110
On 4 November, demonstrations resumed in Tehran, especially in the
central area around the university, where students were shot at. The next
day, they pulled down a statue of the Shah. Crowds sacked a number of
buildings in the same area, and broke into the British embassy compound.
111 Merope Coulson had recently married another member of
embassy staff; she was working on the fi rst fl oor:
The atmosphere throughout the day was very tense. Fires were raging across
the city and I could see spirals of smoke from my offi ce window. By midafternoon
I could hear shouting and chanting ‘death to the Shah’ in the
distance, getting louder and louder. From my window I could see a huge
demonstration marching up Ferdowsi [Avenue], armed with bricks and
stones. I watched as the demonstrators pulled the grille off the bank on the
opposite side of the street, smashing the windows and setting it on fi re.
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Revolutionary Iran
Turning their attention to the British embassy, the mob started hurling great
bricks over the wall, smashing all our windows in a mad frenzy. They then
broke down the iron gate to the compound and surrounded the building. I
can hear the shouting and the smashing of glass to this day. A young embassy
Third Secretary took charge and urged all embassy staff to go up to the third
fl oor of the building, to the ‘safe’ area, where a grille came down. Together in
the central corridor of the building, away from the windows, we thought we
would be protected from the mob by the iron grille. By this time the mob had
broken into the foyer of the building, setting it on fi re. They had also thrown
a fi rebomb from the street into my offi ce which I had only recently vacated.
Rubber tyres had been set alight in the emergency exit. With this area and the
main entrance hall on fi re we had no means of escape. I thought ‘this is a good
start to married life’. And where was my new husband? I couldn’t see him.
My colleagues and I, fi lled with fear, huddled together in the corridor,
listening to the angry mob shouting as they advanced up the wooden staircase.
By some miracle, the Third Secretary who had taken charge and spoke
fl uent Farsi, learned that the crowd did not in fact realize we were all working
in the building at the time of the attack, that they didn’t want to hurt
us. He negotiated with them to let us out of the burning building. By this
time the fi re had spread across the entire fi rst fl oor.
The staircase to the foyer was smouldering and some of the steps were
now missing, but the young revolutionaries held out their hands to help us
climb down. It took tremendous faith and courage to take their hands,
enemies one minute, saviours the next. There was glass everywhere, shouting
in my ears and the constant smell of burning. The Iranians were trying to
communicate with us amidst the confusion and the chaos but I couldn’t
understand what they were saying. Eventually we escaped and ran towards
the rear of the compound, where we congregated in a colleague’s house. And
then I saw my husband: he had been outside the building all along and now
he was busy fi ghting the fi re with other embassy members. Eventually the
army moved in and the crowd dispersed. 112
Many other buildings in Tehran burned on 5 November, including
banks, expensive hotels and airline offi ces. It was the worst damage to
property that the capital had yet seen, and of course it attracted more
attention in the international media than regional demonstrations had. It
seemed that this time the security forces had lost control. The Shah
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responded the next day by removing Sharif- Emami and appointing a military
government, with General Gholam-Reza Azhari as the new prime
minister. Six other generals became ministers; one of them, Oveissi,
became minister of labour and immediately imposed martial law in Khuzestan
in order to suppress the strikes in the oilfi elds.
The Shah Speaks
On the same day, the Shah made a broadcast on TV and radio. He
addressed the broadcast to the ‘Dear Iranian Nation’, approved what he
called their revolution, and the way that they had stood up to oppression
and corruption, but said that some had taken advantage of the situation to
engage in ‘riots, anarchy and revolts’. He said he was aware of the risk that
in preventing these, mistakes like the ‘mistakes of the past’ might be made.
But he promised that these mistakes would not be repeated, and that after
order had been restored a national government would establish basic
freedoms and free elections, and the Constitution of 1906 . He repeated
that he had heard ‘the message of your revolution, nation of Iran’. 113
Perhaps he had. Others at the time had been impressed by the determination,
the discipline and the restraint of the crowds. But for the Shah it
was too late now. The bizarre speech gave an impression of weakness;
that he was following, not leading. How could the Shah praise the people
for standing up to the oppression of his own government? Why should
they trust him to enforce now the constitution whose principles he had
fl outed and ignored for thirty years? For many Iranians, ironically, his
mention of ‘their revolution’ crystallized for the fi rst time the idea that
this was, or could be, a revolution. But the crucial change that the revolution
sought, that Khomeini had demanded with brutal clarity all along,
inexorably gathering support, was the removal of the Shah.
Was the Shah vacillating? 114 He did not really hesitate as such – he was
reacting quickly to events. He just did not know what to do – partly
because he did not understand what was happening, and many of his
assumptions about what lay behind what was happening were incorrect.
He continued to try a combination of harshness against demonstrators
and activists and conciliatory measures toward ordinary Iranians
(a policy which, if it had been more successful, might later have been
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Revolutionary Iran
praised as wise, fi rm statesmanship). He did not want to use full brutal
force, despite the urgings of some of his generals. 115 His father would
have, at an early stage. It was not the illness – the Shah was just not his
father. It was partly that he did not want to lose the backing of the Carter
administration; it was also his own personality and inclinations. But the
son’s methods did not work. By this point, people no longer wanted to
give him another chance.
In foreign capitals, too, there was uncertainty. Having regarded the
Shah’s regime as more or less stable until the summer, the Carter administration
were suddenly pitchforked into a predicament in which they had to
consider the possibility, becoming a probability as autumn moved into winter,
that the Shah would fall. If they continued to support him now, might
that prejudice their relationship with whatever regime might replace him?
Or was it time to encourage the Shah to repress the opposition with an allout
military crackdown? In Washington, Carter’s national security adviser,
Zbigniew Brzezinski, was arguing for the military option, while Cyrus
Vance in the State Department, backed by Ambassador Sullivan in Tehran,
was arguing against. 116 In a move that did little more than lose time, Carter
appointed George Ball as an outside adviser; he presented a report to
Carter in mid- December, but the report did not resolve the argument. 117
In London the prime minister and the foreign secretary both agreed
that events should take their course in Tehran without any overt British
interference. On one aspect they disagreed – David Owen was reluctant
to cancel the Queen’s visit to Iran – planned as part of a regional tour of
the Middle East for February 1979 – preferring to give the Shah more
time to suggest himself that it be postponed (in the end the Iran leg of the
trip was of course dropped, and David Owen recognized the new government
in Iran while accompanying the Queen on the tour; he did so on the
advice of the embassy in Tehran before the Foreign Offi ce in London,
because of the time difference, had woken up). 118
Ambassador Parsons in Tehran was more cautious, and more prepared
to keep giving the Shah a chance than some of his Foreign Offi ce colleagues,
but he had acquired a sincere respect for the revolutionary
movement. In fact, the situation in Iran by this stage was moving beyond
the ability of outside powers to infl uence events signifi cantly, no matter
how agonized their deliberations. Gary Sick, who was then on the NSC
staff in Washington, told a British diplomat on 26 December 1978 that
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‘the situation in Iran was beyond the US ’s ability to understand, still less
to control or infl uence’. 119
As the revolutionary wave swelled, the attitude of Westerners and Western
governments to Khomeini himself moved from baffl ement to incredulity.
How could this man, a cleric whose experience of life revolved around
theological colleges, who plainly had no idea how to run a modern country,
offer Islamic government as an alternative to the government of the Shah?
Roger Cooper (who was later imprisoned under the Islamic Republic as a
spy) interviewed Khomeini in Paris for the BBC and The Financial Times in
January 1979 , but also reported his fi ndings to an offi cial at the Foreign and
Commonwealth Offi ce. Frustrated by requirements to submit questions in
writing in advance, Cooper managed nonetheless to ask a few supplementary
questions in person. He asked Khomeini how it would be possible to
reconcile the Islamic prohibition on usury with the banking system in Iran.
‘Khomeini replied that it would be necessary to invent a different system.
Other answers showed a similar naivety and lack of realism’ . 120
Of course, as events were to prove, it was Cooper’s vision and the
vision of others like him that was limited – they were still unable to grasp
the full magnitude and the real shape of what was happening; nor the
charisma of Khomeini’s utter self- confi dence. But Khomeini saw the
essentials. Power was the essential thing – the rest was trivial and would
follow; banking system, whatever; willy- nilly.
Descent into Collapse
For a short time Oveissi’s hard line in Khuzestan had some success, and
the authorities were able to achieve a greater level of oil production
again. At different points this was achieved by forcing the strikers back
to work, or, less effi ciently, by bringing in personnel (including troops)
from outside. But in December the oil workers walked out again, and
many of them resigned. 121 The opposition agreed to allow some oil production
for domestic purposes, but supplies ran out in many places, and
many Iranians had a cold winter for want of heating oil. There was a
similar pattern in other industries and sectors, though few were regarded
as so vital or came under such direct and heavy regime pressure as the
oil industry. Workers struck for a few days or weeks, returned to work
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Revolutionary Iran
and then went on strike again. Often, even when they were at work, little
productive activity could go on because of the general dislocation and
the knock- on effect of strikes elsewhere.
Another development at the beginning of November was that Sanjabi
and Bazargan, representing the National Front and the Freedom movement
respectively, both met Khomeini in Paris. If they had given serious
consideration to the Shah’s reform proposals over the summer, Black Friday
and the events that followed had turned them, like most of their
supporters, defi nitively against the regime. After meeting Khomeini, both
made statements showing that they aligned themselves and their followers
unequivocally with Khomeini and against the Shah. Bazargan’s
statement said that the demonstrations had shown the support of the
people for Khomeini and that they wanted an Islamic government to
replace the monarchy. 122 When Sanjabi returned to Tehran he was
arrested – in protest the bazaar closed and there were renewed strikes.
Across the country there were sporadic protests through the rest of
November and December, and where these were met with armed force
from the authorities the protestors now on occasion responded with violence
themselves. After the imposition of military rule in Ahwaz, a
six- year- old girl was shot and killed by police at a demonstration. Two of
the police who had opened fi re were killed in response. Similarly, two
police were killed in Nishapur on 19 November, after two demonstrators
were killed. There were assassinations and bomb attacks on police,
SAVAK and army personnel over the same period, carried out by the
Fedayan, the Mojahedin- e Khalq and other militant groups. When crowds
were able to identify SAVAK agents, their response was often harsh. On
21 December, demonstrators in Tehran spotted one such on top of a
building – some of them swarmed in and up the stairs and threw the
SAVAK man down to his death. 123
The mourning month of Moharram began that year on 2 December,
and there were renewed protests on the streets of Tehran as young men
went on to the streets at night, defying the curfew and in some cases
wearing white shrouds to advertise their indifference to danger. Many
were killed. Others showed their support by going onto rooftops and
shouting ‘Allahu Akbar’ (‘God is Great’). The opposition organized
huge demonstrations for Tasu‘a and Ashura, the commemoration of the
death of Emam Hosein, on 10 and 11 December. In an attempt to limit
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the violence, to reassure the people and draw larger crowds, the organizers
successfully negotiated permission for the demonstrations with the
military government by stipulating prearranged routes, peaceful, orderly
behaviour, no arson or other violence, and no chanting of ‘Death to the
Shah’. They also arranged for marshals to supervise the marchers along
the route. Similar arrangements were made in other cities. Karim Sanjabi
and Ayatollah Taleqani led the marches in Tehran, 124 symbolizing the
opposition’s alliance of secular and religious intellectuals, and perhaps
the heritage of the similar alliance that had led the Constitutional Revolution
in 1906 .
The result was demonstrations of unprecedented size. Estimates for the
size of these demonstrations in Tehran have ranged between 500 , 000 and
4 million, but it is diffi cult to know what the true fi gures were. Somewhere
between 500 , 000 and 1 million for 10 December and upward of
1 million for 11 December seems moderate (the fact that the marches on
10 December passed off peacefully seems to have encouraged even larger
numbers to participate on the 11 th). Huge marches, in proportion, took
place in most of the other major cities and towns of Iran on the same
days, such that it has been estimated that altogether between 6 and 9 million
Iranians took part. 125
On both days, the marches were almost wholly peaceful, although on
11 December the marshals failed to prevent anti- Shah slogans and the
waving of banners and placards that broke the agreed rules (Fedayan and
MKO followers were particularly keen to push beyond the limits). With
or without the slogans and banners, the message of the marches was clear
enough, transcending the religious signifi cance of Ashura. The people
wanted the Shah to go. Notwithstanding the greater level of violence on
both sides in December, the peaceful, dignifi ed conduct of the marches on
10 and 11 December (like those of 4 and 7 September at an earlier stage)
impressed many observers at the time. 126 Former diplomat Desmond Harney,
now in Tehran as a representative for Morgan Grenfell, recorded in
his diary for 10 December:
The day seems to have been a triumph of trust and discipline. As Goudarzi
[Harney’s gardener] said with shining eyes, ‘I told you so. If they do not
provoke us and shoot us, we are not men of killing and burning. Let us
express ourselves as we want, and there cannot be any trouble. 127
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Revolutionary Iran
As the regime lost control and lost credibility, the opposition gained
moral authority and self- confi dence.
In general, over the autumn and into December, the revolutionary
crowd had shown restraint, despite the shouting and slogans. When
violent, most of the violence of the crowds was directed at property, not
at people. There were individual acts of killing – usually provoked – but
no massacres. This was another refl ection of the fact that the people saw
themselves as united against the Shah and his government, not against a
class or any other group – except perhaps SAVAK .
At the end point of the march on 11 December, in the huge square
around the Shahyad monument, a manifesto was read out on behalf of all
the opposition parties and acclaimed by the crowd. It declared that Khomeini
was their leader and must be obeyed; that the monarchy must be
removed, an Islamic government established; that exiles must return; that
the army must combine with the people; that minorities must be protected,
agriculture revived and the poor given social justice. 128
The exceptions to the peaceful conduct of the demonstrations on 10 and
11 December were in Isfahan and Shiraz, where there were outbreaks of
violence. In Isfahan leftists attacked the offi ces of SAVAK , the crowd were
shot at from the building, and ten people were killed. The protestors then
turned to arson, burning cinemas, shops and banks until troops moved in. 129
Nonetheless, there were some dissenting voices among ordinary
Iranians:
on the day of Ashura, there was a march from Emam Hosein Square to
Azadi Square, led by Grand Ayatollah Taleqani. A lot of people participated
in this gathering. Although there was a probability of violence against this
crowd, people unwaveringly prepared to sacrifi ce themselves regardless,
even if some would lose their lives. Nobody was able to stop this crowd.
On our return, in Kush Street an old lady stood and told the demonstrators –
who were mainly young people, ‘Why did you make this demonstration?’
Many youngsters stood there, and the old lady encouraged them not to
participate and to stop being anti- monarchist, and these youngsters stated
their point of view. The old lady said, ‘Up to now, the Shah and his family
have taken enough wealth and they are full up and now they give the
money to the people, but these mullahs, their pockets are too big and deep:
by the time they were full up, nothing would be left for us, and we would
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123
be miserable.’ Why didn’t we listen to what the older generation, like this
old lady, was saying? 130
And:
At the time of the demonstrations I had a neighbour who was absolutely
unreligious. The husband was a known drunkard, and none of his daughters
conformed to Islamic attire. One of the girls was in the navy and another was
in the army – at that time it was unusual to see a female in the forces, and such
women had a bad reputation. But these girls broke all of these cultural customs.
One day, after I had been at the demonstrations, I came towards my house and
in the alleyway, as usual, I saw the women – opposite these girls’ house, standing
and chatting with each other. At that time, during the evening, women came
out and sat somewhere to chat together. I approached these ladies – my mother
was among them – and they noticed that I had just come back from the demonstrations.
My neighbour’s mother asked me, ‘Do you know what this
revolution is all about?’ and I said Islam and God, and she responded, ‘No, it
means in the winter you have to use a Korsi [an old- fashioned foot warmer
run on charcoal] and all of you will have to use it since you won’t have a heater.
Under the Korsi your feet will heat each other!’ What she meant was, this revolution
is a step back. But these sorts of comments did not change our minds.
We thought we would go to the demonstrations and would eventually go to
heaven and these people would go to hell, and at the time I felt sorry for them. 131
After Tasu‘a and Ashura, the Shah cast around for a way to stabilize
the situation and keep himself in power. It seems that he tried to negotiate
with Sanjabi, to get him to head up a government of national
reconciliation that would enable the Shah to stay as head of state. But
Sanjabi refused, allegedly because the Shah would not give up his position
as commander- in- chief of the armed forces, or because such a plan
was impossible without Khomeini’s acquiescence, which Khomeini
would not give unless the Shah abdicated. Discussions with another politician
who had been a minister under Mossadeq, Dr Gholam- Hosein
Sadighi, also broke down eventually. 132 The strikes continued and intensifi
ed; there were more demonstrations and protests across the country,
under the black fl ags that had led the revolt of Abu Muslim over 1 , 200
years before. People began to speculate about the loyalty of the
army. Khomeini’s portrait was everywhere on the streets; many had
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Revolutionary Iran
already taken down their pictures of the Shah. US citizens and other foreigners
were leaving the country – numbers dropped from 58 , 000
Americans in the country to 12 , 000 by early January. The movement was
accelerated by attacks against foreigners, notably the assassination of an
American oil executive in Ahwaz on 23 December. Some wealthy Iranians
were leaving too. Others took advantage of the early snow in the
mountains to try to forget their troubles by going skiing – Desmond
Harney recorded in his diary that thousands were skiing at the most
popular resort, Dizin, on 23 December. 133
Finally, on 31 December, it was announced that Shapur Bakhtiar would
form a government. At the same time it was given out that the Shah would
leave the country for rest and medical attention, but there were confl icting
rumours about this over the days that followed. On 6 January Bakhtiar
announced his cabinet, and the Shah made a statement saying he needed a
rest and that this might take place outside Iran. Bakhtiar made a fl urry of
liberalizing announcements as he took offi ce, promising free elections, to
close down SAVAK and to lift martial law, and setting up a Regency Council
to carry out the Shah’s constitutional functions while he was out of the
country. He also declared that Khomeini was free to return. 134 Khomeini
responded by announcing the establishment of the Council of the Islamic
Revolution ( CIR – the body, whose membership was initially kept secret,
had in fact been set up the previous November to coordinate strikes and
other actions against the Shah’s government). The CIR caused unhappiness
among the politicians of the Freedom Movement and the National Front,
whose representatives in it felt outnumbered and marginalized by the clergy.
On 4 January General Robert E. Huyser arrived in Tehran, sent by
President Carter to bolster as far as possible the support of the Iranian
military for the Bakhtiar government and, as a secondary purpose, to
keep open the possibility of a military coup if it proved necessary.
Huyser was a natural choice because he had been in Iran in the spring
and summer of 1978 , drawing up a command and control system for
the Iranian armed forces, liaising with the highest levels of the military
and with the Shah personally. But on his arrival he was given a message
from Washington by Ambassador Sullivan to the effect that his instructions
were suspended. He soon realized that Sullivan regarded Bakhtiar
as a dead duck, and the military as powerless to change the situation.
Sullivan believed the only realistic option was to begin working with the
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125
opposition straight away. On 6 January Huyser was told to proceed
with his contacts with the military as originally instructed, but the incident
had given him a jolt. He convinced himself at the time that the
Iranian military had the will and the cohesion to act decisively, and later,
in retrospect, that, if they had, the military could have saved the Bakhtiar
government. Given the fi ghting that took place later, before the fi nal collapse
of the Bakhtiar government on 11 February, the former conviction
is at least tenable. But it seems implausible that military action could
have saved Bakhtiar’s government. By the end of January Huyser’s presence
had become generally known, and his name was appearing on
placards at demonstrations. He left Iran on 3 February. 135
By the beginning of January law and order had broken down over much
of the country, and the authorities had wholly abandoned some towns, like
Mashhad. People set up arrangements for their own localities, independent
of government (in some areas with a separate or separatist tradition, notably
Kurdestan and Khuzestan, these local arrangements took on the
character of movements for autonomy). SAVAK offi ces were a special target
for attacks. 136 Even in Tehran, the police were absent from the streets
for the most part. Students were directing traffi c, and food was being distributed
from the mosques. There were occasional random clashes with the
police and army:
One of our neighbourhood boys, who lived on the other side of our road,
always bothered my sister. He had light- brown hair and was a known troublemaker
who was always bothering and teasing the girls. One day I was at
home, and there was a lot of noise coming from our local petrol station,
where a crowd of people were in a queue to fi ll up with fuel. At the same
time two military vehicles were passing down the same street. This boy went
on to the main road and blocked the two vehicles and started swearing at
the military personnel. The soldiers in the vehicle shot him, in front of everyone,
and continued down the street. But suddenly, there was a lot of noise
and screaming from the crowd. I always remembered this boy – he was very
brave and curious. Before the revolution this curiosity and bravery took the
form of pestering and fl irting with the women. But during the revolution he
was one of the strongest supporters and was in favour of demonstrations
for ‘female protection’. He was martyred after his doings – God bless his
soul, we saw a lot of such valiant people in the time of the revolution. 137
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126
Revolutionary Iran
Finally, the Shah ended the prevarication and took the decision to
leave, delaying further only (as he thought) to see Bakhtiar established in
offi ce. But when Parsons made a fi nal call on him on 8 January, the Shah
was still bewildered by what had happened:
Why, the Shah asked, had the people turned against him after all that he had
done for them? I said . . . the same forces which had humbled Nasruddin
Shah in 1892 . . . and had prevailed over Muzafferiddin Shah in 1906 over
the constitution, had combined to bring down Mohammad Reza Shah – the
mullahs, the bazaar and the intelligentsia. I had never admired the Iranian
people as much as I had done in the past few months. Their courage, discipline
and devotion to the cause of overthrowing the monarchy had been amazing
. . . The Shah agreed about the performance of his people but rejected
my analogies with his Qajar predecessors. ‘I have done more for Iran than
any Shah for 2,000 years; you cannot compare me with those people.’ 138
Most of the Shah’s household were still loyal, but from time to time
messages, from whom no one seemed to know, had been appearing on his
dining- table at lunchtime, bearing anti- Shah slogans. On 16 January he
was fl own from Niavaran palace to Mehrabad airport by helicopter. After
a short delay while waiting for Bakhtiar to appear (he came straight from
the ceremony in which the Majles confi rmed him in offi ce), he boarded an
airliner with Queen Farah and a group of attendants. As the aircraft left
Iranian airspace an hour or so later, heading for Egypt, the Shah asked for
lunch. But there was none – catering staff at the airport had prevented the
loading of any food, or crockery, cutlery or glassware. So the Shah and his
wife ate some of the food his guards had brought for themselves – a pot
of rice and beans – baqali polo – from paper plates, using some paper
napkins and their fi ngers. 139
Back in Tehran, as soon as the Shah’s departure became known, there
was a surge of rejoicing:
We live in the south of Tehran which is the poor part of the city, but my
family is not too poor. My father owns a grocer’s shop. I will never forget
the day the Shah left. It was January and everyone was out in the streets
shouting ‘Shah raft’ (the Shah has gone), and my father took me out to
march. He is not a religious man but he hated the Shah and was pleased
that the ‘Emam’ (Khomeini) was coming home to become our president
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127
[ sic ]. Almost every day we were in the street. Nobody worked or went to
school. Guns fi red in the air and it was like a holiday. Everyone was happy,
strangers kissed and held hands, shouting ‘Shah raft, Shah raft’. 140
Ambassador Parsons reported by fl ash telegram the jubilation brought
by the news that the Shah had left. (Flash telegrams were the highestpriority
category of communications, before Immediate and Routine. The
following is the full text.)
At 2 p.m. local time the radio announced that the Shah had left the country.
Within seconds there was a great burst of hooting of car horns and shouting
of crowds. Looking from the chancery window, I can see people dancing in
the streets, processions passing carrying Khomeini banners, all cars and buses
with their lights on and horns blaring. The military guard outside our compound
have removed their steel helmets and are waving pictures of Khomeini.
People are rushing up to the soldiers and embracing them. A scene of wild
jubilation which must be being enacted throughout Tehran. 141
Up and down the country people went on to the streets to celebrate,
and in many places they did so by pulling down statues of the Shah (where
this had not been done already). 142 On 15 January, the British embassy
had reported another large demonstration in Tehran, commenting that
the Bakhtiar government was not exercising effective control (they had
already commented on 10 January that prospects for a return to stability
under Bakhtiar were ‘bleak’), and that the army were widely thought to
have passed up the opportunity of intervening. The marchers seemed to
be deliberately wooing the military, ‘putting fl owers on their guns and
vehicles’. 143 Another big march (to mark the forty days since Ashura) followed
on 19 January.
It is not entirely clear why the Shah delayed his departure in the fi rst
half of January. It seems likely that he could not face the reality of it – the
likelihood that, if he left, it would be for good and his reign would be
over. He received contradictory advice. Perhaps he hoped something
would just turn up, to give him another chance. The reason he gave for
the delay was that he wanted to see Bakhtiar fi rmly established (in particular,
confi rmed by the Majles) before he left. 144 But in fact, the delay
achieved exactly the opposite: it fi xed Bakhtiar in the minds of Iranians
as the Shah’s last prime minister and thereby discredited him.
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3. Tehran
N 0 2 miles
0 3 km
Mehrabad Airport
Railway
Station
Bazaar
Azadi
Square
Tehran
University
Evin
Qolhak
Vanak
Amirabad
Laleh Park
Elahieh
Tajrish
Darband Golab
Darreh
Qeytarieh
Doshan
Tappeh
Farahabad
Jaleh
Square
(Meidan-e
Shohada)
Enqelab Street
J omhuri-ye Eslami
Taleqani Avenue
Ferdowsi Avenue
Shahr-e Rey
to Behesht-e Zahra,
Emam Khomeini Airport
and Kahrizak
Kargar Avenue
Vali Asr
Jamaran
Niavaran
highway-freeway
main street
railway
park
open area
residential area
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129
Bakhtiar’s liberalizing announcements at the beginning of January
had won over some to his support – notably Ayatollah Shariatmadari.
Political prisoners were released, and the red light district in Tehran was
closed down:
one day I went to Tehran University for a demonstration. It was the day that
Masud Rajavi (head of the MKO ) was freed from prison, and he wanted to
deliver a speech to the people. Many young people, like me, were infl uenced
by the political prisoners and their courage. But we felt very intimidated by
these people because of their knowledge of the Shah’s regime – which was
more than ours – and because of their record of resistance against the Shah.
Mr Rajavi started speaking to the crowd, but his voice sounded like a woman’s.
I had expected a political prisoner would sound very masculine, but in
this case I was surprised.
On the same day a minibus arrived among the crowd of students, and I
asked why this bus arrived here. I was told that a group of prostitutes, who
lived in the houses in the Jamshidiyeh Street, were brought here to repent
against their doings and to show their support and solidarity for the revolution
and the revolutionaries. Apparently many of these women got married
that day and changed their direction in life, but I don’t know what they did
after that. 145
Ignoring as irrelevant Bakhtiar’s efforts to present himself as the
prime minister of a viable, liberalizing government, Khomeini condemned
him from Paris, declaring that any government appointed by the
Shah was illegal. Bakhtiar’s former colleagues Sanjabi and Foruhar
expelled him from the National Front, saying that there could be no settlement
until the Shah abdicated. The demonstration on 19 January was
again huge – over 1 million strong – and again it ended at Shahyad
Square (which many were already calling Azadi Square – Freedom
Square) with a political statement, declaimed again by Taleqani and Sanjabi.
The statement announced that the Shah had been overthrown, that
an Islamic republic must be established, that Khomeini should introduce
an Islamic revolutionary council and a provisional government; and that
Bakhtiar’s government was illegal (because it had been appointed by an
illegal Shah and an illegal Majles). The army should not move against
the revolutionary movement; the strikes and demonstrations had to continue
until the fi nal aims of the revolution had been achieved. 146
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130
Revolutionary Iran
And continue they did, making the operation of Bakhtiar’s government
impossible. Some of his ministers and members of the Regency Council
began to abandon him. On 20 January Khomeini announced that he would
return to Iran within the next few days. Despite his earlier statement that
Khomeini was free to return, Bakhtiari closed down Mehrabad airport.
Between 26 and 28 January there were many deaths outside the airport as
demonstrators were gunned down by troops enforcing the closure. 147
These deaths fi nally sealed Bakhtiar’s fate. He appeared like just another of
the Shah’s prime ministers, presiding over the killing of demonstrators. The
movement that backed the demonstrations and strikes, that regarded Khomeini
as their leader, had no time for Bakhtiar. But he still had the support
of the military, as was confi rmed by General Qarabaghi to General Huyser
on 31 January. The airport reopened the same day; Bakhtiar stipulated
only that Khomeini should not be allowed to fl y by Iran Air (the airline
was all but shut down in any case, because of the strikes). 148
When Khomeini fi nally returned on 1 February 1979 (in an Air France
aircraft) he confi rmed Mehdi Bazargan as his prime minister and initiated
a tense period in which there were briefl y two governments in Iran. But
eventually, as described in the prologue, after the armed confrontation
between air force personnel and Imperial Guard troops loyal to the Shah
at Doshan Tappeh on 10 – 12 February, Bakhtiar and the military commanders
saw the impossibility of the situation and gave in, leaving the
fi eld clear for Khomeini and his supporters.
Why Do Revolutions Happen?
It is a commonplace observation that it is the failures of governments
that make revolutions, not the cunning or the commitment of revolutionaries.
149 The Shah’s government failed in a variety of ways – there
was the short- term economic diffi culty but, more importantly, a deepseated
failure to recognize or nurture the political aspirations of the
people. Beyond the failure of the government, a number of unusual
things have to happen in order for a popular revolution like that in Iran
to succeed. People have to see the government as the problem, 150 blame
the government and want to remove it (there are plenty of other things
they might blame for their problems – other individuals, groups or classes;
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131
The 1970s and the Slide to Revolution
fate or even themselves). The government has to fail to mollify them.
People have to be prepared to defy the government, perhaps to the point
of risking their lives. They have to avoid the divisions within the burgeoning
revolutionary movement widening to split their effort. And this has to
be sustained for long enough for the government to give in, or collapse. It
is quite a tall order. Like a series of mirrors facing each other, the revolution
depended for its success on a series of perceptions of perceptions. It
was necessary, through the confusion of the times, for people to perceive
that others, in suffi cient numbers, had already perceived that resistance to
the regime could succeed and would act upon it, and, in addition, perhaps,
that the morale of the armed forces had been sapped by the
perception that they might lose the confrontation, or by sympathy with
the revolutionaries. Through the summer and autumn, those perceptions
became established – but it could have gone the other way. Several commentators
have emphasized the collective psychology of the revolution,
the absence of any simple, single cause, and the importance of the dynamic
by which the confi dence of the opposition in its own viability grew from
spring to summer to autumn in 1978 , as the confi dence of the Shah and
the regime faded. More even than is the normal case with historical study,
the causes of the revolution are best explained not by heavy theory, but
by placing the course of events in a narrative, within which the responses
of individuals and groups to successive events and crises can be properly
understood. 151 A series of events changed the position that the people
were in, gradually removing deference to the government, increasing
indignation and determination that Shah must go. Paradoxically, the
growth of the revolutionary movement was helped in the early stages by
the regime’s own self- belief; by the government’s complacency. Initially,
revolution was indeed unthinkable. As more groups joined in, their different
grievances and aspirations fl owing into the broad oppositional
stream, the sense of shared participation and commitment increased.
But one should not go from the judgement that there was no single,
simple cause to the revolution, or from the judgement that a growing
sense of collective solidarity was important, to thinking it was all aimless
or contingent – some kind of mass psychosis. 152 Repeatedly, since
the late nineteenth century, when secular government had got into trouble,
ordinary, pious Iranians had turned to the other authoritative
institution in Iranian society for leadership – the Shi‘a clergy. Up to the
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132
Revolutionary Iran
1960 s and 70 s, the Shi‘a clergy, faced with the challenges of social
change, economic change and Western infl uence, had as a body been
divided and uncertain about how to respond; now siding with liberal
intellectuals, now with the monarchy. But by the 1970 s Khomeini had
learned from previous episodes and could provide new answers and
clear principles for the leadership of the clergy in its own right. 153 Allied
to that was the popular enthusiasm for Islam, in opposition to Westernization
and foreign interference in the country. That was one part of what
happened. The other was, since 1906 , the longstanding demand from a
broad swathe of the Iranian people for a free society and representative
government. The mechanism of the revolution was determined by the
gradual gathering of confi dence and solidarity among the Iranian people
through 1978 , but the form the revolution took was determined by the
leadership of Khomeini and the clergy, and the demand for free institutions.
In January and February 1979 , it seemed possible that the two
could be kept out of confl ict with each other. But within a few months it
became clear that such a confl ict could not be avoided. 154
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133
3
Like the Person He Ought to Be:
Islamic Republic, 1979 – 80
Khomeini
One of the scurrilous allegations contained in the Ettela‘at article of January
1978 that led to riots in Qom was that Khomeini was not Iran ian, but
an Indian (this allegation in turn lent force to another in the article, that
Khomeini had been a British agent – an assertion the Shah himself seems to
have believed). 1 The story about Khomeini’s Indian origins derived from the
fact that his grandfather had borne the name Seyyed Ahmad Musavi Hindi,
and had lived in Kintur near Lucknow. 2 Lucknow, under the Shi‘a rulers of
Awadh (themselves a dynasty of Iranian origin), was one of the most Persianized
cities in India and a centre for Iranian immigration, especially in the
eighteenth century, when a series of disasters had prompted many who
could to leave Iran. It seems that one of Khomeini’s ancestors had gone to
Lucknow at this time, or earlier (from Nishapur in Khorasan). But in the
1830 s Ahmad went on pilgrimage to the shrine of the Emam Ali in Najaf in
Ottoman Iraq, where he met another mullah who suggested he should move
to Iran and settle in Khomein (a small town between Isfahan and Tehran).
Khomeini came from a family that descended from the Prophet,
denoted by the title seyyed and the black turban they wore. They traced
their lineage back to Mohammad’s daughter Fatima, through the seventh
Shi‘a Emam, Musa al- Kazim. Heads of Khomeini’s family had
been mullahs for generations. When Khomeini’s grandfather Ahmad
came to Khomein he bought a large house there and was soon established
as an important fi gure among the local Shi‘a clergy. As time went
on he acquired more property in the area. Ahmad’s son Mostafa was
born in 1856 and followed the usual family path into the clergy. He
studied in Isfahan, Najaf and Samarra and married the daughter of
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134
Revolutionary Iran
another distinguished clerical family. His property, status and learning
placed him in the upper levels of the ulema , well above more junior
mullahs whose families could not afford the long training, who had to
struggle for the patronage of more senior fi gures and make a living from
fees as teachers, legal notaries or preachers. Mostafa’s third son, Ruhollah,
the future leader of the revolution, was born in September 1902 .
Status brought responsibilities, but danger also; Mostafa was murdered
the following year while travelling to get help for the people of Khomein
from the government against some local bandits. 3 In the years that followed,
conditions only got worse. Over the years of chaos following the
Constitutional Revolution and during the First World War the economy
broke down, the country became a playground for the soldiery of foreign
powers, famine and epidemics of disease broke out, and law and order collapsed
in many parts. In Ruhollah’s early years Khomein was raided a
number of times by Lori tribesmen. In 1918 his mother died in a cholera
epidemic just as he was about to go into the seminary nearby in Soltanabad.
His elder brother Pasandideh (later a distinguished cleric in his own
right) became head of the family; it seems likely that being an orphan intensifi
ed Ruhollah’s independence and ambition to succeed. Later he moved to
the famous Faiziyeh madreseh in Qom as a student of Sheikh Abdolkarim
Haeri, an apolitical but practical- minded scholar and marja (who was
responsible for restoring Qom to pre- eminence as the centre for religious
learning in Iran in the 1920 s, drawing back many Iranian students from the
shrine cities of Iraq). 4 In Qom Khomeini received the usual mullah’s training
in logic and religious law, 5 becoming a mojtahed in about 1936 , which
was young by comparison with others and a sign of his promise.
From the time that he became a mojtahed , Khomeini could teach and
write in earnest. Early on he had an interest in poetry and mysticism
( erfan ) that was quite unconventional, these being objects of disdain for
many conservative mullahs. Among other works, he studied Molla
Sadra’s Four Journeys and Davud al- Qeisari’s commentary on the Fusus
al- Hikam of Ibn Arabi (both classic texts for the tradition of mystical
philosophy within Islam); he wrote a commentary on the latter in 1937 . 6
In the 1930 s he studied philosophy and erfan with Mirza Mohammad
Ali Shahabadi, who as well as being an authority on mysticism was
more interested in contemporary politics than many of the ulema ,
believing it was important to explain religious ideas to ordinary people
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
in language they could understand. This combination of mysticism and
political engagement might seem strange from a Western perspective,
but not in the Shi‘a Islamic tradition:
The very heart of erfan is the destruction of the distinction between subject
and object – an experience of the world in which seer and seen are one. And
teachers of erfan seek to impart to their students a sense of the fearlessness
toward everything external, including all the seemingly coercive political
powers of the world, which true masters of erfan should have. 7
Shahabadi opposed the rule of Reza Shah and also infl uenced the development
of Khomeini’s political thinking. 8
Khomeini had a strong sense of his own personal dignity as a mojtahed
, and the dignity of the ulema as a whole. He always dressed neatly
and cleanly – not affecting an indifference to clothes or appearance as
some young mullahs did. He struck many new acquaintances as aloof and
reserved, and some as arrogant, but his small circle of students and friends
knew him to be generous and lively in private. For his public persona as
a teacher and mullah it was necessary for him to exemplify authority and
quiet dignity. Through the 1940 s and 50 s, continuing to teach in Qom, it
is perhaps correct to think of Khomeini taking a position between the activism
of Ayatollah Kashani on the one hand – active in parliament, anti- colonial
and anti- British – and that of Ayatollah Hosein Borujerdi on the other –
more conservative, more withdrawn, tending to quietism and intervening
only seldom in political matters (in the 1950 s Khomeini was close to
Borujerdi in Qom, did work for him and followed his example by staying
out of politics). 9 But Khomeini’s combination of intellectual strength, curiosity
and unconventionality made him different from either; potentially more
creative and innovative, though for the time being still politically quiescent,
deferring to his superiors in the hierarchy of the ulema in the period of rapprochement
between clergy and monarchy after the fall of Mossadeq.
Khomeini became an ayatollah after the death of Borujerdi in March 1961 ,
by which time he was already attracting large and increasing numbers of
students to his lectures on ethics and was regarded by some as their marja .
The events of 1963 – 4 made Khomeini the leading fi gure opposed to the
Shah, along with Mossadeq, who was still under house arrest and thus
effectively neutralized (Mossadeq died in 1967 ). Khomeini, though he disapproved
of constitutionalism in private, had been careful to speak
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Revolutionary Iran
positively about the constitution in public. 10 His attack on the new law
governing the status of the US military was calculated to win over nationalists,
some of whom might previously have been suspicious of a cleric.
Intellectuals like Al- e Ahmad gave him their enthusiastic support. He was
already applying the political method by which, through addressing popular
grievances and avoiding pronouncements on issues that might divide
his followers, he would later make himself the dominant national leader.
He had learned from the lessons of twentieth- century Iranian history –
from the period of constitutionalism, from the rule of Reza Shah, from the
premiership of Mossadeq and from his own experiences in 1963 – 4 , from
the example of religious leaders like Fazlollah Nuri, Modarres and
Kashani. The clergy might make alliances of convenience with the monarchy
or with secular intellectuals or others, but they could not trust any of
them. For Khomeini, the logic of the clergy’s position and experience
seemed to point just one way – to the rule of the clergy. And the mood of
the times seemed to be shifting their way; young intellectuals like Shariati
were turning away from Western models in favour of what they saw as the
authenticity of Islam and Iranian Shi‘ism.
From 1964 Khomeini was out of Iran, exiled after his involvement in the
demonstrations and disturbances of 1963 – 4 , and to all appearances out of
Iranian politics. In a sense, Iranian politics was itself exiled, taking place
among Iranian students and others living abroad. Khomeini went initially
to Turkey, then to Najaf in Iraq, where he spent most of the next fourteen
years. But although he was out of Iran, he continued to comment on matters
within Iran, and his words were taken into the country by his supporters;
including later on by means of cassette tapes that were copied and proliferated
once they had been smuggled in. He was like an Old Testament prophet
denouncing a sinful world from the wilderness; like John the Baptist
denouncing the corrupt court of Herod from his underground prison.
Khomeini used his period of exile to develop a theory of Islamic rule
that would supply the guiding principle that had been missing in 1906 –
that would enable the ulema to govern in their own right without deferring
to secular politicians. From 1970 he gave a series of lectures in Najaf
about religious law and government, which later became a book
( Hokumat- e Eslami – Islamic Government ) 11 and, in turn, the theoretical
foundation of the Islamic republic after the revolution of 1979 – the principle
of velayat- e faqih .
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
One could see velayat- e faqih as the apotheosis of the deep- seated mistrust
of secular authority that is grounded so deep in Shi‘a Islam, and as
the culmination of the Usuli position as it had evolved, creating its own
hierarchical structure, since the seventeenth century. The term velayat- e
faqih needs explaining. The word vali signifi es a regent or deputy, someone
standing in for the person with real authority. Velayat means guardianship
or deputyship, or rather, by extension, the authority of the guardian,
deputy or regent. The term faqih (plural fuqaha ) signifi es a jurist, an
expert in Islamic law – fi qh (in Iranian Shi‘a terms, a mojtahed ; a member
of the ulema ). The logic of the concept was that the shari‘a, derived from
the word of God and the example of the Prophet and the Emams, was
there to regulate human conduct and was the only legitimate law. In the
early centuries after the death of the Prophet, the Emams had been the
legitimate leaders to interpret and apply the shari‘a. But in the absence of
the Hidden Emam (since AD 874 ), the mojtaheds had, of necessity, taken
over that responsibility (on a provisional basis – hence velayat ). They
were the right people to interpret the shari‘a and to guide its application
in practical everyday matters, high or low. So to whom other than they
could sovereignty and the responsibility of government properly devolve?
The theory of velayat- e faqih meant that the secular authority of other
governments, of whatever form, was illegitimate. In the absence of the
Hidden Emam, the only rightful rulers were those selected by the ulema
(Khomeini’s thinking was not entirely new – the idea that the ulema
should rule had been current, though never dominant, during the reigns
of the last two Safavid Shahs in the period 1666 – 1722 ). 12
The book Hokumat- e Eslami 13 began with an analysis of how Islam
had been eclipsed in the modern world, saying baldly (and without
further explanation) that pressure on Islam had begun with the Jews,
joined later by ‘other groups . . . about three hundred years ago’. These
groups were motivated by materialism and saw Islam and the belief of
the people in Islam as the main obstacle to their ambitions. ‘They therefore
plotted and campaigned against Islam by various means’, using
‘agents’ in educational institutions, in religious institutions, and in government.
‘Orientalists’ in the service of ‘imperialistic states’ were
working at the same time to the same ends. 14 This analysis refl ected the
experience of the ulema in the 1930 s; confronted with the Westernizing
policies of Reza Shah and other contemporary Middle Eastern rulers
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Revolutionary Iran
and politicians in the foreground, and the infl uence of Western powers
in the background.
Khomeini (sounding rather like Shariati) declared: ‘Islam is the religion of
militant individuals who are committed to truth and justice. It is the religion
of those who desire freedom and independence.’ But the Westernizing
forces –‘servants of imperialism’ – created a false view of Islam in men’s
minds, according to which Islam had nothing to say about big questions of
political principle and government, only concerning itself with pettifogging
matters, such as ‘ritual purity after menstruation and parturition’. The educated
classes were particularly affected by these false, Western- inspired ideas.
But it was not just the servants of imperialism that were to blame, because it
was true that some ulema (‘ akhund ’; a pejorative term) had really preoccupied
themselves with these trivial matters, turning aside from the bigger
questions. ‘They too are at fault’ – for the neglect that took over in seminaries
and madresehs , unwittingly contributing to the success of the imperialists.
In a paragraph dealing with the Constitutional Revolution, Khomeini
wrote that, despite some Islamic window- dressing, ‘agents of Britain’ had
taken advantage of the constitutionalist movement to create the constitution
of 1906 – ‘the basis of the laws that were now thrust upon the people
was alien and borrowed’ – going on to say that the constitution was
opposed to Islam, primarily because (adducing various proofs from the
Koran and hadith) Islam was opposed to monarchy and the hereditary
principle. Showing himself to be a spiritual descendant of Fazlollah
Nuri, 15 Khomeini asserted the falsity of the constitution and the idea of
Islam promulgated by the imperialists (but also, departing from Nuri’s
example, monarchy). What was necessary was Islamic government
–‘Know that it is your duty to establish an Islamic government’ – based
on the principles of Islam, and the authority of the Prophet Mohammad,
passed down through the Shi‘a Emams. Khomeini said that this would be
just government, because the people would be governed not by people,
but by law – the law derived from the Koran and the hadith.
But there was a conceptual gap. In the section entitled ‘The Form of
Islamic Government’ 16 Khomeini did not really say what Islamic government
was going to be. He wrote that it would not correspond to any
existing form of government; it would be based on Islamic law: ‘Islamic
government may be defi ned as the rule of divine law over men’. In lieu
of a legislative assembly, a ‘simple planning body’ would draw up
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139
Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
programmes for different ministries ‘in the light of the ordinances of
Islam’. This would be facilitated by the fact that Islamic law, based on the
Koran and the hadith, was recognized and accepted by Muslims already.
With the monarchy gone, there would be no huge system of corruption
and embezzlement; nor the ‘superfl uous bureaucracies and the system of
fi le- keeping and paper- shuffl ing that is enforced in them, all of which are
totally alien to Islam’.
But instead of elaborating further, Khomeini restated the reason why
velayat- e faqih was the legitimate form of government. Legitimate government
was the rule of God, as expressed through divine law. In the time
of the Prophet, the Prophet himself governed. After him, the Emams were
the legitimate governors – not for their spiritual qualities, but because
they were pre- eminent in their knowledge of law and justice. What of the
time after the occultation of the twelfth Emam? Should there be anarchy
and chaos because the Emams were no longer active in the world? No –
despite their disappearance, knowledge of law and justice were still
present – in the ulema , the fuqaha , the scholars of fi qh , shari‘a law. The
fact that these men might be defi cient in spirituality by comparison with
the Emams did not matter in this context, because the important thing for
government was not spirituality, but knowledge of law and justice. They
were the ones entitled to govern:
Now that this much has been demonstrated, it is necessary that the fuqaha
proceed, collectively or individually, to establish a government in order to
implement the laws of Islam and protect its territory. If this task falls within
the capabilities of a single person, he has personally incumbent upon him the
duty to fulfi l it; otherwise, it is a duty that devolves upon the fuqaha as a whole.
So, government by the faqih or the fuqaha , a simple planning body,
and ministries. But beyond this thin outline, nothing. Hokumat- e Eslami
gave no constitution, no structure explaining how different elements of
government would relate to each other and no mechanism for representation
of the wishes of the people. Khomeini wrote that the law of Islam
was comprehensive and covered every eventuality – therefore it was
unnecessary to go into further detail. But this conceptual gap left it
unclear what would happen if Khomeini or his followers eventually were
to put their ideas into practice, and left plenty of room for reinterpretation.
Why was there this gap? It may be that Khomeini intended
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140
Revolutionary Iran
deliberately to leave some fl exibility for interpretation, in case he needed
it later. But ultimately he was a religious thinker, not a constitutional
expert. It seems likely that, like the clerics in 1906 , he simply did not
know (at least not in 1970 ) what form the constitution might or should
take.
Khomeini’s ideas in Hokumat- e Eslami did not gather much support
among the ulema , and before 1978 – 9 were not widely circulated beyond
religious circles. No senior fi gure endorsed them (except Ayatollah Montazeri,
one of Khomeini’s own former students), and the most senior
ayatollah in Najaf at the time, Abol- Qasem Khoei, rejected Khomeini’s
arguments on the basis that he had exaggerated the signifi cance in fi qh of
the concept of velayat , which (according to Khoei) was properly confi ned
to the guardianship of widows and orphans. Khoei and his successors
(notably Ali Hosein Sistani) in Najaf have continued to reject Khomeini’s
principle of velayat- e faqih down to the time of writing.
From the time of the appearance of Hokumat- e Eslami onwards Khomeini
demanded the removal of the Shah and the establishment of Islamic
government: clear and consistent demands that the whole country could
understand (at least, they thought they could – what exactly Islamic government
might mean in practice remained less clear) and which, as
discontent grew through the 1970 s, increasingly made him the focal point
for opposition to the Shah.
In 1978 Khomeini was forced to leave Iraq by Saddam Hussein, following
the rapprochement between Iran and Iraq achieved through the
Algiers Accords. Having been refused entry to Kuwait, Khomeini went to
Paris in October, where he lived in the suburb of Neauphle- le-Château,
attended by his son Ahmad, his son- in- law Eshraqi and members of the
Freedom Movement including Abol Hassan Bani- Sadr, Sadegh Qotbzadeh
and Ebrahim Yazdi. These supporters served as a buffer between him
and the unfamiliar Western world. 17 Hundreds of jour nalists wanted to
speak to him, but the interviews showed a serious mismatch of expectations.
The idea of an interview in which inconsequential, polite chat set
the parties at ease before the serious, sometimes blunt questioning began
was quite alien to Khomeini, who was used to deferential petitions and
respectful requests for advice from students and others in the hushed precincts
of the seminary. He sometimes appeared to fi nd the journalists
irritating. The BBC journalist Stephen Jessell commented:
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
This tremendous presence from some remote century made no effort to
welcome us, or at least me, and hardly gave us a glance. He sat on a pile of
cushions in the corner of a small living room, eyes lowered, and harangued
my colleague’s tape recorder . . . It falls to a journalist, if he or she is lucky,
to see at close quarters some of the people who leave their stamp on history.
Of them all, I have never met anyone who made so great an impression as
this man to whom the nuances and compromises of the twentieth century
were, it seemed, of as little lasting signifi cance as the snow that fell that
winter. 18
This goes some way to explain the notorious incident in the airliner as
Khomeini fl ew back to Tehran, when he was asked by the ABC journalist
Peter Jennings (through an interpreter) what his feelings were on returning
to Iran. Khomeini replied, with a slight, even smug smile as if to dismiss
the question as absurd: ‘Hichi – Hich ehsasi nadaram’ (‘Nothing – I have
no feelings’) . 19 The interpreter preferred to translate this as ‘He doesn’t
make any comment,’ but since that time Khomeini’s opponents have presented
his words as expressing his indifference to Iran and the Iranian
people; or as pointing to his preference for Islam over any form of Iranian
nationalism. It seems more likely that Khomeini regarded the question as
trite and inappropriate – but at a deeper level, that he was beyond feelings
of the kind meant by Jennings. This prompts an enquiry as to what Khomeini’s
attitude to himself and his role really was.
In addition to his public theory of velayat- e faqih , Khomeini also had
a complementary private theory, of principles for the religious life, that
informed his view of his own signifi cance and his role. This drew upon
his studies of mysticism; on his study of Ibn Arabi and Molla Sadra in
particular, but also other authors. It is important to remember that his
interest in mysticism was in itself a major departure from the normal
orthodoxy of the ulema ; for many years Khomeini concealed his philosophical
and mystical inclinations. 20 Khomeini saw prayer as part of a
process of development, of self- improvement, as a kind of ladder toward
God. 21 This drew upon an idea found in the work of many Islamic mystics,
but especially that of Ibn Arabi – the concept of al- insan al- Kamil
– the Perfect Man. Ibn Arabi wrote that human experience was divided
between the macrocosm – the experience of the external world – and the
microcosm, the internal world. These two worlds refl ect each other, albeit
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Revolutionary Iran
imperfectly; but through religious contemplation and self- development,
Man can ‘polish his soul’ until the two worlds are congruent. He can
improve and perfect himself until he takes on the form of the divine –
becoming the Perfect Man. 22 Khomeini wrote as early as 1929 :
The Perfect Man . . . is the holder of the chain of existence, with which the
cycle is completed. It is the beginning and the end, it is the external and the
internal, the totality of the Divine Book. He is God’s great sign, created in
God’s image. Whoever knows the Perfect Man has known God. 23
This was, in effect, the project of Khomeini’s life. The Perfect Man is a
copy of God, achieved by religious discipline, prayer and mystical devotion,
and becomes a conduit for the will of God in the world. In Shi‘a
terms, this is what the Emams had been in their time. According to Khomeini’s
studies of Molla Sadra’s Four Journeys , the fourth and fi nal
journey brings the traveller to the point of velayat (a term Khomeini used
also in this context) or prophethood, at which he can guide the wider
community toward God. 24 Khomeini believed that he refl ected the spiritual
reality of the world and was a vehicle for the mind of God 25 – hence
the absence or irrelevance of personal feelings.
This account of Khomeini’s internal life might seem of marginal relevance
to the political events of 1979 ; but he himself would have seen it as central,
and he would have had a point. After all, on the day of his return to Tehran
from Paris and in the unique atmosphere of the early months of 1979 there
was a congruence between the will of Khomeini and the will of the Iranian
people – ana al- haqq wa al- khalq – ‘I am the truth and the people’. 26 He did
seem to be a conduit for both the mind of God and the will of the people.
Microcosm and macrocosm really did seem, albeit briefl y, to be as one.
Islamic Government – Theory and Practice
Many books, whether because they focus on the Shah or for other reasons,
break off with the events of February 1979 and the success of the
revolutionary movement. But an understanding of the struggle thereafter
over the formation of the institutions that followed the revolution is
at least as complex and problematic, and as intriguing, as what went
before. How would the tension between religious and liberal democratic
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143
Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
principles be resolved? What would fi ll the conceptual gap over the form
of government that Khomeini himself had left in his book Hokumat- e
Eslami ? What were Khomeini’s intentions in the fi rst few weeks after his
return to Iran? Did he expect from the beginning to establish a religious
dictatorship with himself at the head of it? There is good reason to think
not, and to believe instead that the eventual form of the Islamic republic
came about as a result of a process of adjustment, action, reaction, struggle
and consolidation over the fi rst year or more after the revolutionary
movement achieved supremacy on 11 February 1979 – and that Khomeini
initially expected a more distant role for himself, relying on secular
politicians that he felt he could trust to carry out the day- to- day business
of government. Khomeini later emphasized the collegiate nature of
decision- making at this stage, between himself and the other members of
his close circle. He, or rather they, managed the early phases of the revolution
with great skill. In the French and Russian revolutions, those who
took power after the initial success of the revolutionary movement were
displaced from power by other revolutionaries within a relatively short
period. But Khomeini, against the expectations of many liberals and leftists
in particular, took power and succeeded in holding it until his death.
Initially, he did so partly by letting others take responsibility for government,
and by allowing them to be displaced.
The theory of velayat- e faqih was, and is, open to different interpretations.
Proponents of reform within the Iranian system have in recent
years argued again for a more restricted role for the vali , which would
mean that he would only intervene when he saw the principles of Islam
threatened, or when he was asked for guidance by the elected representatives
of the people (Morteza Mottahari was arguing for something like
this early in 1979 ). The form that the velayat- e faqih took in practice after
1979 was not a foregone conclusion – a variety of other outcomes were
possible.
In a little more than a week after Khomeini’s return Bazargan was
appointed prime minister, and Bakhtiar’s government collapsed. 27 In the
jubilation that followed the Shah’s departure and the success of the revolutionary
movement, there was another outpouring of political and
journalistic activity, as in the period before the Constitutional Revolution,
and again in 1941 – 53 , and again briefl y in 1963 . New newspapers
and political societies appeared. For example, within a few weeks there
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144
Revolutionary Iran
was a split in the National Front, with a younger- spirited, more leftist
party appearing under Hedayatollah Matin Daftari, calling itself the
National Democratic Front ( NDF ). 28 Another newcomer was the Muslim
People’s Republican Party ( MPRP ), with its strongest support in Iranian
Azerbaijan. This party had a system of values and a social support base
similar to that of the Freedom Movement but took its membership from
(mainly middle- class) Iranians who regarded Aya tollah Shariatmadari as
their marja- e taqlid (the party received his blessing in return). 29 The situation
was fl uid, and within a short time the unity that had held the
different elements of the revolutionary movement together through the
struggle to remove the Shah began to break down.
Despite the popular adulation around him, Khomeini acted with caution
in this early phase. Initially, in keeping with the conservative instincts
of the religious class, he was anxious that radicals on the streets should
disarm and cease rioting and looting. The police, gendarmerie and army
should not be attacked: ‘They have returned to us, and are one [with]
us.’ 30 He did not make an immediate grab for power and full control but
set himself and his followers to the task of consolidation and a more
indirect extension of their power. Before his return, in their meetings in
Paris, he had given liberal nationalists like Sanjabi and Bani- Sadr 31 the
impression that he favoured democratic government with a supervisory
role for the clergy – similar to the constitution of 1906 but with the Shah
removed and the position of the clergy only moderately strengthened.
Bazargan, Qotbzadeh and the other politicians of the Freedom Movement
received the same impression, and thought that after the initial
drama of his return, Khomeini would fade into the background, leaving
politics to the secular politicians. Khomeini allowed them to continue
thinking that way, and the initial form of government he set up, with
Bazargan at the head of it, seemed to confi rm the same thing. The more
radical line he had taken in Hokumat- e Eslami was still not widely
known.
Khomeini could rely on the Council of the Islamic Revolution ( CIR ),
using it as a coordinating body for his most loyal supporters. 32 Through
it, and through personal contacts, he could communicate with the local
revolutionary committees ( komiteh ) and revolutionary courts that had
been set up throughout the country, and with the Friday prayer leaders
in the mosques, over whom he also gained control within a short time.
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
In addition, already in February 1979 he and his followers set up the
Islamic Republican Party ( IRP ) to represent the political interests of his
followers among the ulema . Ayatollah Beheshti was the leading fi gure in
the IRP from the start, along with others who would become central later,
including Hojjatoleslam Hashemi Rafsanjani, Mohammad Javad Bahonar
and Ali Khamenei, and Mir Hosein Musavi (an associate of Beheshti
and one of several non- clerics). The most senior members among the
founders had all, or nearly all, been members of the Jame- ye Ruhaniyat- e
Mobarez (Combatant Clergy Association) in 1977 and 1978 and were
members of the CIR also. Membership of the IRP grew rapidly, and it
brought out a new newspaper, Jomhuri- ye Eslami ( Islamic Republic ). 33
Up and down the country the fi rst months of 1979 were euphoric for
many and exciting for the politically minded, but chaotic and terrifying
for some. Daily necessities like staple foods and kerosene for cooking and
heating were still in short supply because of the strikes that had gone
before. Groups of young men, some of them armed, roamed the streets
looking for SAVAK functionaries or anyone associated with the old
regime. Some targeted foreigners; embassies were threatened, and on
14 February Fedayan radicals attacked and occupied the US embassy.
Ambassador Sullivan and the other diplomats in the building were held
for a while, but were released later after the Provisional Government
intervened. 34 Over the following months the situation settled down
in some ways, but remained disturbingly uncertain. Old patterns of
authority were disrupted, and people did not know where to look for
reassurance and security. When initiatives with public consequences were
undertaken, ordinary people did not necessarily know who was responsible
or why what was done had been done. There were too many
independent or semi- independent poles of authority. This was the fi rst
phase of the Islamic republic, and in some respects it was the defi ning
phase. To a reduced but still signifi cant degree, that uncertainty, the multipolar
political system and also the occasional application of extra- judicial
violence, still persist in Iran today.
Central authority had broken down, and local komiteh had taken
over in many places, like the Soviets in Russia in 1917 – 18 . It was estimated
that there were 1 , 500 komiteh in Tehran alone at this time. 35 For
the most part the komiteh were sympathetic to Khomeini, but it took
some effort for the CIR and IRP to purge them of leftist and liberal
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Revolutionary Iran
elements they found undesirable, and in areas with large ethnic or religious
minorities like Kurdestan and Khuzestan (and the areas in the
north- east where Turkmen tribes lived) the local feeling for autonomy
was strong and resistant to the reimposition of central control (members
of the Fedayan did their best to encourage and radicalize some of these
regional movements). Khomeini was elderly, and came from a conservative
social and intellectual background that distrusted anarchy and social
disorder. He had held back from ordering mass violence against the
Shah’s government at a number of points between November and February,
and even at the climactic moment on 11 – 12 February had sought to
restrain violent elements on the side of the revolutionaries. Among these,
the Fedayan and the MKO had been most signifi cant on that occasion;
they had been gathering strength rapidly from the point of near- extinction
at the hands of SAVAK before 1978 (Tudeh also regained some of its
former strength). Khomeini had spoken out against these violent, leftist
groups even while he was still in Paris. After his return he was acutely
aware that, when it came to armed force, his own supporters were weak;
and aside from the militant leftists, the army, though it had declared
itself neutral and was bruised after the events of January and February,
was also still a potential threat (as would be demonstrated later).
To address this vulnerability, Khomeini and his supporters set out to
strengthen their own faction and to neutralize the threats to it where
they could. Three groups aligned with Khomeini and prepared for violent
action crystallized out of the revolutionary mass of those who had
gathered for demonstrations, and the komiteh. Of these, the Mojahedine
Enqelab- e Eslami (Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution) were set up
on a basis rather like the Fedayan and the MKO . Similarly the Sepah
( Sepah- e Pasdaran- e Enqelab- e Eslami – literally, Islamic Revolutionary
Guards Corps), 36 though these from the beginning had a more disciplined
character, as a militia intended as an ultra- loyal cadre to defend
against the lingering possibility of a military coup. In the long run,
the Sepah (set up initially by Khomeini’s order on 5 May) became the
most important of these new bodies. By September 1979 they were
around 11 , 000 strong and were under the command of Hashemi Rafsanjani.
Finally, the Hezbollah (Party of God) served as strongmen who
could be sent in with clubs and fi sts to disrupt meetings, beat up opponents
and intimidate any group Khomeini’s people found it necessary to
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
target. 37 All three were recruited largely from the poorest classes, on the
calculation that they would be the most loyal to Khomeini and his
programme and the least likely to be affected by leftist, liberal or Westernizing
infl uences.
In addition, Khomeini’s people sent Namayandeh- ye Emam (Emam’s
representatives) commissar- style into the regular army units to ensure
their loyalty and purge them of royalists and other troublemakers. Similar
agents were sent into most civilian offi ces and branches of government,
with similar purposes.
Broadening out further the sector owing allegiance to Khomeini, his
followers also took over the Pahlavi Foundation, with all its property and
other assets, including factories, farmland and overseas investments;
renaming it the Bonyad- e Mostazafan (Foundation for the Oppressed).
The Bonyad, along with other, similar institutions, was used both to make
payments to those the IRP deemed worthy recipients of charitable support
and as a pool of patronage to give jobs to the right sort of people,
strengthening Khomeini’s cause.
As Khomeini’s followers were boosted by the enthusiasm of young students
and others from poor backgrounds, who were sent into recalcitrant
sectors of the former regime to ensure proper revolutionary and Islamic attitudes
and behaviour, so at the same time the supporters of the parties based
in the middle class, the National Front and the Freedom Party (many of
whom, at work, found themselves intimidated by Khomeini’s earnest young
agents), found their support eroded by emigration as large numbers of middling
and prosperous Iranians left the country. In the heightened political
excitement of the time, this emigration also tended to taint the political activities
of those left behind. As the months passed, Bazargan, his provisional
government and the political parties from which he and they drew support
found themselves demoralized and rendered almost superfl uous by the creation
of new Khomeini- aligned bodies, and by the arrogation to themselves
by Khomeini’s party of control and infl uence in pre- existing institutions.
Middle- class emigration was stimulated and accelerated by the activities
of the revolutionary courts. Headed by judges sympathetic to
Khomeini, and supplied with victims by the komiteh and other groups,
the revolutionary courts replaced previous civil codes with shari‘a law
and operated under a particularly harsh revolutionary version of it,
condemning former functionaries of the Shah’s regime and others like
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Revolutionary Iran
prostitutes and allegedly corrupt businessmen for crimes justifi ed from
shari‘a text like being ‘at war with God’ and ‘spreading corruption on
earth’. Most prominent of the judges was Hojjatoleslam Sadegh Khalkhali,
who gave the impression of enjoying his work. Beginning with the four
executions on the roof of the Refah school on 14 February (Rahimi,
Nasiri and two others), a series of further judicial killings followed, and
continued despite protests from Bazargan and other moderates, and
international indignation. Several leading clerics, including Shariatmadari,
also protested (though the militant leftists of the MKO and Fedayan
urged the courts on to execute even more of the previous regime’s offi ceholders).
The trials were quick and rudimentary, often held in secret, with
little attempt at a defence, nor any detailed examination of evidence. The
accused (most of whom were former members of SAVAK , army offi cers
and police involved in the repression of the previous months) usually had
no defence lawyer. Condemned men were often shot dead shortly after
being sentenced. By 14 March the courts had executed seventy victims.
Following the complaints, Khomeini ordered a halt later in March, but
the trials resumed on 6 April after Ayatollah Montazeri and a committee
drew up guidance for their operation. There are indications that Khomeini
felt obliged to support further executions as retribution for the
deaths of demonstrators the previous year in order to secure his support
among young radicals – and to avoid them joining the growing ranks of
the even more radical Fedayan and MKO . 38 By October several hundred
had been executed. 39 Khalkhali defended the courts and their methods by
saying that they were ‘born out of the anger of the Iranian people’. 40
Former Prime Minister Amir Abbas Hoveida was executed at Qasr
prison at Khalkhali’s orders on 7 April, despite many efforts both from
outside Iran and from within to intercede on his behalf. Hoveida had
been arrested the previous November, in a vain effort by the Shah to
distance himself from the failures of the past. The arrest prevented Hoveida
from following the Shah out of the country, but after the Shah’s
departure and the collapse of Bakhtiar’s government he did not try to
save himself when his SAVAK guards made themselves scarce. When he
was rearrested by revolutionaries he did not resist. Like a spider with a
specially juicy fl y, Khalkhali took special care over Hoveida and ensured
no last- minute intervention could save him by effectively cutting off the
prison from communications from outside. He noted pruriently that
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
Hoveida slept naked and continued to do so despite the disapproval of
his guards (pious Iranian men would always wear at least shorts and a
T- shirt in bed). 41 When the Shah heard of Hoveida’s fate, in exile, he
showed grief. But he had done little enough to protect Hoveida, and it
was not the only example of his ingratitude to loyal subordinates. 42
Another victim of the new regime was General Hassan Pakravan, who
had been head of SAVAK in the early 1960 s, before Nasiri (he served also
as deputy prime minister and later as ambassador to Pakistan and France).
He had the reputation of having been more humane than Nasiri. When
Khomeini was arrested in 1963 , Pakravan had striven to save his life. He
had eaten regularly with him while he was in prison and was alarmed
when he heard that Khomeini had been condemned to death, believing
that it would cause further serious unrest among ordinary Muslims. But
Pakravan’s previous efforts on Khomeini’s behalf did not help him in
1979 . He was arrested on 16 February:
he took some friends to our house for lunch, and they had a wonderful
time . . . Then at 3 . 30 my husband told them, ‘I want to rest, please . . .’ So
they went.
At fi ve o’clock he got up to go to the kitchen to get a glass of water. There
was lots of noise outside – shouting and all that. He said to our servant,
‘What’s the matter?’ This young man came back pale and said, ‘Timsar,
they’ve come to take you away.’
[The servant told the story later] ‘He never took the trouble to put on shoes,
and walked out with his slippers . . . They were so respectful. They bowed to
him. They opened the door . . . I ran after the car, because it was the end of
winter, very cold, and he had gone without a coat or anything . . . they stopped
the car and took his coat to him. And I was crying.’ 43
His son was told he had not been arrested, but was rather a guest of the
Ayatollah (Khomeini). Pakravan was executed on 11 April. 44
Through the trials and generally, new terms and phrases became
commonplace, and with repetition established themselves as a new jargon
of revolution. Moharaba (‘waging war against God’) and mofsed
fel- arz (‘spreading corruption on earth’) have already been mentioned
as anti- revolutionary crimes. A common term for partisans of the previous
regime and other opponents of the regime was taghuti (literally,
‘ idol- worshippers’). The MKO ( monafeqin – hypocrites) were guilty
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150
Revolutionary Iran
of elteqat (eclecticism) for their promiscuous combination of Marxist
ideas with Islam. Another potential revolutionary crime was enheraf
(deviation). By contrast, maktabi were politically correct, committed
regime supporters. Imperialism was jahan- khor ( world- devouring) – the
United States was shaytan- e bozorg or estekbar- e jahani (the great Satan,
or world arrogance). Many of these terms, like the duality of mostakber
and mostazafi n (oppressor and oppressed), were coined fi rst by Khomeini
in his speeches. Although he drew upon Koranic usages, Khomeini’s
introduction of this new revolutionary language was one of the ways in
which he demonstrated the innovatory nature of his religious and political
thinking. 45
While Bazargan’s Provisional Government earnestly set about the practical
tasks of getting the country back to work and preparing the way for
a new constitution, the IRP and Khomeini’s followers in other bodies gradually
extended their institutional grip and their political infl uence,
inexorably undercutting Bazargan and his colleagues. In addition to the
running dispute over the activities of the revolutionary courts, there were
many other disagreements; for example over the lower- intensity intimidation,
arrests and confi scation of property carried out by the komiteh. In
each case, whenever Bazargan regarded the matter as serious enough, he
appealed to Khomeini for redress. But such appeals only strengthened
Khomeini and his supporters, even if he initially gave decisions that
appeared to be a compromise. Each appeal reinforced still further Khomeini’s
position as the ultimate arbiter in the state – cementing his personal
power and reconfi rming the classical, traditional position of the ulema as a
class. Indeed, in this respect the decade between Khomeini’s return and his
death in 1989 was really the ultimate apotheosis of the ulema – surpassing
the previous high- water mark of their power and infl uence, in the last years
of the Safavid dynasty, around 1700 . This effect was strengthened by the
fact that Bazargan’s government was also under constant criticism from
the leftist groups, who saw it as insuffi ciently radical, excessively middleclass,
capitalist and bourgeois in its economic policies and dangerously,
suspiciously moderate in its foreign policy (Bazargan and Sanjabi, his foreign
minister, favoured discussion and reconciliation with the West and the
US ). Khomeini appeared to hold a middle position between the different
factions. But Khomeini’s decisions always served the interest of the IRP
and his followers in the end. In each case he was, in effect, both a
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
party to the dispute and the judge of it. Bazargan could not win. Nor could
he make Khomeini commit himself on more practical, technical issues that
would have forced him to take greater responsibility for the day- to- day operation
of government. On such non- essential matters, Khomeini held aloof.
Women
In 1963 – 4 Khomeini had focused criticism on the Shah’s measures to emancipate
women, and particularly to give women the vote – partly to avoid
more politically divisive subjects like land reform. Now the Shah was gone,
the way was clear for restoration of more properly Islamic arrangements.
But the Islamic republic’s handling of these matters has been full of paradox.
The status of women had an emblematic signifi cance within the story
of the revolution as well as a real signifi cance for ordinary women in the
conduct of their lives. The intrusion of revolutionary ideology into the lives
of ordinary women caused much hardship.
Reza Shah’s ultimately unsuccessful attempt to ban the veil in the
1930 s, the inclusion of the right of women to vote in the White Revolution
programme of 1963 and the introduction of the Family Protection
Law in 1967 meant that the status of women was a signifi cant part of
the overall Pahlavi programme of development and Westernization. For
the Shahs’ traditional- minded religious opponents and for many of the
clergy, these measures were an insult to the honour of Muslims and were
bound up with other developments for which the government could not
be held directly responsible – like the presence of prostitutes in parts of
Tehran and the screening of mildly racy Western or Western- inspired
fi lms (advertised by racier billboards) in cinemas. Together, they touched
on something deep and visceral about maleness, control and self- respect
in Iranian society that is not easy to convey. Often, in the past, the
honour of women had been confl ated with national honour, such that
whatever detracted from the honour of women was felt to detract from
national self- respect also. 46 In traditional Iranian society, it was important
for the self- respect of an Iranian man that he should be married, and
that his wife should be demonstrably under control – spending most of
her time in the family home, consorting only with close family members,
and veiled and accompanied when out of the house. Any lapse exposed
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Revolutionary Iran
him to ridicule and loss of face. In fact, because it was expensive to
maintain this situation, it is likely that only a small minority of men were
ever able to subject their women to it – indeed part of the point of the
phenomenon was that it was a sign of the social status of some and an
aspiration (often a hopeless aspiration) for many more. That minority
were predominantly (though not exclusively) the urban middle class of
prosperous bazaaris and clerics. Outside the cities and larger villages, the
lives of ordinary peasants and nomads (always the majority of the population)
were very different, and most women had to work in the fi elds,
or at any rate in public, in ways that could never be combined with
seclusion or heavy veiling. 47
This is still the case to some extent, as an internet blogger commented
in March 2004 :
Why is it that women in villages are so much freer in comparison with our
urban women (at least when it comes to choosing what to wear)? It’s incredible
but they are not only freer in how they dress, but also in their activities
and movements. Why is it that they don’t ‘endanger Islam’ by not wearing
headscarves, as they freely mingle, laughing and chatting with the menfolk?
Is it due to their heavy participation in work? Or is it that work will be
stopped without women? God Forbid! 48
So when Khomeini and his supporters reimposed traditional values,
reapplied shari‘a law and annulled the Family Law of 1967 in the early
part of 1979 , the traditions they were reimposing were in fact rather less
traditional than they seemed. It was done, nevertheless. But not without
opposition – in particular, there were a series of large, peaceful demonstrations
by women for several days from 8 March onwards in Tehran to
protest at the reimposition of the veil and the removal of the Family Law.
Khomeini appeared to relent for a time in the face of the protests, but in
the end the changes went ahead, and women had to accept them. Perhaps
the most important change entailed in the removal of the law of 1967 was
that women lost custody rights in the event of divorce. But it also meant
that a woman’s word was worth less than that of a man in all law proceedings,
and renewed emphasis on the man as the head of the household
meant that a woman had to have the permission of husband or father in
order to travel (the cruel humiliation of this is shown poignantly in Jafar
Panahi’s fi lm The Circle ).
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
Perversely, although rights were withdrawn, responsibility was extended.
Because girls were thought to mature earlier than boys, the age of legal
responsibility for girls was reduced to nine years, while for boys it was
fi fteen. As a result girls have been prosecuted for serious crimes, including
murder, at very young ages. In theory polygamy and child marriage again
became possible, but the social stigma against such practices meant that
they rarely happened. Similarly with the reapplication of shari‘a punishments
like stoning and whipping – although they became possible again
and have been used, the general mood of society has been against them,
and many even of the religious leadership have come to regard them as an
embarrassment. Nonetheless, Iran today has the highest rate of executions
of any country except China, and the highest rate of executions for
minors anywhere in the world. 49
But even in this symbolically important area of women’s rights and status,
Khomeini was cautious. He did not repeal the right of women to vote,
as his pronouncements from 1963 might have led some to expect. The
early months of the Islamic republic were a bitter disappointment to many
of the women who had demonstrated for the removal of the Shah in 1978 , 50
but some of the losses were more superfi cial than real, and in the longer
term social changes and changes in education meant that the status of
women in the Islamic republic improved in a variety of important respects. 51
Islamic or Democratic?
At an early stage in the political discussions of the fi rst weeks after
11 February there was a dispute on a subject that Khomeini regarded as an
essential matter of principle – the name by which the new state established
by the revolution should be known. Khomeini insisted that it should be
called the Islamic Republic; notably in a speech he made on his return to
Qom on 1 March (he spent most of the next few months in Qom). The
Freedom Movement and the moderates generally preferred the title Democratic
Islamic Republic, and some leftist groups, including the Fedayan,
wanted People’s Democratic Republic. Khomeini stuck to his preference,
arguing that inclusion of the word Democratic would imply that Islam was
undemocratic, and that it was undignifi ed for the term Islam to be partnered
by any other qualifying word. As usual, he got his way.
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Revolutionary Iran
This debate formed part of the early clashes over the form of the
referendum on the new republic that was held at the end of March. Khomeini
and the Provisional Government formulated the referendum simply
as a ratifi cation of the decision Khomeini believed the people to have
taken in favour of an Islamic republic through their mass demonstrations
the previous December. It would ask people whether they wanted an
Islamic republic or a monarchy. Others disputed this – the NDF , Shariatmadari
and many others said that voters should be given more of a choice
about the nature of the future government. The NDF argued that the
referendum should be held after the new constitution had been drafted,
and the leftist MKO and Fedayan agreed. But the Provisional Government
persevered, and when it came to the vote (held on 30 and 31 March)
only the NDF , the Fedayan and the Kurdish groups boycotted it. Khomeini
urged as many as possible to vote, and after the count the
government announced that, of 15 . 7 million votes, 98 . 2 per cent had
gone in favour of the Islamic republic. There may have been some irregularities
in the referendum, but most balanced observers then and since
have accepted that whatever the conditions, a referendum at that time
with that question would always have given a massive majority for the
same result. 52
Kurds did not just boycott the referendum – by this time they were in
open revolt. The prime political grouping among them was the Kurdish
Democratic Party of Iran ( KDP – I), whose armed wing were known as the
Peshmerga, but a number of other, smaller groups like the Kumeleh were
also involved . Although the Shah had used the Kurds in Iraq against the Iraqi
regime when it suited him in the 1970 s, he also practised discriminatory policies
against the Iranian Kurds, who had made bids for autonomy earlier in
the century, after 1918 and after 1945 . By the time of the revolution there
were around 4 million Kurds in Iran. Most of them lived in the north- west,
but there was also a large group in the north- east, settled around Quchan in
Khorasan. Levels of economic development and literacy were some of the
lowest in the country. The KDP -I and others had been active in the movement
against the Shah in 1978 and were hoping to win at least a measure of
self- rule from the new revolutionary settlement. They called for internal
autonomy for Kurdestan, while remaining under the wing of the Islamic
republic for foreign relations and defence. Cultural, educational and political
matters were to be regulated by a freely elected Kurdish parliament. The
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
central government should allocate funds to help develop the region,
which was backward due largely to the deliberate, repressive policy of the
previous regime; and Kurdish representatives should have a say in the
policy- making of the Iranian state. They also had demands for expansion
of Kurdish territory. The Marxist Fedayan gave the Kurds political and
armed support. Ayatollah Taleqani visited Kurdestan and spoke in favour
of the Kurds’ concerns. But after an initial phase of prevarication and
some suggestions of compromise in negotiations the Provisional Government
responded with force, claiming that other armed secessionists would
be encouraged by any signs of weakness; and banned the KDP -I and
Kumeleh. The armed Kurds had some successes, and the revolt spread to
Sanandaj, Mahabad, Naghadeh and Marivan, but there were many casualties
as the army recovered its cohesion and the Sepah joined in the
fi ghting. In August the town of Paveh was bombed and shelled, with
much loss of life. Villages were destroyed. Both sides took hostages in the
fi ghting. Sadegh Khalkhali went to Kurdestan and executed hundreds of
captured Kurds. Despite growing military pressure from the Islamic
regime, the Kurds fought on for several years, pulling back to remote and
inaccessible valleys when necessary. 53
There were armed revolts also among the Turkmen in the north- east,
who had taken advantage of the Shah’s fall to occupy valuable agricultural
land that had previously belonged to members of the royal family
and the court. Here too the Fedayan supported the insurrection; here too
Taleqani tried to mediate; but as in Kurdestan the talks failed, and the
government applied force. Khalkhali and his executioners turned up and
carried out similar summary executions. There was unrest also among the
Arabs of Khuzestan (in the worst incident, a large number of demonstrators
were shot dead in Khorramshahr at the end of May), and in
Baluchestan. All these revolts and disturbances showed a degree of Iranian
chauvinism among the politicians of the Provisional Government
and the CIR . Their prime concern was to preserve the territorial integrity
of Iran and to concentrate on the political struggle in Tehran. Aside from
a few enlightened individuals, there was little serious interest in the
demands of the minorities. 54
Another unsettling event in the spring was the assassination of
Morteza Motahhari, co- founder of the Hoseiniyeh Ershad and the
Combatant Clergy Association before the revolution, and at the time of
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Revolutionary Iran
his death the chairman of the CIR . He was killed on 1 May by an obscure
Islamic militant group, the Forqan, whom he had offended (along with
the MKO ) by attacking those who, according to him, used Islam as a
screen while pursuing a Western- inspired agenda. Khomeini was deeply
grieved by the loss, personally and emotionally as well as politically.
Motahhari had been one of Khomeini’s students and his fi rmest ally, but
had his own intellectual hinterland as an independent thinker and had
not been a mindless fellow traveller nor a yes- man by any means. Shortly
before he died he wrote (somewhat in contradiction of Khomeini’s
Hokumat- e Eslami ):
Velayat- e faqih does not mean that the faqih himself heads the government.
The faqih ’s role in an Islamic country is one of being an ideologue, not a
ruler. The ideologue’s role is to supervise the implementation of the right
ideology. The people’s perception of the velayat- e faqih . . . was not, and is
not, that the fuqaha should rule and manage the administration of the state. 55
Motahhari’s death was a blow to Khomeini and a shock – demonstrating
the seriousness of the ideological struggle and the dangers of failure,
showing that nothing could be taken for granted and that the supremacy
of the clergy still had to be defended and fought for. It may have sharpened
Khomeini’s response to opposition in the following months. It is
important to remember this. The actions of Khomeini, the IRP and its
supporters, looking at it with comfortable hindsight, were sometimes
extreme and brutal. But at least some of their competitors for power
were prepared to be equally brutal and ruthless – perhaps worse (as
emerged later). The essence of Khomeini’s apparent ruthlessness was his
determination not to lose (as had many of his political- clerical forerunners,
like Nuri and Modarres). It is a perennial dilemma in politics,
especially revolutionary politics 56 – the danger that the methods necessary
to the game may discredit the principles the game was played for,
and that the politician who justifi es means by ends fi nds himself languishing
in a moral limbo. A few months later, at a time when confl ict
between his supporters and the leftists on university campuses was growing,
Khomeini told some of his people a story about the cleric and
politician Hasan Modarres, and how Modarres had instructed Khomeini
with the principle: ‘You hit fi rst and let others complain. Don’t be the
victim and don’t complain.’ 57
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The murder of Motahhari contributed, along with other deaths and
departures later, to a narrowing of the movement of the revolutionary
clergy and a greater emphasis on the thought and personality of Khomeini
alone. With Taleqani, Motahhari had been the linking personality
to Bazargan, the Freedom Movement and the secular intellectuals. 58 Had
he lived, he might have exerted a moderating infl uence.
The Constitution
The drafting of the constitution had featured in the arguments around the
referendum, and the question of the constitution was central in the political
debates over the rest of the year. Initially, responsibility for drafting
the constitution fell to the Provisional Government, and Bazargan gave
the job to one of his ministers, Yadollah Sahabi (although it seems some
of the early work on a draft had been done by his son Ezzatollah Sahabi
and others while Khomeini was still in Paris). 59 Many of the moderates
were still attached to the old constitution of 1906 , and Sahabi used that
text as one of his models, but the old constitution had been designed
around a constitutional monarchy, and at the very least the new one had
to cater for a new, republican principle. Some elements were taken from
the French constitution – the Gaullist constitution of the Fifth Republic,
in use since 1958 , which meant a strong presidency. A range of politicians
and others were consulted informally over the draft, including Ayatollah
Shariatmadari (a consistent supporter of the constitution of 1906 ), before
it was approved by the Provisional Government and the CIR . The Islamic
element in this fi rst draft was not so marked – there was to be a council
for checking legislation to ensure its compatibility with Islam (the constitution
of 1906 had also included a body of this kind), but its powers were
limited, and the velayat- e faqih was present neither in terms nor in spirit.
Khomeini’s handling of the fi rst draft of the constitution was revealing.
He made two small amendments, both concerning the position of
women – the effect was to prevent women being judges or being
appointed to the presidency. 60 Otherwise, he was content to see the
constitution drafted by Sahabi enter into force with merely another referendum
to approve it (when it was published on 14 June, he declared
the draft ‘correct’). If this had happened, the Islamic republic would have
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Revolutionary Iran
been set up on a moderate, democratic, almost secular footing. Khomeini’s
handling of the matter confi rms his previous caution and suggests at
least that he was prepared to play a long game in order to secure dominance
for his own vision of the Islamic republic; alternatively that he
expected cooperation in government with the liberal moderates to be a
long- term arrangement. But Bazargan and Bani- Sadr objected to the idea
of the constitution entering into effect with such minimal scope for democratic
revision, and like them, a wide swathe of political opinion was
unwilling to see that happen without it being debated and amended by an
elected body – a constituent assembly of some kind. This proved to be a
major mistake by the moderates and leftists. Rafsanjani apparently
warned Bani- Sadr what would happen – that an elected assembly would
be dominated by unmanageable radical clerics. 61 If they had gone for the
original draft without further debate, the moderates would have secured
a constitution much more aligned to their thinking than the eventual one.
They became victims of their own principles.
Parties and journalists fell over themselves to bring forward theoretical
arguments and to propose amendments and wholesale alternative versions.
Some wanted a more Islamic constitution, others a more radically
leftist one. Eventually it was agreed that the constitution would be reviewed
by an Assembly of Experts ( Majles- e Khubregan), composed of seventythree
elected members. The elections were arranged for 3 August, 62 and
the Assembly fi rst convened on 18 August.
In the run- up to the elections there were intensive informal discussions
on the constitution in the media and generally, and a number of
more formal discussions in seminars that were arranged for the purpose.
But there was also a good deal of intimidation by the IRP and its subordinate
organizations, and many groups and parties hostile to them
protested at irregularities in the election. Only roughly half the numbers
that voted in the March referendum (over 20 million) voted in the
August elections for the Assembly of Experts. 63 The result was startling –
fi fty- fi ve of the elected members of the Assembly were clerics ( Bani- Sadr
was one of the minority of secular members). The elected Kurdish
delegate, Abdul Rahman Qasemlu (leader of the KDP -I) was not allowed
to take part. Khomeini announced in an inaugural message (Rafsanjani
read it out to the Assembly) 64 that the new constitution should
be 100 per cent Islamic, and (in accordance with the principles of
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
Hokumat- e Eslami ) that non- clerical delegates, lacking the qualifi cations
to do so, should not meddle in discussions of the Islamic articles of
the text.
Between the elections and the fi rst meeting of the Assembly, the Provisional
Government brought into effect a new press law, the result of
which was to close many newspapers and journals. The newspaper closures
began with ten papers accused of having been connected with the
Shah’s government (including the popular independent paper Ayand egan )
and continued with more than twenty leftist or liberal papers accused of
being un- Islamic or against the revolution. Several parties, including the
NDF and the National Front, boycotted the Assembly of Experts elections
in protest at the new law – the Kurds also boycotted them. The brief
spring of the free press since the fall of the Shah came to an end – or at
least entered a much frostier phase. Hezbollah broke into the offi ces of
Ayandegan and sacked them and also attacked the head offi ces of the
Fedayan, the MKO , Tudeh and the NDF . By the autumn a new, IRP –
aligned paper was operating out of the old offi ces of Ayandegan , and two
other long- established and popular publications, Ettela‘at and Kayhan ,
were taken over by the IRP – controlled Bonyad- e Mosta zafan. 65 These
events brought in a new political atmosphere in Tehran and set the scene
for the redrafting of the constitution. It had almost the character of a
coup. More confi dent now (though feeling the pressure from the leftists
and the Kurdish revolt), Khomeini and his followers were tightening their
grip:
Enqelab Street always was the busiest street, and all the political groups
brought their books and pamphlets there to sell to the people and discuss
them. Gradually the Hezbollah formed and they attacked the bookshops.
Those who were Hezbollah were mainly from a poor family background,
and because nobody could say anything against them, they fl ourished and
eventually ruled the revolution, mainly because everyone supported the poor
people. At the beginning of the revolution cleanliness, studying to have a
better life and money and so on, were considered as values, but being poor
was the greatest honour – people thought of them as the owners of the
revolution. 66
As the mood changed, the poet Ahmad Shamlu wrote the poem ‘In this
Dead End’, from which the following is an extract:
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Revolutionary Iran
They sniff your mouth
Lest you have said, ‘I love you.’
They sniff your heart.
These are strange times, my beloved . . .
And they whip love
At the roadblock.
We must hide love in the back room.
They keep the fi re burning
In this crooked dead end of the cold
With fuel of songs and poems.
Do not risk a thought.
These are strange times, my beloved . . . 67
Montazeri and Beheshti were elected as chairman and deputy chairman
of the Assembly of Experts respectively, and the Assembly set about
a thoroughgoing revision of the draft constitution. Beheshti ran the
debates and (despite protests) did so as a director of business pursuing a
previously determined plan rather than an impartial chairman facilitating
discussion. There could be no serious opposition. As the deliberations of
the Assembly went on, the concept of velayat- e faqih gained ground.
Beheshti did not force it initially, instead letting it emerge from the body
of the clerics in the Assembly. 68 Although the leftist parties, Shariatmadari
and many moderate and liberal politicians continued to voice their disapproval,
there was little sign of strong popular opposition to the concept
of velayat- e faqih . Given his previous caution, it seems likely that Khomeini
was surprised by the ease with which he was able to achieve his
principal aim. The moderate politicians, the heirs of Mossadeq and the
constitutionalists of 1906 , the people he had been accustomed to regarding
as the main political opponents to himself, his aims and the clerical
class as a whole, were conceding the central powers of the state to him
almost without a fi ght. And this was happening primarily because of the
continuing, enormous popular swell of support for him personally and
for the idea of Islamic government.
Mohammad Beheshti was fi fty- one years old in 1979 . He was born
in Isfahan and had studied at the University of Tehran as well as in
Qom. Like Montazeri and Motahhari, he had been one of Khomeini’s
students in Qom. He learned English, and later taught it; he was a fi rm
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
believer in the expansion of the seminary curriculum to include science
subjects and modern languages. From 1965 to 1970 he was head of the
Islamic Centre in Hamburg in Germany, organized around the Emam
Ali Mosque established there a decade earlier (Mohammad Khatami
followed him there later, in the 1970 s), and learned German too.
Beheshti was widely respected, a confi dent speaker and a practical
organizer. He was a natural as a political mullah – an easy choice as
leader of the IRP and for the most demanding tasks in the formation of
the Islamic republic. Along with Motahhari and Montazeri, he was one
of Khomeini’s principal and most trusted lieutenants in this early phase;
and of all of them he was the most competent in organizational and
practical matters.
The debates in the Assembly addressed some fundamental questions of
political philosophy, including the nature of sovereignty and the separation
of powers. Under Beheshti’s guidance the work proceeded in an orderly
manner, with each article of the constitution discussed and amended in
turn, and with a series of sub- committees discussing the articles separately
in advance of plenary sessions of the whole Assembly. But many sessions
grew heated (Khomeini’s injunction that non- jurists should not speak on
matters bearing upon Islam did not hold), and the debates were discussed
energetically in the broadcast and print media. The proceedings had initially
been planned to last one month, but when that time was up, the
Assembly were only halfway through. So they voted themselves more time.
One should not exaggerate the dominance of Khomeini and the IRP at
this stage. The Provisional Government’s draft was still the basis of the
constitution, and the principle of democratic sovereignty remained, albeit
in uneasy tension with the principle of divine sovereignty, velayat- e faqih .
At various points Khomeini’s supporters asserted strongly that there was
no confl ict between the democratic principle and the religious principle,
because the rule of Islam was itself, if properly applied, fully democratic.
At any rate, the principle of popular elections to the Majles and the presidency
survived.
Given the conceptual gap in Khomeini’s thinking identifi ed earlier,
as manifested in Hokumat- e Eslami , it is legitimate to question what
Beheshti and the other architects of the constitution were drawing on in
their discussions in the Assembly of Experts. It appears they may have
been drawing on a work by the Iraqi cleric Ayatollah Mohammad Baqr
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Revolutionary Iran
al- Sadr, his Preliminary Legal Note on the Project of a Constitution for
the Islamic Republic in Iran . Mohammad Baqr al- Sadr came from a
prominent family of Iraqi clerics and seyyeds (Moqtada al- Sadr, who
came to prominence in Iraq after 2003 , was his son- in- law). Comparison
between Baqr al- Sadr’s Note and the constitution in its fi nal form shows
a number of strong similarities, and, in particular, the role for popular
suffrage is striking. By comparison with Khomeini, Baqr al- Sadr’s thinking
generally showed a greater awareness of Western ideas of political
thought, and a greater attachment to the principle of popular participation
in government. Hokumat- e Eslami contained little or no mention of
popular consultation in government, whereas in Baqr al- Sadr’s Note and
in the eventual constitution it is much more prominent. The articulation
of the role of the leader seems also to owe a lot to the Note . The strong
impression is that those framing the constitution reached for al-Sadr’s
Note to supply an Islamically acceptable remedy for the defi ciencies of
Hokumat- e Eslami . 69
The debates in the Assembly over the velayat- e faqih were the most
heated, and the crucial article declaring the authority of the faqih (article
5 ) was debated and voted on in early September. Only eight members
voted against; four abstained (including Bani- Sadr, who stayed away),
and the remainder voted in favour. The article declared that, in the absence
of the Hidden Emam, the velayat and the leadership of the people devolved
to ‘the just and pious faqih who is acquainted with the circumstances of
his age; courageous, resourceful, and possessed of administrative ability
. . .’. 70 In later articles ( 107 onwards, but mainly in article 110 ) he was
given sweeping powers that gave effect to the principle laid down in article
5 . He was to appoint the heads of each of the armed services, and the
joint chief of staff of the armed services, and the head of the Revolutionary
Guards. He had the responsibility for declaring war or peace and
ordering mobilization. He was also to appoint the head of the national
TV and radio organization. Before presidential elections, he had to
approve the candidates before they could run for offi ce and he could dismiss
a president declared incompetent by the Majles or Supreme Court.
As in the fi rst draft a twelve- man Guardian Council was provided for
to approve legislation agreed by the Majles before it could become law
(to ensure it complied with the principles of Islam and the constitution).
The faqih was to appoint six of them directly, and the remaining six
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
were to be selected by the Majles from a list of jurists compiled by the
Supreme Judiciary Council, most of whose members, including the head,
were also appointed by the faqih (the Guardian Council’s notorious
responsibility for vetting candidates before elections was not part of the
original constitution of 1979 , emerging only later). The question of the
succession was addressed in article 107 , which, after confi rming Khomeini
as faqih for life, stated that at his death a new Assembly of Experts
would deliberate whether any of the jurists available was outstanding
enough to be sole faqih . If not, they might select a three- or fi ve- man leadership
council of jurists instead.
Other articles in the constitution declared the primacy of Islam and the
sovereignty of God: article 2 / 1 declared ‘His exclusive sovereignty and the
right to legislate, and the necessity of submission to His commands.’
Freedoms of association and expression were protected (articles 26 and
24 ), but subject to Islam and the interests of the republic.
The constitution had a fairly standard governmental structure, with
executive, legislature and judiciary, and separation of the powers between
them, as clear as Montesquieu himself could have devised it. But above
and beyond this stood the faqih , with the power and the responsibility to
intervene directly in the name of Islam; indeed with powers greater than
those given to most monarchs in constitutional monarchies. Below the
faqih , the presidential and prime ministerial offi ces lingered as vestiges of
the superseded constitution originally drafted by the Provisional Government
(the prime minister was to be appointed by the president and
approved by the Majles).
Other signifi cant provisions included a mention in the preamble to the
constitution to the effect that the Sepah would be responsible inter alia
for ‘fulfi lling the ideological mission of jihad in God’s path; that is, extending
the sovereignty of God’s law throughout the world’, and again in
article 10 :
In accordance with the verse: ‘This your nation is a single nation, and I am
your Lord, so worship Me,’ all Muslims form a single nation, and the government
of the Islamic Republic of Iran has the duty of formulating its
general policies with a view to the merging and union of all Muslim peoples,
and it must constantly strive to bring about the political, economic and
cultural unity of the Islamic world.
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Revolutionary Iran
This was taken to signify a mission to spread the revolution to other
Islamic countries. 71
In article 1 the constitution declared the importance of the referendum
held at the end of March for establishing the Islamic republic, and article
6 established the principle of government according to public opinion as
expressed through elections for the Majles and the offi ce of president; but
neither of those articles mentioned sovereignty – sovereignty belonged to
God (article 2 / 1 , already quoted), in whose name and in the fulfi lment of
whose law the faqih was to operate. Although the constitution gave primacy
to the sovereignty of God, it effectively froze into itself an unresolved
rivalry between popular sovereignty and the sovereignty of Islam. At the
centre of this tension was the question of submission. Were the people the
masters, or were they subjects? The constitution, through the many elections
it provided for various bodies and offi ces, appeared to embrace a
democratic principle. But it also committed the Iranian people, in the
orthodox manner of the Islamic faith, to submission to Islam 72 and the
will of God; and to the guardianship of the faqih , according to that principle.
Underlying this was a deep- seated attitude among at least some of
the ulema – a traditional, conservative, paternalistic attitude – that the
people were children to be guided and disciplined, that they could not be
trusted with power (an attitude not unlike that of the Shah): ‘Several
members appeared uncertain whether the mass of the people, “illiterate,
poor and envious”, as one delegate put it, would be able to resist the
blandishments of rival religions and ideologies.’ 73
A few dissenting members of the Assembly, including three clerics,
warned of the dangers of giving the faqih such power in the state. Bani-
Sadr spoke up, warning: ‘We are drafting these articles in a manner that,
step by step, we introduce a kind of absolutism in the constitution . . .
Tomorrow, a military man might come and use these articles against
you.’ 74 Some pointed to the contradiction with the principle of popular
sovereignty, arguing that the powers of the faqih were just too broad:
critics would say that the clergy had made a power grab in their own
interest, and eventually the people would set aside these provisions of
the constitution. Others warned that, although the offi ce of the faqih
might function while Khomeini was the incumbent, it was unlikely that
such an exceptional candidate could possibly be found again when
Khomeini died. One member, Ezzatollah Sahabi, made a speech outside
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
the Assembly warning that these powers would bring upon the clergy
the kind of criticism normally levelled at politicians and would bring
about the beginning of the decline of Islam. 75
Years later, he would himself echo just those arguments, but in the
autumn of 1979 Ayatollah Hosein- Ali Montazeri took the other side in
the debate, saying that the government could not be considered Islamic if
the faqih did not have power to confi rm in offi ce and to supervise the
president and the other prime offi ce- holders of the state. Other clerics
could not see any danger from an over- mighty faqih – they believed rather
the contrary, that the offi ce of faqih would protect the country from
encroachment by an over- ambitious president or other politician. Like
the Prophet himself in his time, the faqih would bring mercy, kindness
and justice to the people, not tyranny or absolutism. 76 In a sense, Iran has
remained stuck ever since in the debate between Islam and democracy
that swung back and forth in the Assembly of Experts that autumn.
As the debates of September moved into October and the fi nal form of
the constitution took shape, some concerned politicians tried to act to
head off what was happening. One member of the Assembly, Mohammad-
Javad Hojjati- Kermani (one of the clerics, but a dissenter from the
majority line) suggested that a skeleton version of the constitution,
stripped of the more controversial articles, be passed to Khomeini himself
for revision. Then, with the guidance of expert advisers, Khomeini could
complete it before referring it back to the Assembly for fi nal approval.
But few other members of the Assembly supported his sug gestion, and it
faded. Then in mid- October Bazargan was associated with another
attempt, which seems to have taken the form of a memorandum to Khomeini
from most of the ministers of the Provisional Government, calling
for the Assembly to be dissolved, on the basis that in altering the original
draft constitution so radically it had exceeded both its remit and the time
allocated for its task. The instigator of the memorandum was Abbas
Amir- Entezam, who served as Bazargan’s aide, spokesman and deputy.
Khomeini rejected the initiative in apocalyptic terms, declaring that the
velayat-e faqih would not lead to dictatorship; nor was it the creation of
the Assembly of Experts: it had been ordained by God. Opposition to it
was equivalent to a declaration of war on Islam. 77
But opposition outside the Assembly was growing. Ayatollah Mahmud
Taleqani, who had played such a prominent part in the demonstrations
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Revolutionary Iran
against the Shah the previous year, and who had warned against a return
to despotism earlier in 1979 , expressed unhappiness about the way the
constitution was going before his death on 9 September 1979 , suggesting
that it looked worse than the constitution of 1906 – ‘may God forbid
autocracy under the name of religion’. 78 Some have been suspicious
about the circumstances of his death. His departure was another blow
for the advocates of moderation (to honour his memory the old Takht- e
Jamshid Avenue in Tehran was renamed Taleqani Avenue). But others too
disliked the constitution. The MKO , the Fedayan, the Kurds and other
regional groups were unhappy as the draft neared completion that the
constitution did not address their demands. In October, two years on
from the events that had helped to start up the revolutionary movement,
the Writers’ Association announced a new series of poetry evenings, to be
held from 24 October to 3 November, with the aim of defending free
speech and opposing censorship. But the organizers said it would only go
ahead if the safety of participants could be guaranteed. The poetry evenings
never happened. 79 Most seriously, Ayatollah Shariatmadari, with
his power base in Azerbaijan and the support of the MPRP , continued to
oppose the excesses of the IRP and Khomeini’s followers, and specifi cally
the principle of velayat- e faqih as it appeared in the constitution. In
December he warned: ‘We seem to be moving from one monarchy to
another.’ 80
So as the work of the Assembly neared completion (it brought its
deliberations to a close on 15 November), opposition to the constitution
it had created was building from a number of different angles. But
before that opposition could develop further or unite its strength, a
new crisis erupted, which would change the political scene in Iran permanently
and dramatically. On 1 November, Bazargan met Zbigniew
Brzezinski in Algiers, with Khomeini’s knowledge, in an attempt to
restore something like normal relations between Iran and the US (and
to secure resumption of the supply of military spare parts). He was
accompanied by Ebrahim Yazdi, as foreign minister. Over previous
days Khomeini had been building up anti- American rhetoric after the
Carter government allowed the Shah into the US for medical treatment
on 22 October (since his departure from Iran he had shuffl ed, his
health deteriorating all the time, from Egypt to Morocco, the Bahamas
and Mexico). Although initially the Shah’s arrival in the US won little
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
attention in Iran, Khomeini and his followers used it successfully to
create a furore, linking the news about the Shah with allegations that
friends of the Shah and the US were still active in the government and
among Khomeini’s opponents.
On the streets of Tehran at this time, the situation was chaotic and
uncertain. No one knew what to expect or who was in control. Two
accounts of this time illustrate this, from different perspectives – fi rstly
from Bill Belk in the US embassy:
the government had absolutely no control over what was happening . . .
Armed bands of revolutionary zealots were roaming the streets and taking
the law into their own hands. The police were powerless to stop them,
because the worst thing you could possibly be in Iran was a policeman . . .
Most of the people who had been policemen were in hiding. The streets were
literally turned over to these armed komitehs. Khomeini had appointed a
Provisional Government, but they didn’t have any real authority. The traditional
institutions through which a government administers and functions
were the very same institutions that were being attacked by the revolutionaries
and the vigilante groups . . . So dealing with the Provisional Government
was like trying to deal with a shadow –- you could see it, but talking to it
was pointless. In reality, there was no substance there. 81
Secondly from a student radical, Massoumeh Ebtekar:
We students couldn’t prove it at the time, of course, but we were sure that
foreign elements were actively involved in attempts to weaken and undermine
the young republic. Like weeds, thousands of tiny political groups had sprouted
during less than six months, each one attempting to convince the people to
adopt its views. Every day their newspapers circulated the wildest rumors. It
was as if they were determined to create an atmosphere of endless uncertainty.
Ethnic and tribal uprisings, which they rushed to support, broke out in all
regions of the country. And through it all the Provisional Government dithered
and wavered, with the result that security had almost collapsed. 82
To student radicals, the Shah’s presence in the US looked like part of
a plot. The timing was unfortunate for Bazargan’s mission, to say the
least. Many believed that the US , with the connivance of members of
the Provisional Government, was plotting a coup like that of 1953 , to
crush the revolution. A confederation of students loyal to Khomeini
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Revolutionary Iran
from the university- level institutions in Tehran, calling themselves ‘students
following the line of the Emam’ conferred rapidly, taking care to exclude
MKO activists or others they feared might try to sabotage their intentions. 83
On 4 November they broke into the US embassy, occupying the building
and detaining the diplomatic staff and marines they found there. Several
hundred unarmed students took part in the action. The marines brandished
their weapons, but did not shoot (though some tear gas grenades were let
off in the confrontation). As one of the students brushed past on the stairs,
he whispered to a jittery marine: ‘Don’t worry, you’re safe. We won’t hurt
anyone.’ 84 In fact several of the hostages were beaten and threatened over
the next few hours as the intruders interrogated them, trying to identify the
CIA offi cers among the staff and trying to get them to open safes. Six US
diplomats who were out of the embassy at the time were able to avoid
detention, taking refuge in the Canadian and Swiss embassies.
Bruce Laingen, who in the absence of an ambassador was chargé
d’affaires and head of mission, along with two others, was away on a call
at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs when the embassy takeover began. He
went back to the Foreign Ministry to protest and demand redress and
ended up being held there instead of at the embassy. Once the students
were in control of the embassy compound, they issued a press communiqué
demanding that the ‘criminal, deposed Shah’ be returned to Iran.
Photos and TV images of the hostages, handcuffed and blindfolded, made
a deep impression in the US and the world generally.
The Hostage Crisis
Although some of the students believed on the day of the takeover that
their spiritual guide, Ayatollah Musavi-Khoeniha (a member of the IRP
central committee, another former student of Khomeini and a friend of
his son Ahmad), was attempting to inform Khomeini of the plan, there is
no direct evidence that Khomeini ordered the action or that any other
group or organization beyond that of the students themselves was
involved in the planning, such as it was. And it seems that the intention
of the students initially was just to stage a temporary protest of a few
hours or days. There are some indications 85 that Khomeini himself (still
in Qom), when fi rst told of the embassy occupation, saw the incident as
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
an unimportant act of unruliness and, as with the incident in February,
was inclined to see the students leave again quickly (this could have happened;
the following day there was a similar intrusion at the British
embassy which ended when Khomeini’s son Ahmad called it off). 86 But
the occupation was very much in line with the trend of Khomeini’s agitation
against the US over the preceding hours and days. Perhaps having
been reassured that the students involved were solidly loyal to him personally,
perhaps only when it became clear that the US and the West
would not threaten military action, 87 he decided that the occupation
should be supported, and should continue, at least in the short term. Early
on 5 November he made a statement saying that there had been plots
organized from the embassy, that it was a lair of espionage (also translated
as ‘den’ or ‘nest’ of spies) and hailing the students’ act as a second
revolution. 88 Later he told the students themselves ‘the Americans can’t do
a damn thing’, leading Iran into a twilight zone of diplomatic breakdown
and international isolation from which the country has never really
re-emerged.
Bazargan tried to defend his meeting with Brzezinski and demanded
the immediate release of the US diplomats, condemning the students’
action as an unacceptable violation of international law and the civilized
practices of diplomacy. But the atmosphere was febrile, and his reasonable
words disappeared in a welter of renewed demonstrations and shrill
anti- imperialist rhetoric, not just from the IRP but also from the MKO ,
the Fedayan and the other leftists, who strongly supported the occupation
of the embassy (playing into Khomeini’s hands and destroying any chance
of a united front against the constitution). On 5 November Beheshti,
Montazeri and a selection of other fi gures and bodies aligned with Khomeini
issued statements supporting the students. Outfl anked and fi nally
seeing the impossibility of his moderate position, Bazargan resigned on
6 November. In a speech addressed to visitors from Isfahan University
Khomeini commented: ‘Mr Bazargan is respected by everyone . . . He was
a little tired and preferred to stay on the sidelines for a while.’ 89
Within Iran, the taking of the hostages produced an atmosphere of
radicalism and crisis that renewed the revolutionary fervour of the previous
year. Khomeini succeeded in making his moderate opponents look
like allies of the US , and a threat to the revolution. This was helped
along by the release of documents captured in the US embassy that
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Revolutionary Iran
showed contacts between liberal fi gures and the US government (documents
that might have shown contact with IRP clerics did not surface).
The fi rst victim of the changed mood was Abbas Amir- Entezam, the
originator of the memorandum to Khomeini against the constitution. He
was arrested in mid- December, released, sent to Sweden as ambassador,
recalled and eventually, in 1981 , sentenced to life imprisonment (at the
time of writing he is still in prison, at the age of eighty).
In this atmosphere, the referendum on the constitution that was held
on 2 and 3 December could have only one result. It was boycotted by the
MPRP and the National Front, and participation was much lower than
in the referendum of March, but the fi gures announced gave only
30 , 866 votes against the constitution out of 15 million voters. 90
Shariatmadari continued to attack the constitution and the principle
of velayat- e faqih throughout the referendum campaign. There were
demonstrations by Khomeini supporters outside his house in Qom, and
demonstrations by his supporters against Khomeini in Tabriz, and later
in Qom also. For a time, Shariatmadari appeared to be growing into a
serious rival to Khomeini, at least in the important province of Azerbaijan
(Tabriz had long prided itself as the cornerstone of the Constitutional
Revolution, and as the most advanced city in Iran, where new developments
always appeared fi rst). The rivalry grew more heated. At one
point Khomeini apologized for the excesses of his supporters in Qom
and went to Shariatmadari in person to try to resolve the confl ict. But
the temperature in Tabriz rose still further, with demonstrations of
several hundred thousand, and fi nally some MPRP demonstrators took
over the TV and radio stations in Tabriz. Shariatmadari’s supporters
demanded the annulment of the constitution, the lifting of censorship
and the formation of a united front against the IRP . The CIR responded
by sending in the Sepah to take back the broadcasting stations, and
mediators to try to calm the situation. The IRP also staged pro- Khomeini
demonstrations in Tabriz. The huge pro- Shariatmadari demonstrations
continued, but Shariatmadari himself was unwilling to push further confrontation
into serious violence, and backed down. The student
hostage- takers and other pro- Khomeini groups were alleging that Shariatmadari
was in alliance with former SAVAK agents and the United
States – some MPRP supporters were arrested, tried by revolutionary
courts and executed for rioting. The IRP demanded that the MPRP
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
dissolve itself. Shariatmadari replied bitterly that there was no need,
since the government would gradually dissolve all political parties, labelling
them anti- Islamic, Zionist or American, so there was no need to
worry about it. Eventually, recognizing defeat, the MPRP complied,
before the new elections for the presidency, which took place on 25 January
1980 . 91
Shariatmadari’s bid to oppose the new constitution was the most
serious confrontation yet to threaten Khomeini’s supremacy. His timing
was bad, and his resolution in the struggle proved weak. He was a gentle
man, a spiritual leader and not really a politician – certainly not the sort
of ruthless politician Khomeini was proving himself to be. But his effort
emphasized that the instincts of the ulema as a class were still far from
uniformly in favour of the velayat- e faqih . There was still a deep well of
feeling for constitutional democracy among the Iranian people, and to
some extent even among the ulema ; albeit eclipsed for a time by revolutionary
fervour.
In the meantime the hostages were still being held in the embassy
building. As weeks lengthened into months the confi nement settled into a
routine. The hostages were blindfolded and handcuffed when they were
moved about or when they broke the rules. Senior Iranian fi gures visited
them, including Khalkhali (‘a short, fat little guy. He was trying to be
jovial’), 92 Montazeri and Khamenei. Those that had been identifi ed as
CIA offi cers, along with senior diplomats like John Limbert and Bruce
Laingen, were still subject to interrogation, held in isolation and sometimes
threatened, but for the most part the beatings stopped. One of the
CIA men, Bill Daugherty, realized that the interrogators were disappointed
with their investigations. They had discovered that there were
only four CIA men in the embassy and were incredulous that none of
them could speak Persian. Reports they had found indicated that the CIA
station was somewhat at sea in post- revolutionary Iran, fi nding it diffi cult
to make contact with useful informants and making ill- founded assessments
of the political situation. 93
An exception to the general routine of treatment was Michael
Metrinko, who had been a young political offi cer in the embassy. Unlike
most of the other members of the embassy, Metrinko had been tasked
with going out and meeting Iranians, but this was also his inclination.
Many of the other embassy staff, tending to be compound- bound like
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Revolutionary Iran
most expatriates in Iran at the time, had regarded him as something of an
eccentric. He met a wide variety of people, improved his Persian and developed
an appreciation of Iran and its culture. But this did not make him well
disposed toward the hostage-takers. Aside from the violation of standards
of international diplomacy, he regarded the students’ action as a violation
of Iranian cultural norms, morality and decency, and was able to tell the
students so in their own language. In blunt terms. For this he was treated
worse than any of the other hostages, all through the period of their detention.
He spent much of his time in solitary confi nement. He insulted
Khomeini, was beaten for it and on one occasion was kept handcuffed for
over three weeks. At Christmas 1979 , when other hostages were together,
eating a Christmas dinner provided by their captors, Metrinko was in solitary.
His guards brought him the same dinner. Metrinko took it and, in
their sight, fl ushed it down the toilet, further enraging them. 94 Because he
spoke Persian and because of his attitude, the students were convinced that
Metrinko belonged to the CIA . Massoumeh Ebtekar, one of the students
who later wrote an account of the hostage- taking, said of Metrinko that he
‘hated everyone and was hated in return. He preferred to stay alone and
bounce a ball against the wall of his room from morning until night.’ 95
The discussions between the hostages and the students were in a sense
the front line in the confrontation between the US and Iran. On this
front line, there was a near- total mutual failure of understanding. The
American hostages were naturally indignant and angry at their detention
and their treatment and could see no circumstances in which it
might be understandable (though there was a range of reactions to the
detention: some of the hostages were friendlier toward their captors and
one or two tried to ingratiate themselves). The Iranian students believed
what they had been told by Khomeini and the IRP leadership; that the
US embassy staff were mainly spies, plotting a coup, as in 1953 , to
reverse the success of the revolution. They knew the history of foreign
and US interference in Iran; the embassy offi cials were largely ignorant
of it. Some of the students had been prisoners themselves – prisoners of
SAVAK , who they believed (correctly) to have been trained and assisted
by the CIA . As time went on a few of the students doubted the wisdom
of the continuation of the hostage crisis, but most were fi rm supporters
to the end. A group of thirteen hostages, women and African Americans,
were released on 19 and 20 November 1979 as a goodwill gesture.
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
Another one was released in July 1980 because he was showing the
symptoms of serious illness (he was later diagnosed with multiple sclerosis).
The other fi fty- two hostages stayed in captivity.
Presidential Elections
The campaign for the Islamic republic’s fi rst presidential elections was an
untidy affair, and it took place for the most part against the background
of the continuing unrest in Azerbaijan. Khomeini realized the signifi cance
of the success he had achieved with the new constitution and again was
careful not to overreach. He ordered that clerics should not run for the
presidency, which was a disappointment for Beheshti, who otherwise
would have been a prime candidate. Bazargan might have run, but was
intimidated by the damaging fl ow of documents emerging from the occupied
US embassy. The MKO leader Masud Rajavi was vetoed by Khomeini
because his party had boycotted the referendum on the constitution, and
the IRP candidate Jalal od- Din Farsi had to drop out at a late stage
because it was realized that, with an Afghan father, his candidacy breached
the constitution’s requirement that the president must be an Iranian
national of Iranian origin. Out of the candidates that eventually went to
the vote, Abol Hassan Bani- Sadr won by a comfortable margin, helped
both by his known close relationship with Khomeini and his reputation
as a liberal, acceptable to the educated middle classes. He received
10 . 7 million of the 14 million votes cast. 96
Bani- Sadr was born in Hamadan in 1933 and came from a clerical
family like many other secular politicians, intellectuals and writers of
his generation. As a young man he had persuaded his father to let him
study at Tehran University rather than the Faiziyeh seminary in Qom,
and had studied law as well as theology. But he always kept a strongly
Islamic cast to his politics, even when he went to Paris to study in the
1960 s. He was inspired by Khomeini’s outspoken opposition to the
Shah in 1963 – 4 and by the radical politics in Europe of the later 1960 s,
and became a devoted opponent of the Shah. He also opposed the growing
American infl uence in Iran and the dominance of the US and Western
capitalism in the world and was an enthusiast for popular politics and
political freedom (some have suggested that his ideas came close to
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Revolutionary Iran
anarchism in their enthusiasm for individual liberty and their opposition
to most forms of authority). In the 1970 s he met Khomeini in Iraq,
and the two developed a close relationship, almost like father and son.
Bani- Sadr was associated early on with Mossadeq and the National
Front, and later with the Freedom Movement, but was independentminded
and not a little vain, regarding himself as a thinker and a force
in politics in his own right. He wrote extensively, notably a book on
Islamic economics, and developed his own theory of Islamic government
in which, somewhat different to that of Khomeini (but more like
that of Mohammad Baqr al- Sadr, the dominant marja in Najaf), there
was a much greater emphasis on popular sovereignty and the individual
Muslim’s right to interpret holy texts for himself, and to voice his own
opinion within the Islamic polity. 97 He was close again to Khomeini in
Paris in 1978 , accompanied him to Tehran in February 1979 and became
fi nance minister in Bazargan’s Provisional Government. After Bazargan’s
fall he was briefl y acting foreign minister under the authority of
the CIR before being elected president at the end of January. Bani- Sadr’s
Islamic liberal ideological background was similar to that of Bazargan.
But he was more individualistic, more self- assertive, more of a natural
political populist; and at least initially, he enjoyed a better relationship
with Khomeini.
Bani- Sadr came to the presidency with a confi dence in the mandate the
people had given him in the election, and a strong belief in himself. He
believed that the vote for him showed that popular feeling was swinging
against the IRP , which (given among other things the confused nature of
the election and the IRP ’s clumsy handling of it) was probably wrong. But
the beginning of his period of offi ce looked like another chance for the
moderates and liberals, for those who had hoped and believed that Khomeini
and the clerics would pull back from a forward role in politics and
leave the scene to secular politicians. It may be that Khomeini intended
this too, at least with half his mind, but when confl icts arose he felt compelled
to take greater control for himself and his supporters rather than
risk a reverse. At any rate, this was for him, Beheshti and their followers
a phase for consolidation after their success over the constitution.
Bani- Sadr frequently referred to himself as Iran’s fi rst freely elected president,
and this refl ected genuine enthusiasm about his election in
the country, from many sectors of opinion. He wanted as a priority to
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
rebuild the institutions of the state, disorientated by months of purges and
intimidation, and to bring the new institutions aligned with the IRP under
state control – including the student hostage- takers, who had become an
institution in their own right. He and his supporters were further encouraged
when Khomeini gave him the chairmanship of the CIR ( 7 February)
and delegated to him his powers as commander- in- chief of the armed
forces, including the Sepah ( 19 February). He was also given control of the
broadcasting services. Khomeini’s son Ahmad acted as a go- between, helping
Bani- Sadr to keep Khomeini’s trust, and Khomeini gave a New Year
message on 20 March that echoed many of Bani- Sadr’s ideas, including the
aim of bringing the revolutionary courts back within the structure of the
judicial system, the rebuilding of the armed forces, and a general call for a
return to normality and order in state and society. But Khomeini also made
Beheshti head of the judiciary, which meant that the most able IRP fi gure
was in position to resist any attempt to slacken the grip he, Khomeini and
his followers wanted shari‘a law to have over the country. 98 And of course,
the prime example of revolutionary disorder, the hostage crisis, continued.
Before he was elected president, Bani- Sadr had reacted to the occupation
of the US embassy with disapproval. As president, he had to moderate
his opposition to the students and their action, but he worked to resolve
the crisis and get the hostages returned to the US . On the US side, there
was frustration that the Carter administration could not fi nd an authoritative
interlocutor with whom to negotiate. Iranian demands that the
Shah be returned to Iran, that his wealth be returned too and that the US
should apologize for past crimes against the Iranian people were impossible
to contemplate. US offi cials might feel they were making progress,
only for their talks to be undercut by a new declaration from Khomeini.
Toward the end of February Bani- Sadr and his foreign minister, Qotbzadeh,
thought they had achieved the outlines of a deal through the
mediation of Olof Palme, nominated for the purpose by the UN . The deal
included a UN commission to visit Tehran to examine Iranian grievances
against the US . But just before the UN commission arrived, on 23 February
Khomeini made a statement announcing that a decision on the
hostages would have to be made by the new parliament, which would not
be elected until May, and the deal unravelled.
By March, Bani- Sadr was attempting to address the crisis indirectly
by trying to get the Shah extradited from Panama (the Shah had moved
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Revolutionary Iran
there from the US in December – he moved on to Egypt on 23 March
when he caught wind of the extradition attempt). In the Carter administration,
the view was that negotiation had failed and other methods
must now be attempted. On 25 March Carter sent Bani- Sadr a message
in which he said that unless the hostages were transferred to the control
of the Iranian government (as a necessary preliminary to their
release) by 31 March, the US government would take ‘additional nonbelligerent
measures’, 99 which were generally taken to mean additional
sanctions (the US had already, on 14 November, frozen 11 billion
dollars of Iranian assets in the US and had banned the import of
Iranian oil). 100
Operation Eagle Claw
On the evening of 24 April, eight US Navy Sea Stallion helicopters
took off from the USS Nimitz as it cruised in the Arabian Sea off the southern
coast of Iranian Baluchestan. They fl ew northwards and westwards
over the Iranian coast, at low level to avoid radar detection. Six C-
130 Hercules transports fl ew the same route, but originating further
south, from an air base on the island of Masirah, off the coast of Oman.
They were fl ying toward a point in the Iranian desert between Yazd and
the small town of Tabas, which was to be the base (‘Desert One’) in Iran
for an attempt by US special forces to rescue the hostages. The operation
was codenamed Eagle Claw. Preparations for it, on a contingency basis,
had begun the previous November.
Unfortunately for the mission, the helicopters fl ew into two dust
storms, which disorientated the pilots, seriously delayed their progress
and may have contributed to mechanical faults in the aircraft. One helicopter
(before encountering the dust) was forced to land with a suspected
crack to a rotor blade; its crew were picked up by one of the other helicopters.
Another turned back to the Nimitz when its instruments began
to malfunction in the dust storm (allegedly, according to one version, 101
caused by overheating after someone had dumped a fl ak jacket and a
duffel bag over a cooling vent). The remainder arrived safely at Desert
One a little later than the C- 130 s, only to discover that the hydraulic
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
system on another of the helicopters had developed an irreparable fault.
It had been decided in the planning of the operation that a minimum of
six helicopters were needed if the rescue was to have a chance of success.
Because there were now only fi ve left, the commander on the spot asked
permission to abort the operation, and this was granted from Washington,
after some hesitation (it has been suggested since that the commander
could have improvised and carried out a slimmed- down version of the
rescue plan).
But there was worse to come. As the aircraft manoeuvred in the dust
and darkness to organize refuelling for their return fl ight, one of the helicopters
crashed on to the top of one of the C- 130 transports, and both
aircraft began to burn. The thirty- nine soldiers inside the C- 130 rushed to
a rear door to escape, scrambling over the enormous fuel ‘bladder’ inside
the fuselage. They bunched up at the door as men ahead of them jumped
out, but kept their discipline and left smoothly and quickly, following the
drill for parachute jumps they had learned in training (one of them, who
had been asleep, thought in the confusion that it was a mid- air jump, and
hit the dirt in full spread- eagle free- fall position after a descent of about
six feet). In the heat of the fi res ammunition started to explode. Some of
the last men were badly burned as they made their way through the aircraft.
Most of them got out before the bladder blew up, throwing a fi nal
man out of the door with great force and tossing a great column of fl ame
up into the night sky. But fi ve air force crew members who did not make
it to the rear door died in the C- 130 , and three crew in the helicopter (the
pilot and co- pilot of the helicopter crew managed to escape). 102 The
remainder of the force, abandoning the other helicopters (which had been
damaged by fl ying fragments in the fi res and explosions), were able to fl y
safely back to Masirah. In obeying orders to leave as quickly as possible,
the helicopter crews abandoned classifi ed documents in the helicopters,
including detailed plans of the rescue mission itself.
The fi rst that the Iranian leadership knew of the failed mission came
when they were told that it had been announced on American TV . In his
role as the regime’s afi cionado of the macabre, Sadegh Khalkhali visited
the crash site in the desert and brought the bodies back to Tehran. He
gave a press conference in the occupied embassy and took a severed
hand and a wristwatch out of one of the body bags for the cameras
(there were nine bodies because an Iranian had also died at Desert
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Revolutionary Iran
One – the driver of a fuel tanker lorry that turned up unexpectedly at
the site. The US special forces had blown up the lorry to prevent it
escaping, and the driver had died in the explosion).
The failure of Operation Eagle Claw was a disaster in a series of ways.
In the immediate aftermath, most of the hostages were moved out of
Tehran to dispersed locations, making any repeat attempt at a rescue
effectively impossible. In Iranian politics, it appeared to confi rm the assertions
of the radicals – that the revolution was at risk from US interference
and that the Americans were incorrigibly disposed to interfere in Iran’s
internal affairs, using covert methods and military force if necessary. The
corollary was that it weakened yet further the position of the liberals and
moderates and intensifi ed fears about foreign agents at work within the
country. It was used to legitimate new rounds of purges and arrests; over
the following month there were a series of scares about invasion and
coups d’état from within the armed forces. 103
In the US , the debacle in the desert deepened the national humiliation
of the hostage crisis. It intensifi ed the bitter anger felt by Americans toward
the Islamic republic and, among the less refl ective, towards Iran and Iranians
in general. Carter himself believed that the failure of the hostage
rescue mission was a major contribution to his failure to secure re- election
for a presidential second term later in the year. 104 Memory of the hostage
crisis and the failed rescue has poisoned US – Iran relations ever since.
The rescue mission had been ambitious, to say the least of it. When the
decision to go ahead with it had been considered by President Carter and
the National Security Council on 22 March, the chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff, General David Jones, had noted as he briefed Carter that
the plan was ‘exceptionally complex’ and said he felt better about the
viability of its individual parts than about the plan in its entirety. When
the decision to go ahead was made on 11 April its most trenchant critic,
Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, was absent. It was decided because other
options appeared to have been exhausted. When Vance returned to Washington
a further meeting of the NSC was called to hear his objections, but
no one supported him. 105
The journey to Desert One should have been the easy part, in relative
terms. Getting from there to Tehran, getting to the embassy, killing
or disabling the student guards, fi nding, securing and removing
the hostages, then extracting them and all the military personnel
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
involved – all would have been tough tasks. Each stage, each task, had
to be completed successfully for the next to be possible. But for the
success of Israeli special forces in the rescue of hijacked passengers at
Entebbe four years earlier, Eagle Claw would probably not have been
attempted. Subsequent investigation by the Holloway Commission identifi
ed some of the fl aws in the planning and conduct of the operation.
These included an excessive emphasis on operational security which, for
example, had prevented pilots and crew from seeing the operations plan,
and especially the weather annex; it had also imposed strict radio silence,
which prevented aircraft crews from alerting each other to dangers and
problems as they arose. Given the remoteness of the regions over which
they were fl ying, complete radio silence was perhaps unnecessary. The
Commission also drew attention to the failure adequately to allow for or
to assess weather conditions, to command and control problems, and
the failure to remove classifi ed material before evacuation from Desert
One. After the failed mission, a Counter- Terrorism Joint Task Force was
set up – a tacit recognition that rivalry between the services had contributed
to the failure. Before Eagle Claw, each service had insisted that it
should participate, with the result that the mission had used Navy helicopters,
Marine helicopter pilots, Air Force C- 130 aircraft and pilots,
and troops from the Army’s newly established Delta Force. 106
Cultural Revolution and a Revolutionary Majles
The incursion of US special forces on Iranian territory added to the
growing atmosphere of tension in Tehran. Another contributory factor
to the tension, though relatively minor at fi rst, was a deterioration of
relations with Iraq, where Saddam Hussein had deposed Ahmad Hasan
al- Bakr and made himself president in July 1979 . Among other loose
talk from the revolutionaries about exporting revolution, some Iranians
had been saying that the new regime would no longer respect the
Algiers Accords of 1975 . Iran was believed to be backing various
Shi‘a opposition movements in the region, including in Iraq. In Iraq the
main vehicle for the Shi‘a opposition was the Da‘wa Party. Whether the
Iraqi government really felt threatened by such developments or used
them as an excuse, in early 1980 they arrested one of the two most
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Revolutionary Iran
prominent Shi‘a clerics in Iraq, Ayatollah Mohammad Baqr al- Sadr (he
had been arrested several times before). In response, in April there were a
series of bomb attacks against government targets in Iraq and assassination
attempts against two senior offi cials – including Tariq Aziz, who
was later to become Saddam Hussein’s foreign minister and right- hand
man. The Iraqi regime responded by murdering Mohammad Baqr al-
Sadr and his sister in prison. 107 Saddam Hussein also expelled a large
number of Iranians who had been living in Iraq (including some with
merely remote Iranian forebears or Iranian- sounding names).
Mohammad Baqr al- Sadr had been an important fi gure not just in
Iraq, but among Shi‘a Muslims generally. He had been in regular contact
with Khomeini and those around him, and Khomeini had been making
statements for the Shi‘a Muslims of Iraq in his support. We have already
considered his likely infl uence on the Iranian Constitution. Baqr al- Sadr’s
ideas were at variance with those of Khomeini in important ways. In particular,
he laid greater emphasis on popular sovereignty. Khomeini
announced Baqr al- Sadr’s death to Iranians in mid- April, prompting a
wave of outrage. There were, inevitably, comparisons drawn with the
martyrdom of Hosein at the hands of Yazid. Tension between Iran and
Iraq intensifi ed further.
Since February 1979 , as before that date, the universities had been a
focus for intense political and ideological debate. On his return, Khomeini
had praised the students for their activism against the Shah. In the
initial phase thereafter, the IRP was strong in the universities and came
out well in the lead in student elections. But by the early part of 1980 leftist
groups and parties, including the MKO , had supplanted the IRP in
such elections. The IRP appeared to be losing ground: the leadership
responded in April 1980 by closing the universities. Khomeini explained
later: ‘Universities were bastions of communists, and they were war
rooms for communists.’ Bani- Sadr, hoping to woo opinion in the IRP
and like them, seeing a chance to do down the leftists, supported the
closure. But predictably enough, his middle- class, liberal supporters
took a dim view of the closure of the universities, whatever the rationale
– the policy (along with other initiatives that came at the same time)
was given the unhappy epithet Cultural Revolution ( enqelab- e farhangi ).
Like other decisions Bani-Sadr made, it proved too clever by half, and
self- destructive. 108
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
To put in place the last blocks in the arch of government, elections for
the Majles were held in two stages in March and May 1980 . Candidates
who won an absolute majority succeeded in the fi rst round; the remainder
went to the second round, in which the candidate with the highest number
of votes was successful. But this procedure was criticized (by Bani- Sadr
among others) for favouring the IRP and tending to exclude candidates
from smaller parties, and there were other accusations of rigging, intimidation
and manipulation. Turnout was again relatively low, comparable
to that for the Assembly of Experts the previous year, at 10 . 8 million. The
result yielded a strongly pro- IRP Majles, with 130 IRP and IRP – affi liated
members out of 241 , 40 liberals and the remainder independents, many
of whom in practice followed the IRP lead. No MKO candidates were
elected. Elections were not held in many parts of Kurdestan because of
the continuing insurgency, and those Kurds who were elected did not take
up their seats. Some elected members were rejected by a credentials committee,
which was used by the IRP to exclude members they didn’t
approve of (one, Admiral Madani, who had previously run as a presidential
candidate against Bani- Sadr, had been accused of anti- revolutionary
activities in the press and left the country rather than face the committee).
Karim Sanjabi, the leader of the National Front, was rejected in this way.
Rafsanjani was elected speaker of the new Majles; a position he used
cleverly over the coming years to build a powerful position for himself
within the new system. 109
Ahead of the second round of elections, Bani- Sadr had struggled to be
allowed to elect his own choice of prime minister. He cast around desperately
for people who might be approved by Khomeini – at one stage he
even suggested Khomeini’s own son, Ahmad. But like the Americans, he
was told to wait until the new Majles convened. After it did, Bani- Sadr
chose a member of the IRP central committee; but having approved the
man as a possibility, the IRP then rejected him, and put forward
Mohammad- Ali Rajai instead.
Rajai was born in Qazvin in 1933 ; his father died when he was only
four years old. He had known Ayatollah Taleqani and was a close associate
of Mohammad Javad Bahonar and of Beheshti. He was a small
man, modest like many pious Iranians, with a quiet smile; a contrast to
the fl amboyant Bani- Sadr. He was a former schoolteacher, from a poor
family background; had been a member of the movement against the
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Revolutionary Iran
Shah and had been imprisoned before the revolution. He had little
reputation as an independent fi gure, but was trusted by the IRP
leadership for his loyalty. One could take him as typical of the new
class of politicians and administrators brought forward by the revolution;
people who, with few family connections and little wealth, would
never have had much chance to advance themselves under the Pahlavi
regime.
As Some Rise, Others Fall
For Rajai and many others like him, from humble backgrounds, who had
inserted themselves into the new institutions, the revolution had opened up
new opportunities. But for others, it had closed them down, and had turned
their previous achievements to nothing. Parviz Natel Khanlari was born in
1914 , the son of a government offi cial in Mazanderan. He studied Persian
literature at Tehran University, and taught in schools in Gilan after graduation,
before taking his doctorate (entitled ‘Critical Research into the
Development of the Use of Rhyme and Metre in the Persian Ghazal’) and
doing his military service. He then started teaching at Tehran University. In
the 1930 s he published poems and prose works, as well as academic studies
in the fi elds of literature and linguistics, and was associated with the innovatory
Rab‘eh circle of writers (named after the Arabic word for four)
founded by Sadegh Hedayat. Khanlari was the editor of the important literary
journal Sokhan from the 1940 s until 1979 . During the reign of
Mohammad Reza Shah he was governor of Azerbaijan for a time, as well
as keeping his professorship at the University of Tehran. He was later minister
for education and the head of a variety of educational and cultural
institutions – most notably the Iranian Cultural Foundation. His most lasting
achievement was perhaps his work on the collected poems ( Divan ) of
Hafez, which culminated in what is still the defi nitive scholarly edition of
Hafez.
After the revolution Sokhan ceased publication, the Iranian Cultural
Foundation was closed, its functions merged with other bodies, and
Khanlari was imprisoned for a time by revolutionary courts as a functionary
of the previous regime. His house was confi scated, and when he
was released he was poor and ill. He died in September 1990 . 110 For
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
every Rajai who rose, there was a Khanlari who fell; executed, exiled,
imprisoned or left in limbo to waste away.
After two months of impasse over Rajai’s appointment, Khomeini
intervened, and Bani- Sadr accepted Rajai as prime minister in August.
The two men then disagreed over the appointment of ministers to the
cabinet: most of Rajai’s suggestions were again associates of Beheshti and
Bahonar – most of them young, idealistic university graduates (Mir
Hosein Musavi was one of them). The arguments rolled on for months:
Bani- Sadr accepted fourteen of Rajai’s ministers in September, a few more
in December and another in March 1981 ; but some of the posts were not
fi lled at all before Bani- Sadr fell from offi ce. The dispute set a timewasting
precedent that has become a dismal tradition in Iranian politics.
By insisting on his authority in the matter, Bani- Sadr helped to discredit
his presidency. 111
Over the fi rst half of 1980 Bani- Sadr’s attempts to curb the revolutionary
courts and to bring them (and the komiteh ) within the state- controlled
justice system faltered and failed. Despite criticism of the abuses and
injustices of the courts by important fi gures like Ayatollah Ali Qoddusi,
and some apparently helpful support from Beheshti and Montazeri, they
were able to resist assimilation and avoid abolition. Khomeini himself
declared that the revolutionary courts should continue until the justice
system as a whole was made compatible with the shari‘a, and Beheshti set
about a reform of the legal codes to bring this about. In some regions,
revolutionary courts actually targeted offi cials of the state justice system.
There were many allegations of corruption, especially over the confi scation
of property. The Bonyad- e Mostazafan was a prime benefi ciary of
property confi scations. 112 In fact, in important respects, the duality in Iranian
law has never been removed. Individual clerical judges, or even
clerics outside the justice system altogether, may still make judgements
that disregard the provisions of the legal code, but which nonetheless
carry the force of law.
Another feature of the so- called Cultural Revolution was a ferocious
anti- narcotics campaign, which Bani- Sadr also supported. He appointed
Khalkhali to pursue it; given the reputation Khalkhali had already
acquired, this was a sign of earnest intent. Hundreds of executions followed,
and because of the devolved and disorganized arrangement of
the revolutionary courts, it proved diffi cult to stop or abate them once
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Revolutionary Iran
the campaign had begun. The ease with which death sentences were
passed habituated the courts to a mode of conduct in which other crimes
or sins were punished similarly harshly, which again fed on the prevailing
fevered atmosphere of exaggerated rhetoric and heightened emotions.
Men and women were executed for sexual offences, political dissent and
perceived anti- revolutionary activities. At least 580 people were executed
between February 1980 and January 1981 – the most intense period
being between May and September. As unease grew among the leadership
over the scale of the killings, Khalkhali was forced to resign by
Beheshti and Bani- Sadr in December; but as with Al Capone, the offi cial
reason given was fi nancial irregularities rather than his homicidal
activities. 113
Plot, Purge and Conflict
The mood of crisis and paranoia came to a climax in high summer. A
revolutionary tribunal had been set up under Hojjatoleslam Mohammad
Reyshahri (who later became minister of intelligence) to try cases
of old- regime allegiance and anti- revolutionary activity in the military.
In June Reyshahri announced a coup attempt that had been organized
around the Piranshahr base in West Azerbaijan, predominantly a Kurdish
area. The plot, such as it was, seems to have been primarily related to
the continuing Kurdish revolt. But Reyshahri did his best to infl ate its
signifi cance. It was probably not directly related to a much more serious
attempt that came to light in July. This involved several hundred military
personnel, including air force, army and former Imperial Guard and
SAVAK offi cers; acting in concert with Shapur Bakhtiar, who by this
time was in Baghdad. Their plan included a devastating strike on Khomeini’s
residence at Jamaran in north Tehran by F- 4 Phantom aircraft
with anti- personnel bombs, to be carried out by aircraft from Nozheh
air force base near Hamadan (this base was chosen because aircraft at
other bases had been disarmed deliberately to prevent them taking part
in a coup attempt). The aim of the coup was to kill Khomeini and arrest
the other revolutionary leaders, put Bakhtiar back in power on a provisional
basis and conduct a new, free referendum to select the form of
government.
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Like the Person He Ought to Be: Islamic Republic, 1979– 80
Recent investigation 114 has shown that the Nozheh coup plot was
serious, that it was backed by Iraq and Iraqi money, and that Iraqi plans
to invade Iran, which may have been ready as early as October 1979 ,
were probably delayed to give the coup a chance. But the plot was prevented
by a series of arrests outside the airbase just as it was about to
take effect on the night of 9 / 10 July. Altogether 300 or more military
personnel were arrested and put on trial, including two air force generals,
Brigadier General Ayat Mohagheghi 115 and Brigadier General Saied
Mehdiyoun. It is not clear by what means the revolutionary government
were warned of the coup, but so many people were involved that it is not
surprising that there were leaks. One version suggests that Israeli intelligence
found out details of the plan earlier in the day on 9 July, and the
Israeli government passed these on to the Iranian regime, making the
arrests possible at the last minute. This might seem implausible, although
it would fi t with other Israeli behaviour at this time – Israeli leaders saw
Iraq as a greater threat to their interests than Iran, and despite the revolutionary
government’s anti- Zionist rhetoric, were hoping to rebuild
good relations with the Iranians. But for the tip- off to have been made
in this way, the information would have had to have passed from an
informant to the Israeli government, to the Iranian regime and onward
to the Sepah in Hamadan, all within three hours, which seems too short
a time. 116
Rafsanjani, as speaker of the Majles, blamed the National Front for
involvement in the plot (building on the connection with Bakhtiar).
Hezbollahis duly sacked their offi ces and closed down their newspaper,
effectively putting an end to the Front, the creation of Mossadeq, as an
active political organization. Unlike some of the scares that had been
put about since April, the July plot was genuine, with broad ramifi cations
across the armed forces, but the response to it was nonetheless
extreme, and damaging: 144 participants were executed, and investigations
and purges in the armed forces went on for weeks. Just over a
week later, Bakhtiar narrowly escaped an assassination attempt in
Paris. 117 It has been estimated that the purges, in one form or another,
affected as many as 4 , 500 military personnel, mainly air force, mainly
offi cers. The effect within the armed forces was highly disruptive and
demoralizing, at what turned out to be a crucial juncture. Bani- Sadr
called for moderation and presented himself as a protector of the military;
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Revolutionary Iran
but the IRP and the leftists pressed for more sweeping purges and began
to associate Bani- Sadr with the doubtful loyalty of the military to the
revolution.
Later the same month, on 27 July, the former Shah fi nally died, in
Egypt. Just under two months after that, on 22 September, Iraq in –
vaded Iran.
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What further information would you like to know? How does the process of searching for the evidence inform your practice?

Assignment guidelines – Introduction to Evidence based practice

A 3,000-word written assignment

Select a research question relating to your field of nursing from the list on Moodle. Conduct a literature search using the skills developed during the module. Explain and reflect on the literature searching process and include a table of the search terms used. Choose 5-6 articles related to the question from the search and describe them, comment on why you chose them, their findings and their relevance to your nursing practice.

100% Weighting

40% Pass Mark

Introduction (approx. 300-400 words)

Introduce the assignment and outline clearly what you aim to do.

Tell the reader what will be included in the assignment and in what order.

Introduce, define and discuss the importance of evidence based practice in relation to your field of nursing including the use and definition of evidence based practice models

Search (approx. 800 words)

Introduce your search terms.

Outline how you performed your literature search i.e what databases you used, inclusion and exclusion criteria, any other filters used and provide rationale for these decisions with references.

Outline how you identified your key articles. Include enough detail so that your search could be conducted by the person reading it.  Include a copy of your search in the appendices

Discussion (approx. 1000 -1200 words)

Give an overview of the key articles in detail, using the following questions;

What were the studies about?

How were they conducted?

What did they find?

Remember to use research terminology e.g. quantitative, qualitative and provide definitions to explain these terms.

Conclusions (approx. 200-300 words)

This should summarise how you conducted the literature search and the results that you found as well as the key points from your articles.

Revisit the original research question to ensure this has been answered.

Implications for practice (approx. 200-300 words)

Outline the implications for your practice as a nurse. What has the evidence added to your knowledge base? What further information would you like to know? How does the process of searching for the evidence inform your practice? Were there gaps in the evidence?

References

Reference the assignment throughout using the LSBU-HARVARD system, including a reference list.

Appendices

Add this table here, label it and refer to it in the text

Database Searched

 

Date Searched Search Strategy Used

(Keywords, phrases, subject terms)

Limits

(Date range, language)

No. Results Notes

Search strategy saved (name)?

Authors for future searches?

           
           
           
           

 

General tips:

 

  • Succinct writing: keeping within the word limit (3000 words +/- 10%)
  • Good, clear presentation with correct grammar and spelling
  • Use supporting references for the points that you make.
  • All work must use font size 12 with double spacing
  • Avoid using the first person